Historia Ecclesie Abbendonensis: The History of the Church of Abingdon 9780198207429 [PDF]

OXFORD

MEDIEVAL

TEXTS

General Editors JeiWM.

HISTORIA THE

BINNS?

W-

J. BLAIR

LAPIDGE

REUTER

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

THB'HESTORY OF CHURCH OF ABINGDON

HISTORIA ECCLESIE ABBENDONENSIS THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF ABINGDON Volume II

EDITED

AND

TRANSLATED

JOHN HUDSON

CLARENDON

PRESS

- OXFORD

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PREP AGE

SINCE soon after Joseph Stevenson published his two volumes entitled Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon in 1858, there have been calls for an improved edition. Unfortunately, the ideal editor, Sir Frank Stenton, did not respond to the encouragement he received. So Stevenson’s work survived the entirety of the twentieth century. The present is the first of two volumes intended to replace Stevenson’s Rolls Series edition. I have chosen to publish the post-1071 volume first, so that my work on the pre-Conquest period might benefit from Susan Kelly’s edition of the Abingdon Anglo-Saxon Charters, published by the British Academy in 2000-1. Since my discussion of matters such as editorial principles will appear in my Vol. i, the present Preface will give a brief list of subjects to be dealt with in that introduction, and then provide a short summary of some issues concerning the edition and translation. The introduction to Vol. i will deal with the following issues relating to the whole period covered by the two volumes: title and authorship, the process of composition; purposes of the text; style; manuscripts, orthography and rubrication; marginalia; editorial principles; illustrations. It will also deal with the following areas primarily in relation to Vol. i: sources; structure; omissions; charters; endowment; personnel; buildings and monastic life.

Here it will be useful to summarize a few of my editorial principles: (i) My text is based on the earlier manuscript, London, British Library, Cotton Claud. C. ix (henceforth referred to as MS C). 'This probably dates from the 1160s; see below, p. xvii. Appendices I and II print the additions in the later manuscript, London, British Library, Cotton Claud. B. VI (henceforth referred to as MS B). This probably dates from the second quarter or perhaps the middle of the thirteenth century; see below, p. xxxvii. MS B's variant readings for the main text are noted in the apparatus criticus. I do not include a continuation in a different hand in MS C, which covers some of the same period as the continuation in MS B. This is

PREFACE

for two reasons: the first is that my aim is to produce an edition concentrating on the work in the main hand of the earliest manuscript, the second that the continuation is available in Stevenson's edition, CMA ii. 297-9, and with translation in English Lawsuits,

no. 570. I have examined other copies of documents which appear in the text, and footnote any substantial differences. However, only when the document survives as an original do I note all variants in the apparatus criticus.

(ii) In minor matters of orthography, for example the use of ‘c’ or ‘t’, *. . . umque’ and *. . . unque’, and the spelling of words such as ‘litteras’, I have standardized usage according to the preferred practice of MS C, even though this manuscript was not always consistent. I have not noted MS B's variants in such matters. In the appendices based solely on MS B, I have followed that manuscripts customary practices, rather than standardizing according to the preferred practice of MS C. (iii) I have standardized the spellings of personal names according to MS C's preferred forms, and have not footnoted minor variants (for example ‘Rotbertus’ for ‘Robertus’, ‘Wuillelmus’ for ‘Willelmus’) in either MS C or MS B. This is because each manuscript seems to vary internally in usage, and these variations are not significant. Likewise, where MS B's practice differs from MS C’s (e.g. ‘Walchelinus’ for *Walkelinus', ‘Matilda’ for ‘Mathilda’), the variations are minor. Significant variants have been noted. Translating Old English names presents different problems, as we have later twelfth-century Latin versions of names from the preceding hundred years. In order to ensure consistency with Vol. i, I have normally used the standard Old English form (e.g. ‘Alfwius’ becomes /Elfwig). Sometimes, however, the Latin would allow more than one Old English form, in which case the possibilities are given in footnotes. Where the Latin text gives a name beginning 'Egel-" or ‘Egil-’, suggesting the twelfth-century vernacular, I retain that form in the translation, whilst footnoting the Old English form beginning /Ethel-. (iv) I have reproduced place-names as they appear in the manuscripts, noting MS B's variants. There are considerable problems in expanding place-names, for example whether *Abbend" stands for ‘Abbendona’, ‘Abbendonia’, or ‘Abbendonensis’. I have sought a solution

PREFACE

vii

which neither obscures the sense of the narrative sections of the text by retaining numerous unextended place-names, nor renders the edition unhelpful to those interested in early place-name forms. If MS C gives an abbreviated form, which leaves the core of the placename clear but removes only the ending, I have adopted MS B's reading when the latter provides a complete word. Otherwise, I have followed MS C?s most common usage; for example ‘Abbendona’ is often, although not invariably, used of the abbey, ‘Abbendonia’ of the town. This can produce a spurious certainty when the decision is made on the basis of very few instances, for example ‘Salesberie’ and *Salesbirie'. In some instances, the text contains no examples of the name in full. Within documents, I have on occasion adopted the practice, common in charter editing, of not extending the abbreviation if it cannot be told what the correct version would be (e.g. “Oxen”, when it is unclear whether this means ‘Oxeneford’ or ‘Oxenefordscira’.) This is especially the case in addresses and place-dates. The ablative of adjectival forms of place-names regularly, although not universally, appears as ‘-e’, not ‘-i’. Both manuscripts often use abbreviated forms such as ‘Angl’’ in the royal title, leaving a problem as to how the abbreviation should be expanded. My common practice is to extend the abbreviation to *Anglorum', since MS C regularly uses this form, and it is also quite common in MS B until the collection of Henry I writs, and not unknown thereafter; see fos. 119", 120°, 121°, 126", 127^ 130', 132,

132 33) 91034151195. 411355. 1305 430 5:137... 13751395 4343/5 145, 149", 158". However, from the time of Henry I MS B quite frequently uses ‘Anglie’. I only give MS B's different reading when it is certain from the manuscript, not when it consists simply of the form ‘Angl’’. For MS B's additions I extend the abbreviated form to ‘Anglie’. Likewise with mention of Normans/Normandy etc. in Henry II’s title, my practice has been to expand them to peoples, as opposed to places, unless MS C gives the place word in full. In the appendices, I have followed the practice of MS B in its prevalent use of place-name forms. For reasons of style and consistency, I have chosen to translate the Latin uilla almost invariably as ‘village’, rather than using the archaic sounding ‘vill’ or the peculiar sounding—to modern British ears— ‘township’. This choice risks anachronism in making all wil/ae sound

viii

PREFACE

like nucleated settlements, but I hope the word village can be stretched to mean a rural settlement, area, or group of people. (v) Rubricated headings are represented here in italics. I have introduced chapter numbers, which may prove useful for references. I have simply numbered MS C's rubricated headings, only once introducing an extra chapter number, no. 252. In this instance, the scribe's recognition that a new section was starting is indicated by capitalization within the word ‘uenerabilis’. If MS B includes a heading where MS C does not, this is mentioned in the apparatus criticus. (vi) Both manuscripts are inconsistent in the use of figures or words for numbers, although MS C has a slight preference for words. I have therefore standardized usage as words for small numbers, except when referring to amounts of money. In the various administrative lists in the appendices, I follow the practices of those lists. (vii) The Latin of the History is filled with words such as ‘predictus’, ‘supradictus’, and so on, which at least to the modern ear give it a rather legalistic sound. 'This probably was how it sounded in the twelfth century, and I have retained a great many, although not all, of these words in the translation. I have omitted them when they might confuse the reader, or when they make the English sound more stilted than the Latin. See further Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Style’. (viii) The text at various points uses the historic present, but I do not reproduce this in the translation, since it would produce an inconsistent use of tenses, sometimes even within a single sentence (e.g. p. 22).

(ix) Paragraphing is consistent between text and translation. Where possible, sentences in the translation correspond with those in the Latin text, but not infrequently such strict correspondence would lead to a quite inappropriate translation, with an excessively Latinate succession of clauses. The potential problems are clear from the very first sentence of the first paragraph of the text. (x) I have not tried to make Appendix III, which consists entirely of administrative lists, consistent with the rest of the text, for example with regard to spelling. It seems better to treat the lists on their own terms. Given the nature of these lists, a translation is not necessary. (xi) I have attempted to provide notes on everyone named in the text, although in some cases this has proved impossible since I have found

PREFACE

nothing more about them. I have not, however, provided such notes for people who appear only as witnesses of royal or papal documents, since their appearance bears little or no relationship to the history of the abbey of Abingdon. In general, notes are only provided on the first appearance of a person, place, or subject; this first reference can be located through the index. (xii) I have exercised considerable caution in offering any precise dates for documents, but have cited the more precise dates offered in other editions of relevant texts. My caution reflects the ways in which my work on this edition has revealed the problems in some previous suggestions of dates; see Introduction, below, p. xxxii n. 98.

(xiii) I have provided cross-references to Vol. i by section of the Introduction (e.g. see Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Style’), or by chapter number. The chapter numbers take one of two forms: Bk. i, c. ooo, is a reference to the main text, based on MS C; Vol. i, c. Booo, is a reference to the appendix based on MS B. I started to think about editing the History of Abingdon Abbey when I was a D.Phil. student in the mid-1980s, and have since accumulated many debts. At OMT, I received great initial encouragement and continuing help from Barbara Harvey. I have been singularly fortunate that her successor, John Blair, brought to my aid an immense knowledge of the local history of the Abingdon region. He, and Michael Lapidge and Diana Greenway, also provided a wide range of editorial and other skills. At St Andrews, Rob Bartlett has read the entire typescript, has struggled with rebarbative Latin, and shared innumerable conversations about Norman and Angevin England. Other colleagues and friends at St Andrews have also provided help: Frances Andrews, Esther Pascua, Simone Macdougall, Julie Kerr, Donald Bullough, Clive Sneddon, and Peter King. Simon Keynes generously shared unpublished work on the manuscripts and provided me with a printout from microfilm. Susan Kelly was invaluable in lending her work on the Anglo-Saxon charters of Abingdon prior to publication. Tessa Webber aided me with her expertise on manuscripts, Roger Rees with his on Latin, Liesbeth van Houts with hers on historical writing, and David Crouch with his on the aristocracy. I received financial help from the Rubric translation awards, the British Academy Research leave scheme, and the Neil Ker fund. The

PREFACE

staff of the British Library have been immensely helpful. I am also grateful to the Berkshire Record Office and Christ's. Hospital, Abingdon. As work on the volume neared completion, many people made generous and swift responses to my cries for help. They include George Garnett, Richard Sharpe, David Bates, Clive Burgess, Ros Faith, Véronique Gazeau, Judith Everard, Derek Keene, Brian Kemp, Martin Brett, Ann Williams, Tony Hunt, Tim Allen, and Jim Holt. M. F. de Beaurepaire, J. le Maho, and Ch. Maneuvrier gave advice on Norman toponyms, members of the English Department at St Andrews on ‘Hildehubel’. Visits to London to see the manuscripts were made possible and pleasurable by my late friend Chris Vaughan and by Vanessa and Paul Brand, the last of whom also checked PRO references for me. My wife and small children put up with these pleasurable absences; this volume is dedicated to Ella, who loves the swings that now occupy part of the abbey site at Abingdon.

TOILET St Andrems Oct. 2001

CONTENTS

xii

LIST OF FIGURES ABBREVIATED

xiii

REFERENCES

INTRODUCTION

xvii

I. SOURCES xvii xvii i Sources for the composition of Book II XXi 2. Other sources relating to the abbey of Abingdon xxviii gy Omissions from the History’s account II. STRUCTURE Te 2.

MS C MS B: Variations and Continuations

IIl. PARTICIPANTS

IN THE

HISTORY

Abbots Monks of Abingdon Knights holding of Abingdon Kings BOR 5. Others IV. ESTATES, Te 2.

DISPUTES,

AND

LAW

Abingdon's estates Internal arrangements of estates and revenues Disputes and law

V. MONASTIC

LIFE AND

XXX XXX XXXVii

xl xl lvi lviii Ixv Ixviii

Ixxiv Ixxiv Ixxxiii Ixxxvii

BUILDINGS

SIGLA

TEXT AND TRANSLATION APPENDICES

I. Additions in MS B II. Continuation in MS B III. Administrative lists in MS INDEX

OF QUOTATIONS

GENERAL

INDEX

AND

ALLUSIONS

401

LIST

FIGURES

. Possible genealogy of Abbot Reginald’s relatives . The dispensers . Abingdon estates named in Domesday for 1086 . Abingdon acquisitions after 1086 . Plan of monastic buildings WwW ne

xliii Ixxiii Ixxvi Ixxviii cv

ABBREVIATED

Abingdon Cartularies

Acta of Henry II Anglo-Norman Dictionary

Anglo-Norman Families

Annales monastici

Bates, Regesta

REFERENCES

Two Cartularies of Abingdon Abbey, ed. C. F. Slade and G. Lambrick (2 vols., Oxford Hist. Soc., New Series xxxii, xxxiii, 1990-2) The Acta of Henry IT, ed. J. C. Holt, N. Vincent, et al. (forthcoming) Anglo-Norman Dictionary, ed. L. W. Stone, W. Rothwell, T. B. W. Reid (7 fascicules, London, 1977-92) L. C. Loyd, The Origins of Some Anglo-Norman Families, ed. C. T. Clay and D. C. Douglas (Harleian Soc., ciii, Leeds, 1951) Annales monastici, ed. H. R. Luard (s vols., London, 1864-9) Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum: the Acta of William I (1066-1087), ed. D. Bates (Oxford,

1998) Benedictine Kalendars

Biddle et a/., ‘Early history’

BIHR Boarstall Cartulary Brett, English Church

GIER Charters of Abingdon Abbey Chatsworth CMA Colne

English Benedictine Kalendars after A. D. 1100, ed. F. Wormald (2 vols., Henry Bradshaw Soc., Ixxvii, Ixxxi, 1939, 1946) M. Biddle, G. Lambrick, and J. N. L. Myres, ‘The early history of Abingdon, Berkshire, and its abbey’, Medieval Archaeology, xii (1968), 26-69 Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research The Boarstall Cartulary, ed. H. E. Salter and A. H. Cooke (Oxford Hist. Soc., Ixxxviii, 1930) M. Brett, The English Church under Henry I (Oxford, 1975) Christ's Hospital, Abingdon, deeds - Charters of Abingdon Abbey, ed. S. E. Kelly (2 vols., Oxford for the British Academy, 2000-1) Chatsworth cartulary, in Abingdon Cartularies, 11 Chronicon monasterit de Abingdon, ed. J. Stevenson (2 vols., London, 1858) Cartularium Prioratus de Colne, ed. J. L. Fisher (Essex Archaeol. Soc., Occasional Pubns., no. 1,

1946)

Complete Peerage

Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland,

XIV

ABBREVIATED

DMLBS

REFERENCES

Great Britain, and the United Kingdom, ed. G. E. C[okayne], rev. V. Gibbs, H. A. Doubleday, et al. (12 vols. in 13, London, 1910—59) Domesday Book seu Liber censualis Wilhelmi Primi Regis Angliae, ed. A. Farley and H. Ellis (4 vols., London, i-ii 1783, iiiv 1816) Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources, ed. R. E. Latham et a/. (London and Oxford,

1975- ) Douglas, ‘Early surveys’

EHD

EHR English Lawsuits

English. Register of Godstow

EPNS Eynsham Eyton Green, Government Green, Sheriffs

D. C. Douglas, ‘Some early surveys from the abbey of Abingdon’, EHR xliv (1929), 618-25 English Historical Documents, i., c. 500—1042, ed. D. Whitelock (2nd edn., London, 1979); ii., 1042-1189, ed. D. C. Douglas and G. W. Greenaway (2nd edn., London, 1981) English Historical Review English Lawsuits from William I to Richard I, ed. R. C. van Caenegem (2 vols., Selden Soc., cvi, CVii, 1990-1) The English Register of Godstow Nunnery near Oxford, ed. A. Clark (Early English Text Society, cxxix, cxxx, cxlii (1905-1911) English Place Names Society Eynsham Cartulary, ed. H. E. Salter (2 vols., Oxford Hist. Soc., xlix, li, 1908-9) R. W. Eyton, Court, Household and Itinerary of King Henry II (Dorchester, 1878) J. A. Green, The Government of England under Henry I (Cambridge, 1986) J. A. Green, English Sheriffs to 1154 (HMSO,

1990) Harvey, Living and Dying

Heads of Religious Houses

HKF Hudson, ‘Abbey of Abingdon’ Hudson, Land, Law, and

Lordship

B. Harvey, Living and Dying in England, 1100— 1540 (Oxford, 1993) The Heads of Religious Houses: England and Wales 940—1216, ed. D. Knowles, C. N. L. Brooke, and V. C. M. London (Cambridge, 1972) W. Farrer, Honors and Knights’ Fees (3 vols., London, 1923) J. G. H. Hudson, *The abbey of Abingdon, its Chronicle and the Norman Conquest’, AngloNorman Studies, xix (1999), 181—202 J. G. H. Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England (Oxford, 1994)

ABBREVIATED

REFERENCES

John of Worcester, Chronicle Keats-Rohan, Domesday People Lambrick, ‘Administration’

John of Worcester, Chronicle, ed. R. R. Darlington and P. McGurk (3 vols., OMT, 1995- ) K. S. B. Keats-Rohan, Domesday People (Woodbridge, 1999) G. Lambrick, ‘Abingdon Abbey administration’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, xvii (1966),

Lyell NMT OMT Orderic, Ecclesiastical History

Lyell cartulary, in Abingdon Cartularies, ii Nelson’s Medieval Texts Oxford Medieval Texts The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitahs, ed. M. Chibnall (6 vols., OMT, 1969-80) Cartulary of Oseney Abbey, ed. H. E. Salter (6 vols., Oxford Hist. Soc., Ixxxix-xci, xcvii-xcviii, ci, 1929-36) Facsimiles of Early Charters in Oxford Muniment Rooms, ed. H. E. Salter (Oxford, 1929) Patrologia Latina Sir Frederick Pollock and F. W. Maitland, 77e History of English Law before the Time of Edward I (2nd edn., reissued with a new introduction and select bibliography by S. F. C. Milsom, Cambridge, 1968) Pipe Roll Public Record Office Reading Abbey Cartularies, ed. B. R. Kemp (2 vols., Camden Soc. 4th Ser. xxxi, xxxiii, 1986—7) Liber Rubeus de Scaccario, ed. H. Hall (3 vols., London, 1896) Royal Writs in England from the Conquest to Glanvill, ed. R. C. van Caenegem (Selden Soc., Ixxvii, 1958—9) Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum, 1066—1154, ed. H. W. C. Davis et al. (4 vols., Oxford, 1913—

159-83

Oseney

Oxford Charters PL Pollock and Maitland

PR PRO Reading

Red Book

Royal Writs, ed. van Caenegem

RRAN

69) Salter, ‘Chronicle roll’ Salter, Medieval Oxford Saltman, Theobald Sanders, Baronies

H. E. Salter, *A chronicle roll of the abbots of Abingdon', EHR xxvi (1911), 727-38 H. E. Salter, Medieval Oxford (Oxford Hist. Soc., 1936) A. Saltman, Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury (London, 1956) I. J. Sanders, English Baronies: a Study of their Origin and Descent (Oxford, 1960)

xvi

Sawyer Testa de Nevill

TRE VCH

ABBREVIATED

REFERENCES

P. H. Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters: an Annotated List and Bibliography (London, 1968) Liber Feudorum: The Book of Fees commonly called Testa de Nevill (1198-1293) (3 vols., London, 1920-31) Tempore regis Edwardi (in the time of King Edward) Victoria County History

INTRODUCTION

THE first surviving version of the History of the Church of Abingdon comes to an end before the death of Abbot Walkelin in 1164.! It was, therefore, most likely completed in the early’1160s, and exists in a manuscript probably written in that decade.? Its main concern, as the text immediately states, is the lands of the church, but the abbots themselves, the church buildings, and its treasures also feature prominently. The present introduction is primarily concerned with the treatment of these matters in the History, and does not give a complete account of the development of the monastery and its estates; such is a task for a separate book. However, I do draw on other sources to supplement, reinforce, or modify the picture provided by the History.

SOURCES

1. Sources for the composition of Book II The composer of the History used both written and oral sources. An obvious characteristic of the History is its presentation of a large ! [ take the title from the opening of Book II in MS C, below, p. 2; for discussion of the title, manuscripts, composition, and style of the work, see Vol. i., Introduction. Some historians have dated to after 1164 writs which are included in the first manuscript (see e.g. Royal Writs, ed. van Caenegem, no. 98, dating the writ printed below, p. 306, to 1166), but for no compelling reason; it may well be that assumptions about dates of witnesses' appearances, notably John of Oxford, must be modified. That the History does not mention an 1162 dispute concerning King's Mead (below p. 97 n. 236) is probably not a sufficiently significant omission on which to base an argument for completion of the work by 1162, given the sketchy nature of the last years of the History . 2 The first manuscript may even be precisely dateable to between early 1166 and 14 June 1170. The scribe wrote a version of the 1166 Abingdon Carta concerning knight service; see below, p. 389. In that text and elsewhere he refers to Henry II as *Henricus iunior, which would be inappropriate after the coronation of Henry the young king on 14 June 1170; for that date, see A. Heslin, ‘The coronation of the Young King in 1170, Studies in Church History, ài (1965), 165—78, at p. 165 n. 1. In contrast, the continuations of the History in both manuscripts refer to Henry II as *Henricus secundus'. The terminus ante quem for MS C therefore seems secure. As for the terminus post quem, it is of course possible that the scribe had completed work on the History before 1166, only writing up the Carta concerning knight service after 1166. See also Hudson, ‘Abbey of Abingdon’, p. 184, for comments on the dating of the same scribe’s version of the Chronicle of John of

Worcester.

xviil

INTRODUCTION

number of documents. It seems likely that some or all of the documents were stored in a chest (scrinium) or chests, and either these or further documents were stored in the church's treasury, probably associated with the sacristy.! Such arrangements resemble those at other monasteries,? and would also fit a possible connection between the History’s composer and the sacristy. That some of the documents transcribed were originals is certain. The sealing of a charter of Richard earl of Chester with his mother's seal is not mentioned in the document but only in the accompanying narrative: the writer had seen the original document with its seal.’ Almost all the post-Conquest documents are readily acceptable as authentic. A possible exception may be a charter of Henry I. In its heading it is described as concerning Boymill, but it actually also confirms certain other acquisitions. This could simply be a rather awkwardly drafted document, but may have been interpolated.? Other documents may have been abbreviated, either by an earlier copyist or by the composer of the History. For example, writs of William II and Henry II end rather abruptly without witnesses." Various of the documents are described as cirographs. Occasionally this term certainly refers to a bi-partite document, of which each party received half.'? Elsewhere, this is less certain. It is interesting that a ‘cirograph concerning the land of Chesterton’ did not specify that the parties were each to take a part of the cirograph but rather one of ‘two sealed writs of Henry earl of Warwick, of whose fee Chesterton is.'' Generally the word ‘cirograph’ is used in the ? Outside the Abingdon and Colne cartularies, very few of the post-Conquest documents survive in additional versions, the most notable being the original of Eugenius IIs bull of 1146, below p. 264, which is preserved in Lambeth Palace Library. See also below pp. 302, 372, for documents of Henry II and Richard I preserved in the Carte antique rolls. The series of originals preserved at Christ’s Hospital, Abingdon, begin in the period 1165-75; see below, pp. 317, 321, 359-67. * See below, pp. 50, 200; see also p. 172 > M. T. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record (2nd edn., Oxford, 1993), pp. 156-8. * See Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Composer’, and below, p. xx, on interest in Richard the sacrist. 7 See below, p. 102. * See below, p. 154; note also the variants in Lyell, no. 122. Henry I’s charter for Colne, below p. 86, is unusual in form but cannot be condemned as a forgery. Henry I’s general confirmation of Faritius’s acquisitions, below, p. 160, may well have been beneficiary drafted, but need not be suspicious.

? See below, pp. 40, 310.

! See below, p. 250. !! See below, pp. 198-200; the phraseology of this document is occasionally rather clumsy, and has a character of its own, distinct from the History’s narrative.

SOURCES

xix

rubricated heading, not in the document itself," and sometimes the transaction is simply referred to in terms of a grant rather than, for example, a conuentio or pactum. On occasion, indeed, the ensuing account looks simply like a narrative put together at Abingdon, rather

than a formal document agreed upon by the parties.'* So-called cirographs may therefore merge with another type of pre-existing text, that 1s, written accounts of grants, disputes, or other

incidents." Notes of grants not recorded in charters may have been useful not only for their own sake as records but also in obtaining confirmations.'6 The structure and contents of the notes vary. Some have dates, for example beginning with the regnal year of Henry I,

some do not." Some simply record the grant concerned, others also specify witnesses. These can resemble charters, but without the address, and without the grantor speaking in the first person. Many grants of tithe, in particular, were recorded as notes rather than charters, and the appearance of a series of such notes at the end of the account of Faritius's acquisitions raises the possibility that they were

preserved together in the abbey's muniments." Such notes may relate in some way to entries in the abbey’s ‘Book of Commemorations’,”’ or 5

7? See below, pp. 198, 258; below, p. 250 may be an exception, where the rubricated heading may reproduce the word ‘Cirographum’ written across the document and then

cut.

35 See below, pp. 36, 258; cf. pp. 24, 258. ' See below, p. 36. 15 See also Clanchy, Memory to Written Record, pp. xoo-1. See below, p. xxxviii, on notices of miracles. ‘© Note e.g. that the grant recorded below, p. 158, appears in Henry I’s confirmation below, p. 162. However, other gifts are mentioned only in later grants, not in specific notes in the History: see e.g. the gift of /Elfric of Botley first mentioned in Faritius's endowment of obedientiaries, below, p. 216; the gift of Peter the sheriff, below, p. 216. For the closeness of charters and other types of record, see M. Chibnall, ‘Charter and chronicle’, Church and Government in the Middle Ages, ed. C. N. L. Brooke et al. (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 1-17, at r. On notes, see also Stoke-by-Clare Cartulary, ed. C. Harper Bill and R. Mortimer (3 vols., Suffolk Charters, iv—vi, 1982-4), iii. 51-3. 7 See below, pp. 148, 152, 162, 170; cf. e.g. pp. 156, 158. !5 e.g. cf. below, pp. 148, 154, 162, with pp. 206-12. It seems highly unlikely that names of witnesses, unless they were written down at the time, could have been remembered up

to a century later. ? e.g. below, p. 84, which contains information that could not be derived from the royal charter, pp. 82-4.

20 See below, pp. 206—12.

?! See below, p. 26. No post-Conquest Abingdon Liber uitae survives, but for a preConquest example, see J. Gerchow, Die Gedenküberlieferung der Angelsachsen (Berlin, 1988), Pp. 245-52, 335-8. It is just possible that the phrase ‘liber commemorationum’ referred not to a Liber uitae but to a text recording donations in a way similar to the History itself. An analogy would be the Liber benefactorum of Ramsey; see Chronicon Abbatie Rameseiensis,

INTRODUCTION

may have been placed in the abbey's chests along with items used for delivering seisin or for symbolizing some other transaction.” Entries describing disputes too may reproduce or draw upon earlier texts, like the narrative explicitly headed 'record of the agreement between lord Abbot Vincent and Simon the king's dispenser'/ Very occasionally a stylistic trait may suggest the insertion of pre-existing text into the narrative: for example, the phrase (animo bono’ occurs three times in the entries concerning Richard the sacrist, and nowhere else in the History. This may suggest a tract in praise of Richard.^' However, some brief passages of narrative would not have required pre-existing notes.? Elsewhere, if there were earlier written texts, they have been re-written, to contain phrases such as ‘around that time’; or linking passages such as *these events took place in the time of lord Abbot Vincent; those which follow, on the other hand, took place in the days of his

successor Ingulf’; or more fully, to provide stylistic consistency." We also know that portions of the History drew on the composer's own experience," and on oral tradition and testimony. Of one particularly exacting conflict with William Rufus, the History states that ‘then the resources of the abbey were almost completely consumed, so that this misfortune is complained of to the present day." This may reproduce a phrase from a text of the earlier twelfth century, but could equally refer to the writer’s own day, two

generations after the oppression." In addition, the extensive space devoted to this dispute, involving a knight called Rainbald, may ed. W. D. Macray (London, 1886), pp. 3-5, and J. Paxton, ‘Charter and chronicle in twelfth-century England: the house-histories of the Fenland abbeys’, Ph.D. thesis (Harvard, 1999), esp. chs. 1 and 4. It should be noted, however, that the initial title Liber benefactorum is preserved in a fourteenth-century manuscript of the Ramsey text, but not a thirteenth-century one. It is more likely that the earl of Chester was referring to a commemoration list rather than a house and estate history. 2? See Clanchy, Memory to Written Record, esp. pp. 156—7. The five pennies taken from the miller of Culham and placed in the abbey's chest, below, p. 172, surely required some form of written identification.

5 See below, p. 234. ^^ See below, pp. 280, 284, 288. Note, however, that other phraseology in the sections on Richard the sacrist resembles that elsewhere in the History: cf. e.g. below, p. 280, for ‘filio suo quem heredem habuit, with p. 318 for ‘cum filio quem heredem habuit". Other attempts to establish stylistic peculiarities of certain passages must rest on rather limited evidence; one example may be p. 170, which contains two of Book II’s three uses of the word ‘maxime’ and its only use of ‘residere’ to refer to a court.

?5 See e.g. below, p. 292. 7! See below, p. 60.

?* See below, pp. 18r, 249. *8 See below, p. 54.

” See below, p. 70, for information coming from monks of Faritius's time (1100—17).

SOURCES

XXi

reflect not only its importance but also the fact that Rainbald's son became a monk of the abbey and thereby further preserved within the abbey memory of the case.?? 2. Other sources relating to the abbey of Abingdon Such were the main sources upon which the composer of the History drew. What other evidence concerning the abbey do we have with

which to supplement his work??! Domesday Book provides considerable information concerning Abingdon's estates. Otherwise, sources from beyond Abingdon are of limited help. The abbots make only rare appearances as witnesses in royal or ecclesiastical documents.??

'The Pipe Rolls record various scutages and payments to the king,? and royal payments to the abbey.** A letter of Lanfranc reveals internal strife in the monastery, one of John of Salisbury mentions a

dispute not recorded in the History.* The most useful additional historical work is William of Malmesbury’s Gesta pontificum.^ Archaeology provides some guidance as to the form of the post-

Conquest church.? For further help, one has to turn to other written sources from

Abingdon itself and its daughter house of Colne.* First, a later Abingdon kalendar, thirteenth century saints’ festivals the the house.?? Second,

preserved in a manuscript dated to the late by Francis Wormald, includes amongst the days of death of various abbots and priors of there is the De abbatibus Abbendonie or, to give it

See below, p. 246. See below, p. cvi, for the works specifically associated with Faritius. See below, pp. xliv, xlvi, li, lii. 33 See PR 31 HI, p. 123 (‘Abbot Vincent of Abingdon renders account of 7om. of silver concerning the plea(s) of Geoffrey of Clinton. In pardon to the same abbot 7om. of silver since he is dead. And he is quit); PR 2-4 HII, p. 35, PR 5 HII, p. 37, PR 7 HII, p. 52, PR 9 HII, p. 52, PR 11 HII, p. 74, PR 12 HII, p. 121. ** See PR 8 HII, p. 44. 35 The Letters of Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury, ed. H. Clover and M. Gibson (OMT, 1979), no. 28, below, p. ci; The Letters of John of Salisbury, ed. W. J. Millor, H. E. Butler, C. N. L. Brooke (2 vols., NMT, 1955; OMT, 1979), i, no. 63 (1153 X 1161),

concerning the church of Nuneham Courtenay. 36 See below, p. civ. . 37 See below, p. cii. See also Vol. i, Introduction, *Endowment and estates', for geological and archaeological information relevant to the abbey's estates. 38 Note also Salter, ‘Chronicle roll’, 727-38; it is unclear what worth should be attached to the small items of additional information this text provides for the period up to

Walkelin. 39 Cambridge, University Library, Kk. i 22, fos. 1'—7 the kalendar, with comments but without the additional obits, is printed in Benedictine Kalendars, i. 15-30.

xxii

INTRODUCTION

the heading it bears in the thirteenth-century manuscript, ‘Excepciones Simonis de primis fundatoribus Abbendoniz et de abbatibus Abbendoniz que etiam bona queve mala fecerunt (“Simon’s extracts concerning the first founders of Abingdon, the abbots of Abingdon, and their good and bad actions’). Beginning ‘in principio erat Verbum’, it gives a general history of early Britain before dealing with the foundation of Abingdon and the abbots up to the time of Hugh (1189/90-«.1221)." Its account provides useful extra informa-

tion, particularly on buildings, and some different perspectives." The existing version may well have ended up at Colne, the daughter house of Abingdon, for it is with the affairs of that priory that a lengthy last chapter deals." The De abbatibus is usually regarded as a later source than the History. The surviving version contains references forward in time, showing that the entries concerned were written or re-written well after the events described: thus the section on Abbot /Ethelwold (c.954—963) contains references to the Norman Conquest, Abbot Vincent, and the reign of Stephen." Likewise, the Latin definitions of sake and soke and toll and team and infangentheof, included in the section on the Confessor, are probably also later additions." However, the very idea of the De abbatibus as a ‘later’ source than the History may be flawed. The last chapter is rather distinct from the preceding ones, even in its presentation in the manuscript, and may be a Colne addition." It in fact seems likely that what we have is an extended version of a text which once stopped with Ingulf's abbacy (1130-58), that is, earlier than the History. His death is contained in a section headed ‘Concerning the abbots after Ingulf’, which goes on to give only very brief and generally critical mentions of his successors before Abbot Hugh.'ó Notably, the De abbatibus presents Abbot ^' London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius A. xm, fos. 2" (the contents page, which gives the title ending fecerint), 83° (where the writing is extremely hard to decipher). Stevenson did not include in his edition (CMA ii. 268-95) the general history prior to the foundation of Abingdon; see London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius A. xm, fos. 83'—84*. *' See below, pp. xli, xlvii, li, liii, for additional material and different perspectives. *? CMA ii. 294—5. 5 CMA ii. 278. The reference to ‘today’ at CMA ii. 284 does not help date the text with

any precision. " CMA ii. 282. * Notably, it uses frequent, and roughly alternating, red and green initials, unlike the rest of the text. *^ CMA ii. 292-3. It may also be significant that it is stated that the boy who had a vision concerning Faritius’s succession lived until the time of Abbot Ingulf; there is even a slight possibility that the phrase replaced one stating that the boy lived ‘to this day’; CMA ii. 286, and below, p. xlv.

SOURCES

xxiii

Ingulf in a good light, harmed by the activities of some of his monks; the History presents the reverse image, of the convent harmed by its abbot." If a version of the De abbatibus was completed during his abbacy, it is very interesting that in the 1150s and 1160s we have two historians operating in Abingdon, one taking the convent's view of Ingulf's time, the other the abbot’s. Next, there is a variety of lists or surveys relating to the abbey's estates and tenants. None of these can be dated with absolute certainty, and none can be identified with a survey mentioned in the History in its entry “Concerning the death of Lord Abbot Faritius, of holy memory’: ‘Shortly after his death, all the possessions and rents of this church were listed; £300 a year were designated to the royal treasury, and the rest granted to the uses of the church."*? Some of the surveys are related to Domesday Book:

(i) MS C fo. 182", in a hand of the end of the twelfth century at the earliest, gives a list of Berkshire hidages coinciding generally but not always with those in Domesday Book for 1086. Printed by Stevenson, CMA ii. 309-10. (ii) MS C fo. 187", in the same hand as the History, provides for Berkshire a list of hidages, headed *Concerning the hundreds and hides of the church of Abingdon in Berkshire, as the writing of the king's treasury contains them, arranged by each hundred’. Whilst the hidages coincide with those for the time of King Edward in Domesday Book, it should also be noted that there is some evidence for these figures rather than those for 1086 continuing to be used with reference to Berkshire lands, or for payment having to be made for the use of the reduced 1086 figure. Printed below, App. III, pp. 37980; also by Douglas, ‘Early surveys’, 623." See below, p. lii. See below, p. 224. ^? S. P. J. Harvey, ‘Domesday Book and its predecessors’, EHR lxxxvi (1971), 753-73; at pp. 159-60, and F. F. Kreisler, “Domesday Book and the Anglo-Norman synthesis’, Order and Innovation in the Middle Ages, ed. W. C. Jordan et al. (Princeton, 1976), pp. 316, at 13-14, suggest that this may be based on a pre-Domesday geld list. The point cannot be proved or disproved; overall I find Kreisler’s analysis of the Abingdon surveys unpersuasive. On later use of TRE figures, see VCH, Berkshire, i. 287, 296; Douglas, ‘Early surveys’, p. 621 n. 7; D. Roffe, Domesday: the Inquest and the Book (Oxford, 2000), pp. 109-11, 140, 172, who suggests that this text appears to be an extract of ahundredally as part of the Domesday process. arranged document produced

XXIV

INTRODUCTION

(ii) MS C fos. 187'—189', again in the same hand as the History, provides an abbreviated form of Domesday, with hidages for the time of King Edward and 1086, for all the counties in which Abingdon held lands. Printed below, App. III, pp. 380-6. 'This list is headed *Also, in the other book of the king's treasury in the time of King William who acquired England, written by his order, is contained an abbreviation of hides and a description, as follows'. The greater detail than in the list at fo. 187" suggests that fos. 187'— 189" drew directly upon Domesday Book. On the other hand, the Abingdon text states to which hundred lands belonged, even in the case of Oxfordshire for which Domesday Book does not provide hundreds. It seems most probable that Great Domesday itself is the *book in the king's treasury' to which the heading refers, and that hundred names were added. The list also includes two gifts of land in

Oxfordshire, both made during the abbacy of Faritius.”! (iv) MS C fo. 19r, again in the same hand, gives another list of Berkshire hidages, some relating to the figure for the time of King Edward, some to 1086, and some not based on Domesday, either because the place is not named in Domesday—as in the case of Abingdon—-, or because it relates to a post-Domesday gift.*” Printed below, App. III, pp. 391-2. Other lists, in addition to hidages, contain names of tenants which identify them as twelfth-century texts: (v) In the same hand, at fos. 189'—190', comes a list which gives hidages of estates and names of tenants within those estates, together with hidages of their holdings. This list is headed ‘Those who hold lands of this church of Abingdon.’ Most but not all the hidages correspond to those for the ‘the time of King Edward’ in Domesday. Printed below, App. III, pp. 386—9; also by Douglas, ‘Early surveys’, 623-5.

(vi) Again in the same hand, on fo. 191° following the list of Berkshire hidages, is a list of tenants and the hidages, but only very occasionally the names, of their holdings. Printed below, App. III, pp. 392-4. °° This is the conclusion of Roffe, Domesday, p. 111. It also appears to be the conclusion of S. P. J. Harvey, ‘Domesday Book and Anglo-Norman governance’, TRHS, sth. Ser. xxv (1975), 175—93, at p. 176. She does not comment on the presence of Oxfordshire hundred names, although at p. 179 she takes reference to the presence of such names in a ‘Book of the Treasury’ to indicate that the book concerned cannot be Domesday; see further, below,

p. 170. *?' e.g. Chaddleworth, below, p. 248.

?! The gifts mentioned below, pp. 78, 106, 158.

SOURCES

XXV

The two lists of tenants have many names in common. Some of those named were already active in the time of Faritius, 1100-17, whilst a few others also appear in the Cartae baronum of 1166. Both lists are probably from after 1121, since Hugh son of Berner appears

in both, and his father was still alive in 1121. They pre-date the mid-1140s, when William de Pont de l'Arche, mentioned in both lists, ceases to appear in royal documents, quite probably because of

his death.?* There are slight hints that the second of the lists may be the later. For example the first list mentions a Roger Grim, the second a William Grim, a name which also appears in the Abingdon Carta of 1166. However, it cannot be certain that the two Williams were the same man. There are also later lists of knights: (vii) MS C fo. 190°", in the same hand as the History, preserves a version of the 1166 Abingdon Carta somewhat different from that preserved in the Exchequer records. Notably, it specifies the fractions of knights’ fees owed by those whom the Exchequer versions simply

list as together owing one and a half knights.?^ The Exchequer, but not the Abingdon, version mentions that Humphrey de Bohun had taken away two hides of the abbey's lands. This dispute is not mentioned in the History, and may have been very recent in 1166. Printed below, App. III, pp. 389-91. (viii) From slightly later comes a list preserved only in MS B, which records those holding ‘very small portions which pertain to the chamber of the Lord Abbot.' Assuming that the names are consistent with a specific date, it is notable that many also appear in the Carta. However, whereas the Carta mentions William Grim, this list mentions his daughters, suggesting a date after 1166. Printed below, App. I, pp. 324-7; also by Stevenson, CMA ii. 5—6.

'These entries relating to lands pertaining to the abbot's chamber have sometimes been taken to be part of the following list: (ix) A list headed ‘these are the knights holding from Abingdon', which also appears only in MS B. This has sometimes been referred 55 Below, p. 236. Rainbald, father of John of Tubney, may still have been alive in Abbot Vincent's time, whereas it is John who appears in the second list. ^ RRAN iii, p. xix. 55 Below, p. 391.

5€ Below, pp. 390-1; Red Book, i. 305-6.

XXVI

to as ‘Abbot mixed date; 1166 Caria, App. I, pp.

INTRODUCTION

Adelelm's list of knights’, but it in fact must be a list of there are some Domesday tenants, some who appear in the and some probably of an even later date." Printed below, 322-5; by Stevenson, CMA n. 4-5.

(x) In MS C, fo. 182", in a later hand, a list headed “The names of knights holding from Abingdon’, giving names, places, and hidages. John of St Helen is the only name which also appears in the Carta. Others appear to be sons of 1166 tenants, for example Henry son of Pain. Printed by Stevenson, CMA n. 311—12. Other surveys are of a rather different sort, concerning specific renders or allowances of officials. Stevenson printed some of those in MS C in his appendix III, entitled De consuetudinibus Abbendomez. However, he did not attempt to date them, nor to date the hands in which they were written, nor even to indicate which were written in the same hand as the History. (xi) The following sections are written in that hand, and can therefore be safely taken to have existed in c.1170, although their date of origin

cannot be established.?? They are all contained in MS C, fos. 191'— 192", and are printed below, App. III, pp. 394-8. ‘De consuetudinibus lignandi’ (CMA 11. 321-2); ‘De coquina monachorum’ (CMA ii. 322—4, to ‘pro panibus suis’); ‘De redditu altaris! (CMA ii. 324-5); ‘De redditu camere’ (CMA ii. 326-7, to ‘quantum opus fuerit’). (xii) Other lists in MS C, fos. 179'—182', which are probably in late

twelfth-century hands, follow an account of the vacancy of 1185.?? Printed by Stevenson, CMA ii. 299-309. (xiii) MS B also preserves the record produced by an enquiry during the vacancy of 1185 concerning the allowances of the monastery's servants. Printed below, App. II, pp. 358-69. Also by Stevenson,

CMA ii, 237-43.” (xiv) In MS B, the History is followed by the tract De obedientiarus, *” Herbert son of Herbert and Raerus de Aure are examples of 1166 tenants, Red Book, i. 305-6. For fuller analysis, see Hudson, ‘Abbey of Abingdon’, pp. 193-4. 5* Note that the appearance of the lands of Scalegrai and Roger Haliman suggest a date late in Ingulf’s abbacy or after; below, pp. 286-8. * The account of the vacancy is printed in CMA ii. 297-9, and translated as English Lawsuits, no. 570; see also below, p. 358. °° On the use of Old French vocabulary in this text, see Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Style’. For the servants mentioned in the list, see further Lambrick, ‘Administration’, pp. 169-70.

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xxvii

concerning the duties of the monastic officials. Printed by Stevenson,

CMA ii. 336—417.9! Finally there are the Colne cartulary and the two Abingdon cartularies, MSS Oxford, Bodleian Lyell 15, and Chatsworth 71 E.9 The best version of the Colne cartulary comes from the end of

the twelfth century, with a few later additions.? It contains some charters phrased as grants to Abingdon, but which do not appear in the Abingdon sources; these documents must have been taken to

Colne, or, perhaps, produced there.™ MS Lyell 15 dates from the mid-fourteenth century.9 It is made up of six particulae spread over 209 folios. The first five particulae are in a bookhand, or more than one, very similar, bookhands. The five contain, in order: papal bulls and privileges; royal writs, charters, and letters patent; episcopal deeds; grants by the abbot and convent to private individuals, or by the abbot to the convent; grants by individuals to the abbey. Only in this last and largest section are grants arranged by the office or ‘obedience’ to which they refer. The later sixth particula was originally a separate volume. It is mostly in fourteenth-century hands, with some later additions, and concerns litigation. The Chatsworth manuscript consists of 167 folios in various late

fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century hands. It includes more than 300 documents,

over

one-third

of which

are also in the Lyell

9! This may date from the end of the twelfth or the beginning of the thirteenth century. It has been noted, for example, that it uses the term dapifer for the steward, whereas documents from 1219 consistently use the term senescallus, as do some from the earlier thirteenth century; Lambrick, ‘Administration’, p. 167 n. 7. 9? On documents appearing in the Abingdon cartularies but not the History, see below p. xxxvill. 95 Colne, pp. iv-v; G. R. C. Davies, Medieval Cartularies of Great Britain (London, 1958), p. 271. 6 e.g. Colne, no. 64, Hubert de Montchesney's grant of the church of Edwardstone to Abingdon; also nos. 4 (7 RRAN iii, no. 14), 11 (— Saltman, Theobald, no. 79), which are charters of Stephen and Archbishop Theobald concerning Kensington church. For Colne, no. 9, being an extremely suspicious document, sec below, p. 86. Note that Henry I’s charter concerning the church of Kensington, below, p. 82, appears both in the Colne cartulary and the Abingdon History, whilst Henry’s charter concerning the church of Edwardstone—which might be considered relevant to Colne—does not appear in this cartulary but is included in the History; below, pp. 92, 226; note also London, British Library, Cotton Vespasian B. xv (s. xvi), fo. 59, a transcript of a register of Colne. 65 For the following discussion, see Abingdon Cartularies, i, pp. xxxviii-xlii. 96 Abingdon Cartularies, i, pp. xlv-vi

xxviii

INTRODUCTION

cartulary. There has been an attempt to arrange the documents, placing papal and episcopal instructions first, followed by other ecclesiastical subjects. Such a plan lasts until fo. 58; from fo. 61° the arrangement is by ‘obedience’. It seems plausible that the Chatsworth cartulary was produced by a convent official, whereas the Lyell manuscript was for the joint use of abbot and monks.

3. Omissions from the History's account. These supplementary sources reveal that the History is not exhaustive

in its coverage." Certain incidents involving royalty are omitted. Eadmer's Historia nouorum has Henry I at Abingdon on 13 Mar. 1121 for the consecration of Robert bishop of Chester/Coventry. It 1s strange that the History does not mention this, especially if—as seems possible—it was also the occasion for the formal election of Vincent as abbot. Henry was also at Abingdon on at least one other occasion in his reign, as a writ for the abbey concerning toll has Abingdon as the place date.” Nor is the Empress Matilda's escape on foot from Oxford to Abingdon in December 1142 mentioned."? This last incident might be omitted as not relevant to the History’s main concern, the abbey's lands. However, in this area too there are

omissions." As already mentioned, a few documents referring to Abingdon appear in the Colne cartulary, but not Likewise the Abingdon cartularies supply some ments. These include writs of Henry I, William and Henry II,’* as well as non-royal grants to the

in the History.” additional docuhis son, Stephen, church."* Only in

57 See above, p. xxi, on judicial payments and scutages; p. xxv on a dispute with Humphrey de Bohun; p. xxi on a dispute concerning Nuneham Courtenay. Note also below, p. 332, on a dispute concerning the monks' food allowances during the time of Faritius, and the related visit of Ralph archbishop of Canterbury, Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Hugh of Buckland to Abingdon.

5* Eadmer, Historia nouorum in Anglia, ed. M. Rule (London, 1884), p. 293; see also John of Worcester, Chronicle, iii. 150. 9? See below, p. 116. On dating, see below, p. xxxii.

? William of Malmesbury, Historia novella, bk. iii, c. 79, ed. E. King, tr. K. R. Potter (OMT, 1998), p. 132. See below, p. lii, for Ingulf's presence at the Empress’s reception as Lady of England in Mar. 1141. ?' e.g. some gifts in Wallingford may not be recorded in the History, beyond those of Roger Haliman and /Eilwin mentioned below, pp. 288-90; see Testa de Nevill, i. 110. Some of the writs of Henry I suggest otherwise unrecorded disputes; see c.g. below, p. 120. 7^ See above, p. xxvii; also below, p. xxxix, for writs of Stephen and Henry II included only in MS B. 7 See Lyell, no. 111, Chatsworth, no. 210 (Henry I’s confirmation of the gift of Shippon and Wormsley); Lyell, no. 97 (Henry I’s writ concerning freedom from toll; the [See opposite page for n. 73 cont. and n. 74|

SOURCES

XXIX

one instance is there a problem with the document which may suggest that it was a forgery, perhaps not in existence at the time of the composition of the History. A charter of Ralph Basset concerning his grant of Chaddleworth is associated in the History with Ralph's death

in at the end of the 1120s or early in 1130.”° It is witnessed by William Basset, abbot of Holme, who held his abbacy between 1127 and 1134.5 However, it is also witnessed by Hugh of Buckland, and the Hugh who features so prominently in the History was probably dead by the 1120s." It is possible, of course, that the witness was another Hugh, but it is particularly curious that the History does not include this document. Other omissions seem not to reflect the nature of the documents or the choices of the composer of the History. Rather they may reflect the lack of earlier organization in the preservation of documents. We also know that there were once further documents which were important to the abbey but which do not appear in the History and have not survived. Both Eugenius III’s statement in his confirmation bull that he was ‘following closely in the footsteps of our predecessor of happy memory, Pope Innocent! and another mention of the ‘renewal’ of the papal privilege suggest that we are missing at least one papal bull?? Less surprisingly, the History does not contain copies of letters which it mentions as brought by the abbey's

opponents.^? editors’ doubts concerning authenticity seem unnecessary); Chatsworth, no. 319 (William son of Henry I’s writ concerning Colnbrook); Chatsworth, no. 347 (Henry II’s writ concerning freedom from toll, which can only be dated to before 1172/3, on the basis of the absence of the phrase ‘Dei gratia’ from the royal title); Lyell, no. 121 (Henry II's writ in favour of Abbot Walkelin and the abbey concerning Kensington church etc.). Chatsworth, no. 100 (concerning the church of Sutton) probably dates from after the completion of the History; so too may Lyell, no. 108, Chatsworth, no. 299 (concerning Benham), although the absence of ‘Dei gratia’ from the royal title renders questionable the editors’ dating to ? May 1175; the editors of Acta of Henry II date the writ to May 1165 x May 1172. 7^ See e.g. Lyell, no. 245 for a further confirmation of the d'Aubigny grant of Stratton and Holme; Lyell, no. 341, Chatsworth, no. 385 concerning Benson mill (on which see below, p. Ixxxvi); Lyell, no. 162, Chatsworth, no. 322 (= English Episcopal Acta, xvin. Salisbury 1078-1217, ed. B. R. Kemp (Oxford, 1999), no. 42) can only be dated 1142 X 1184. See below, p. cvi, on Chatsworth, no. 212.

75 Lyell, no. 247, Chatsworth, no. 294. For the grant and Ralph's death, see below, p. 248. 7 Heads of Religious Houses, p. 68. 77 He last witnessed a royal charter in 1115; RRAN ii, no. 1102. 78 See below, pp. 256, 272.

7 See below, e.g. pp. 37, 238.

XXX

INTRODUCTION

Il.

SERUCTURE

i. MSC Abbacies and structure

In terms of words, the amount of space devoted to each abbacy varies considerably: Abbot

length of abbacy?

Adelelm

c.12 years

— approx. proportion of mords?! 496

(1071-83) Reginald

c.12!^ years

12.5%

Faritius (1100-17)

c.16 years

50%

Vincent

c.Q years

(1121-30) Ingulf

c.28 years

(1084-97) 9909? 14%

(1130-58) Walkelin

c.5 years?

7.596

(1159-64) The remainder—about 2.5%—1is accounted for by vacancies. Thus Book II is dominated by Faritius’s abbacy, which only lasted for between sixteen and seventeen of the ninety or so years covered. It is also interesting to note that, even aside from the special attention paid to Faritius, the coverage does not increase as the time of composition approaches. The proportion devoted to Ingulf compared with other abbots is explicable in terms of the length of his abbacy, not the thoroughness of the account. Indeed, the later stages of the History often involve abrupt transitions between entries, with no attempt to explain connections or development.** Such a decline in coherence or *' These figures are approximate, and indicate completed years; e.g. Faritius died in the seventeenth year of his abbacy, Vincent in the tenth. *! These figures are calculated for the sections bounded by an abbot’s installation and his death. Note that, particularly in the case of Vincent, these bounds contain much material not dating from his abbacy; see following note. * Note that approximately one third of this material concerns events outside Vincent's abbacy. * The earlier surviving version of the History was completed before his death.

[See opposite page for n. 84]

STRUCTURE

XXXI

structure is not unique in twelfth-century historical works, William of Malmesbury's Gesta regum being another example.

The basic structure of Book II is based upon abbacies, with some cross-referencing from one abbacy to another. However, there are exceptions, with some of the incidents which are described extending beyond one abbacy; such are particularly striking in the sections

primarily devoted to Reginald and to Vincent.*° The structuring of the sections devoted to each abbacy varies, but there are also some consistencies. For example, the sections on Faritius, Vincent, and Ingulf each end with a description of their endowment of the offices of the abbey. The treatment of Adelelm is basically chronological. Internal affairs are quite frequently mixed with national politics, in a way that does not occur in accounts of later abbacies. The arrangement of the account of Reginald's abbacy too is certainly chronological in its early stages, for it includes reference to abbatial or regnal years." Thereafter, the chronology is less certain, but when dates can be suggested for events, such as the fall of the knight Rainbald, they are

not incompatible with a predominantly chronological structure.** Three qualifications, however, must be made. First, some entries continue the narrative of incidents beyond Reginald’s death, into the

time of his successor Faritius.? Secondly, a group of grants of tithes are gathered together, suggesting thematic rather than, or in conjunction with, chronological arrangement,” and elsewhere similar

incidents seem to be placed together." Thirdly, mention of the abbot’s favour to his son and William II’s initial love of Reginald and his subsequent turning against him are placed just before the abbot’s death. The lengthy part of Book II devoted to Faritius is arranged very differently, and is not chronological. It opens very emphatically, and 84 See below, p. xxxiv. On the general background to monastic estate histories, sce Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Structure’. 85 See below, pp. 78, 308, for cross-reference to events mentioned ‘among the deeds (in gestis) of another abbot. Note also how in MS C Faritius's coming to the abbacy is marked by a picture of him in the initial of the relevant section, below, p. 64, whereas there 1s nothing unusual about the presentation of the section recording the accession of Henry I, below, p. 62; cf. below, p. lxvi, on illustrations of kings in MS B. 88 See below, p. 54. 87 To below, p. 24. 36 See below, and p. xxxiii. 89 See below, pp. 42, 44, 54 and, I would argue, p. 58 (on which see below, p. 59).

99? See below, pp. 44-8.

?! e.g. below, pp. 42-4, 52-8.

xxxii

INTRODUCTION

immediately provides a character sketch." It then moves on to relics, a subject to which it returns at the end of Faritius's abbacy.”? Following further discussion of his reforms and conduct, it states that it will turn to Faritius’s external accomplishments, dividing these between new acquisitions and resumptions of lost lands. The basis for the order of the entries recording new acquisitions is unclear, being neither chronological nor obviously geographical. Nor do the acquisitions appear in the same order as in Henry I’s confirmation charter. Further, the distinction between acquisitions and resumptions is not maintained. Amongst the entries devoted to new gifts appears a charter of Nigel d'Oilly, recording his ‘giving back’ to Abingdon the land of Abbefeld.** Moreover, this is followed by a collection of writs of Henry I, concerned with a wide variety of subjects and not just acquisitions. Again, they are not arranged chronologically. There are some logical sub-groups, for example

concerning tolls,” but also some strange sequences, for example a writ concerning Fernham dividing two concerning Stanton Harcourt.”° I have yet to find any general logic to the overall organization of this mini-cartulary, nor any explanation as to why there is a shift to a succession of documents without commentary, nor why certain other writs of Henry in favour of Faritius appear after this collec-

tion.”’ One possibility is that the composer was indeed copying out a mini-cartulary which included some but not all of the writs of Henry I in favour of Faritius.? Treatment of acquisitions then resumes, and there may be a limited effort at chronological arrangement, at least amongst those grants which are dated.” Other entries are linked by place, for example various entries on Dumbleton.'°° The treatment of acquisi?? See below, p. 64. 55 See below, pp. 66, 220-4. ?* See below, p. 110, also p. 163 n. 405; note also below, p. 78 n. 185. ?5 See below, pp. 116-18, although note also p. 130; for another sub-group, sec pp. 120-2 on fugitives. ?9 See below, p. 124. ?7 The dating of e.g. below, p. 164, to 1100 x 1107 rules out the possibility that it was the later writs for Faritius which appeared in later sections. ?5 All the writs could be of Faritius's time. There is no reason to follow RRAN ii, no. 1258 in dating the writ below, p. 116, to 1121. Certainly Henry was at Abingdon then, but this is only known from a reference in Eadmer, copied by John of Worcester, above, p. xxviii; he may well have paid other, unrecorded visits to Abingdon. Likewise, RRAN ii. no. 1510 gives no convincing reason for tentatively dating to 1127 the document below, p. 118. ? However, the document below, pp. 102-4, is dated and is earlier than some preceding sections. See also below, p. 154.

100 See below, pp. 148—54.

STRUCTURE

xxxiii

tions draws to a close with the *Charter of King Henry concerning various things which Abbot Faritius acquired’, probably issued in 1115, followed by further entries concerning possessions not mentioned in that charter. There follow disputes concerning various rights of the church other than rights to land. These include a modified treatment of disputes over the churches of Kingston and Peasemore, disputes already discussed in the section devoted to Abbot Reginald.'?! Another

acquisition is then mentioned,? before the treatment of resumptions begins in earnest. Again there are some sub-groups, for example one

of quitclaims of previous unjust alienations from the church,? two of disputes with those who had refused homage and service.'?*However, as even the division of the cases concerning homage and service shows, organization was not very tight. A series of exchanges intrudes before a couple more disputes, themselves separated by what seems to be a new gift.!°° There follow a series of entries on acquisition of tithes,"^ before the treatment of Faritius closes with his endowment of church

offices, his enquiry into relics, and his death. 'The subsequent vacancy is dealt with in strictly chronological fashion, each entry beginning with the date according to the year after Faritius’s death. This method is not continued under Vincent. Certainly the account of his time begins with his appointment, but it continues with a series of royal writs which are not in chronological order. Thereafter, the abbacy-by-abbacy structure breaks down to a greater extent than it had even under Reginald. Rather, two disputes, with the king's dispensers and with the Bassets, are dealt with at considerable length and over a period stretching into the reign of Henry II. Conceivably the composer of our version of the History slotted later events into an existing account of Vincent's abbacy; more likely he at this stage decided upon the advantages of a case-by-case

approach for matters still of recent concern in the 1160s. As with 101 See below, pp. 176-8, cf. pp. 42-4. 103 Below, pp. 190-2.

12 Below, p. 180. 104 Below, pp. 182-8, 194-8.

105 Below, pp. 198-202, 204-6. 107 Below, pp. 214-24. . 106 Below, pp. 206-12. 8 Below, pp. 234—44, concerning the dispensers; pp. 246-50, concerning the Bassets; pp. 244-6 are brief chapters concerning minor grants and men entering the monastery. See also below, p. xxxviii, on MS B. 09 Some awkwardness remains. Below, p. 253, begins ‘So’ and flows more naturally from pp. 244-6 than pp. 246—50; however, it is not the insertion of the /ater material which interrupts the flow, but rather the entire Basset dispute. The link between the sections at p. 246 seems to be that both concern men wishing to take the habit.

XXXIV

INTRODUCTION

Faritius, the section on Vincent's abbacy closes with his endowment of the offices of the monks and finally with his death.''° Ingulf's abbacy may well see a return to a basically chronological approach, although the lack of dated entries renders this uncertain. It begins with a brief character sketch and the writ of his appoint-

ment.!!! There follows treatment of three matters whose relationship seems random, unless they all occurred before Stephen’s accession.^ Next comes the accession of Stephen, and writs he issued—writs mostly rather more general in concern than those of Henry LA

These are followed by two lengthy bulls of Eugenius III.''* A third, shorter bull is concerned with oppression of the church, and there logically follow a series of incidents relating to losses during Stephen’s reign. These losses were reversed by the activities of Richard the sacrist, whose further acquisitions and dealings within the church follow in what amounts to a tract in his praise.!? In particular, he is implicitly contrasted with the weak and indeed the devious abbot, for the History proceeds in a considerably more critical

tone concerning Ingulf's unjust alienations of abbey lands.''® The account of King Stephen seizing money from the church, and the loss

of church treasure, may also be a veiled criticism of Ingulf.''? The critical tone ends with mention of the death of Stephen and the accession of Henry II. There follow, with no linking passage, two documents, lacking any lengthy narrative explanation.!? They are undated but their positioning strongly suggests that they come from Henry II’s reign. The treatment of Ingulf ends with his testament and his death: again, the endowment of the offices of the church features prominently.''? The treatment of Walkelin begins with his appointment, followed by a series of royal writs."" Any reasons for the ordering of the dispute narratives which follow are unclear. The narratives, particularly that concerning the dispute over Abingdon market, are lengthy, reflecting the composer and his fellow monks' personal knowledge of

them.'?' However, this closeness of knowledge does not always lead to Below, pp. 252-4. Below, pp. 254-60. Below, pp. See below, Below, pp. Below, pp. Below, pp. from the queen's

" Below, p. 254. "3 Below, pp. 260-4.

264—78. p. cvi, on the festival of the relics; above, p. xx, on vocabulary. 280—90, 290-4. '7 Below, p. 292; see also below, p. liii. 294-6. '? Below, pp. 296-8. 296—306; a brief section of narrative, p. 306, separates the king's writs sole one. ?' Below, p. 308.

STRUCTURE

XXXV

clarity, and much is vague, for example in the late entry ‘Concerning a certain Richard." It may even be that there was a deliberate

vagueness, to avoid explicit criticism of those still alive.7? No mention is made of Walkelin’s death, strong evidence that this version of the History was composed before he died."* Overall, then, there is some limited consistency in the order of entries within abbacies. They start, logically, with the appointment of the abbot, and from the time of Faritius, with a character sketch. Again from Faritius’s time, an entry relating to the endowment of the obedientiaries is included shortly before the abbot’s death. There are also signs of attempts to gather similar matters in groups, most clearly Faritius’s acquisitions, but also, for example, grants of tithes or of

houses.'”° More striking, though, is the lack of careful arrangement of entries

into groups,

and

the lack of explanatory

links between

entries.'”° However, only in the instances of the disputes involving land at Sparsholt and churches at Peasemore and Kingston Bagpuize does the composer’s arrangement of material break down to such an

extent that matters are repeated. Documents and narrative

The proportion of the text made up of documents varies between abbacies: Abbacy* Adelelm Reginald

Proportion documents"? slightly over 1096 slightly under 2096, just under half of which is the entry entitled *Cirograph concerning the

church of Sutton’, discussed above'?? Faritius

4096

23 See e.g. below, pp. lv, 318. 122 Below, p. 316. 124 Nor does the History include a charter of Walkelin which mentions arrangements for his anniversary; Chatsworth, no. 212, on which see also below, p. cvi. 75 e.g. below, pp. 206—12. 126 See also above, p. xxxii, and below, p. xxxvi. The rubricated headings sometimes conceal continuity from one section to another: e.g. below, pp. 196, 238.

77 Below, pp. 42-4, 52, 176-8, 182.

75 Again, these figures are calculated for the sections bounded by an abbot’s installation and his death; see above, nn. 81, 82, for matters concerning other abbacies being included within these bounds. 7? Again these figures are approximate, hence my use of rounded percentages. 130 See above, p. xix.

XXXVI

INTRODUCTION

Abbacy

Proportion documents

Vincent?!

slightly over 15% charters; another 20% of

Ingulf

Walkelin

entries described in the rubricated headings as agreements or cirographs slightly over 50%, with 30% being taken up by papal documents, almost 25% by other charters, cirographs, and the abbot’s testament slightly below 50%

The style of many documents, for example royal writs, is distinct from that of the narrative entries. Occasionally, though, one can see verbal influence from document to narrative.^ The land which Aubrey de Ver gave with the church of Kensington is distinctively described both in Henry I’s charter and in the History’s narrative as *two hides of 240 acres'. Narrative could also be used to correct or improve the impression given by a document. Henry's confirmation of the church of Kensington is followed by the statement that ‘it should be noted moreover that in these royal letters mention of one virgate is missing. This is so because when this document was drawn up, that grant had not yet been bestowed. But not long after it was strengthened by those same people by whom the above things were

paid out, and by royal attestation.? Frequently the narrative and documentation are skilfully linked, but this is not always the case. In some instances narrative is followed by the relevant document or vice versa, in others the document is

integrated into the appropriate narrative."* In other instances, in particular the gathering of Henry I’s writs, documents are separated from the related narrative, the latter making no mention of the

former.'* In another case, an incident of 1113 x 1114 is followed by a writ ‘concerning this land’ which comes from before 1107. Whilst no explicit link was made between narrative and document, the arrangement suggests that the composer of the History mistakenly believed there was one.'? We also have documents for which there is no relevant narrative. This is particularly true of writs within the collection of Henry I documents. For example, we know no more than the writs tell us of a See above, n. 82.

See also above, p. xviii, concerning cirographs. Below, pp. 82-4. e.g. respectively below, pp. 10—12, 2-4, 310. Below, pp. 134, 136, 188.

59 Below, pp. 152, 154.

STRUCTURE

XXXVI

dispute with the men of Welegrave or of one between Faritius and the knights of the church over castle-guard service at Windsor.'*’ It may be that the composer and his contemporaries in the 1160s could not remember the context of such writs, and lacked further written memorials of them. Certainly the proportion of unexplained royal writs on specific matters is smaller in the later pages of the History. However, lack of memory of events cannot explain the absence of explanation of the oppressions mentioned in the third of Pope Eugenius's bulls, nor the lack of context given for certain private charters dating from the later abbacies. Perhaps memory was sufficiently strong to remove the immediate need for clarification through narrative, but such an explanation fits ill with the composer's awareness of his need to preserve knowledge in writing for the benefit of future generations. 2. MS B: Variations and Continuations

MS B was written by a scribe working probably in the second quarter or perhaps in the middle of the thirteenth century. The date of composition of its final sections, and their relationship to the manuscript tradition, is problematic. The version of the History ends with Richard I’s charter of 1190. Richard, it is reported, was feared by kings both pagan and Christian, indicating that the passage was written after his Crusade. Moreover, he is referred to in the past tense, suggesting that it was written after his death. It is possible, therefore, that MS B is a slightly up-dated copy of an intervening manuscript, written soon after 1190, or a copy of a manuscript written after Richard’s death; any such intervening manuscript is now lost. Alternatively, MS B may be primarily a direct copy of MS C, with additions; the evidence of, for example, homeeoteleuton is not

conclusive. '?? MS B shows various modifications to Book II, particularly after the death of Faritius, although even then they are limited compared with 37 Below, pp. 114, 132. Note also e.g. p. 118; see also p. xxviii. 33 See further Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Manuscripts’. The complexities are increased by the possibility that the writer of MS B for the post-Conquest period sometimes went back to the original texts which were copied in MS C; he certainly did so for the Anglo-Saxon period. Some sections, e.g. below, pp. 198-200, require quite frequent textual emendation. However, this cannot be taken as an indication that MS B is a copy of an intervening complete manuscript of the History; rather, it may show that the scribe was copying from other sources, perhaps single sheets recording particular incidents. For suggestions as to why a second version of the History was produced, see Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Composition’.

xxxviii

INTRODUCTION

those in Book I.? What is most notable in terms of structure is a more chronological arrangement of the latter part of Book II. The lengthy disputes covered by MS C entirely within its section on Abbot Vincent are now divided between the appropriate abbacies. 'This makes the development of the disputes considerably harder to

follow, as any user of Stevenson's edition will be aware. The inspiration for the change must be uncertain, although it does make the account of Vincent's abbacy more self-contained and in this sense more consistent with those of other abbacies.'"! It also makes the structure more similar to the De abbatibus, and other changes in the later version of the History also show similarities to that text, most notably interest in the buildings and the ornaments of the church, and

sympathy for Abbot Ingulf.'** However, there are no verbal parallels to suggest that the later version of the History drew directly on the De abbatibus, or vice versa.!?

'The additional entries in MS B probably derive from the same variety of sources as described above for MS C: writs or charters,

narratives or notes, memory."^* The first insertions are two lists of tenants, discussed above amongst the Abingdon surveys. Both are products of the period after the History in MS C had been

completed.' Next there is a miracle story which greatly expands on MS C's version of the reasons for Robert d’Oilly’s restorations to Abingdon, and does so in a somewhat different style, marked, for example, by Biblical quotation. MS B's account of Faritius includes a lengthy description of a conflict with the monks over food assignments. The earlier composer of the History may have omitted this since it conflicts with the impression of harmony in the 7? There are also various other minor differences, see above, Preface; also Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Orthography’. ' Likewise in the time of Henry II, the narrative concerning the dispute over pigs in ‘Kingsfrid’ is separated from the relevant writ, again making it harder for the reader to follow; below, p. 304. ‘#1 At the same time, a greater chronological emphasis makes events fit more neatly within specific reigns, the starts of which in MS B are marked by illustrations of the king concerned; see Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Illustrations’.

"? See below, pp. xlvii, liii, ciii. '5 Note also e.g. the different versions of the story involving the St Helen family and losses under King Stephen; below, p. liii.

'* See above, p. xvii. '5 Above, p. xxvi. !5 See below, p. 326; for peculiarities of style in the additions to MS B, sce also below, p. xxxix, and Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Style’. MS B also later contains a passage very close to MS C's briefer account, below, p. 32. When the reduplication was realized, the section in MS B was expunged by a rubricated ‘va . . . cat’ being added in the margin.

STRUCTURE

xxxix

time of Faritius, but MS B shows Faritius in a very good light with regard to the incident." MS B also includes additional entries on the building works and adornment of the church by Faritius, Vincent,

and Ingulf.'** It further reveals that Abbot Vincent obtained the 300 marks necessary for royal help in preserving the abbey's rights to hundred and market by thoroughly stripping the gold and silver

retable made by St /Ethelwold.'? Another addition justifies Ingulf’s stripping of ornaments of the church.? The remaining additions are writs of Stephen and Henry II."! These are not placed in any careful order, and indeed two of them

had already appeared elsewhere in both manuscripts.'? It is unclear why the various writs had not appeared in MS C. Those of Stephen which MS C omits have more specific concerns than those which it includes; conceivably they were considered of little value in the early years of Henry II. As for Henry's writs, not all of them post-date the period covered by MS C; indeed there are probably references to two of them in narratives in the earlier version.? It may simply be that the composer of MS C did not find these writs of Henry, or perhaps those of Stephen, in his trawl through the church's records. Given the small size of a writ, particularly when tied up, this need not be surprising, especially if their seals did not survive. MS B also provides a limited continuation of the earlier version of the History.?* The style of this section differs somewhat from the main text of the History, with an increased fondness for quotation or allusion.'?? The continuation mentions abbots and guardians during vacancies, and gives some further royal documents, in addition to the post-1164 writs which had been inserted earlier. It deals with only one land dispute, and that briefly. It omits disputes over Benham and over the advowson of the church of Winterbourne, which are revealed by documents in the cartularies.'°° Nor does it include Alexander 147 Below, p. 332.

^5 Below, pp. 338, 340, 344. There is no sign that these additional sections are related to the material on the same subject in De abbatibus.

4 Below, p. 338. 5! Below, pp. 340-2, 346-52.

13? Below, p. 344; see below, p. liii.

'52 Below, p. 350, concerning Chaddleworth appears twice in MS B, fos. 163°, 171" (sce CMA ii. 189, 224—5); p. 346 concerning toll is identical except for very minor variation to a

second writ of Henry II; MS B, fos. 170°, 171' (CMA ii. 218, 221-2).

53 Below, p. 240. 155 See below, pp. 354, 358.

55 Below, p. 354.

156 See Lyell, no. 108, Chatsworth, no. 299 for Benham (on dating, see above, p. xxix); Lyell, no. 356, Chatsworth, no. 83, Lyell, no. 484 (= English Lawsuits, no. 617) for Winterbourne.

INTRODUCTION

III's bulls.'^? Rather its major concern is the dispute over the income of the obedientiaries during the vacancy of 1185, and the extensive statement of these incomes headed *Concerning the customs of the

abbey"? It then swiftly concludes with Richard l's confirmation charter. No attempt has been made to produce a continuation maintaining the level of coverage enjoyed even by Abbot Walkelin in the earlier version of the History.

III.

PARTICIPANTS

THE

HISTORY

1. Abbots

In examining the main characters in Book II of the History, let us begin with the abbots, drawing also on supplementary information, particularly from the De abbatibus. The writers judged abbots upon various criteria, for example their building works and their treatment of the brethren. Above all, the History judges them according to their fulfilment of one of the oaths they swore upon their installation: ‘to gather the possessions of the church which had hitherto been unjustly dispersed’, as far as he is able, ‘and to preserve these for the use of the

church, the brethren, and of the poor and pilgrims’.'*? The Conqueror's first appointee to Abingdon was Adelelm, a monk of Jumiéges. He was appointed in 1071 and died on ro Sept. 1083.9? The History reveals his involvement in Robert Curthose's expedition to Scotland in 1080, whilst other evidence shows him attending the 1072 primacy council and another council at London in 1074 X 1075.'°' The History presents Adelelm favourably in general. When at the end of his life he had the opportunity to turn to the internal affairs of the monastery, his activities, including his prepar-

ations for rebuilding the church, are noted with apparent approval.!9?? Criticism for activities such as the alienation of lands to provide for 557 CMA ii. 313-14, Lyell, nos. 19-22, Chatsworth, no. 87. 55 See above, p. xxvi. MS C also contains an account of this vacancy, see above, p. xxvi, below, p. 358. 15 The Pontifical of Magdalen College, ed. H. A. Wilson (Henry Bradshaw Soc., XXXIX, 1910), p. 8r. See also below, p. Ixxxix, for the History's criticism of alienation, and pp. 6, 294 for possible echoes of the language of the oath.

1*9 Below, pp. 2, 16. !^' Below, p. 12; Councils and Synods with other Documents relating to the English Church: I. A.D. 871-1204, ed. D. Whitelock, M. Brett, and C. N. L. Brooke (2 vols., Oxford, 1981), ii. 604, 615. 102 Below, p. 16.

PARTICIPANTS

IN THE

HISTORY

xli

knights is muted; such alienation is said not to have started with him, and the difficulty of the times is also mentioned.'^ Adelelm defended the rights of the church, for example taking forceful action against the reeve of Sutton Courtenay.'^* He also made some acquisitions, which

the De abbatibus refers to as purchases from the king.'^ In the case of Nuneham Courtenay the History too describes the acquisition as a purchase, requiring the expenditure of a large chalice. Adelelm's need of money is also revealed by his gaging land for £30 to Robert de Péronne.'^^ Again the text does not seem to be criticizing him for this, at least not explicitly. However, he is shown not to have been entirely effective, losing control of Nuneham Courtenay, and the History openly criticizes him for succumbing to the flattery of Robert d'Oilly 167

Adelelm is much more strongly attacked in the De abbatibus, which heads its relevant entry ‘The ills which Abbot Adelelm did to Abingdon’.’® He is accused of sending to Normandy for his relatives, *to whom he gave and enfeoffed many of the church's possessions'. He typifies the alien and nepotistic abbot familiar from other monastic chronicles.'Ü He compounded his faults by his lack of respect for pre- Conquest saints, abusing /Ethelwold and Edward. His project to rebuild the church is taken as a lack of respect for JEthelwold's church, his death is presented as a fitting end. He was at table with his relatives and cronies (notis), abusing /Ethelwold and 15 Below, pp. 4-8. See also Salter, ‘Chronicle roll’, p. 729, where Adelelm’s alienations to knights were taken to amount to 160 hides. It is unclear how this figure was obtained. One possibility is that the writer had seen the list printed below, p. 392. A calculation based on Domesday Book for Berkshire would also produce a figure not very far from 160 for hides held by tenants.

1 Below, p. 14. 15 Below, pp. 10, 12; CMA ii. 284.

16 Below, p. 26. 1? Below, pp. 12, 10 respectively. 168 CMA ii. 283-4. De abbatibus also displays a dislike of monks of Jumieges; CMA ii. 278. The analysis of Adelelm provided by S. Ridyard, ‘Condigna veneratio: post-Conquest attitudes to the saints of the Anglo-Saxons’, Anglo-Norman Studies, ix (1987), 179-206, at pp. 190-3, must be questioned both on account of my suggestions about the composition of the De abbatibus, above, p. xxii, and of more recent general discussions of post-Conquest

attitudes to pre-Conquest saints.

!^ CMA ii. 283; it is unclear what the writer meant when he says that Adelelm gave his relatives seventy of the possessions of the church in one year. Cf. e.g. Hugh Candidus, Chronicle, ed. W. T. Mellows (Oxford, 1949), pp. 84-5, on another nepotistic abbot. See also below, p. ci, for Lanfranc apparently criticizing Adelelm’s failure to show ‘fatherly

love’ to some of his monks. Adelelm, like his successor Reginald, does not appear in the Abingdon kalendar, but since only abbots from Faritius are regularly included, this need not amount to a criticism; Cambridge, University Library, Kk. i 22, fos. [2m

xli

INTRODUCTION

his works, and saying that the church of English rustics should not stand but be destroyed. After dinner he left to relieve himself, and there cried out. Those who came running found him dead.

The De abbatibus has far less to say about Adelelm's successor, Reginald, not even naming him in the heading of the entry in

which he appears."? However, Reginald was sufficiently widely known that Orderic Vitalis mentions his death in 1097. He had been a royal chaplain, witnessing or signing various of the Conqueror's documents." ? He then became a monk of Jumiéges. Whilst, in the early post-Conquest period, a few other monasteries

had abbots who had been monks of Jumiéges,'’? nowhere else did the connection persist as at Abingdon. The appointment of Vincent in 1120 meant that three of the first four post-1066 appointees had been monks of Jumiéges. Between 1080 and 1083 William confirmed to Jumiéges a house, land, and gardens which Reginald had held of him at Bayeux, as Reginald had become a monk at Jumiéges.'”* Still more interesting is a first-person narrative by Reginald concerning the history of this land.'? However, even if Reginald brought to Abingdon a particular interest in the recording of lands, study of vocabulary establishes no link between the section of the History devoted to him and his own

memorandum concerning the land in Jumiéges. In the History, as opposed to the De abbatibus, it is Reginald who appears dangerously blessed with relatives." Royal charters reveal 170 CMA ii. 284-5. 7 Orderic, Ecclesiastical History, bk. viii, c. 8, ed. Chibnall, iv. 170. ' He is probably the man appearing in Recueil des actes des ducs de Normandie de 911 à 1066, ed. M. Fauroux (Caen, 1961), no. 197; Regesta, ed. Bates, nos. 210, 212, 236 (as clericus), 244, 246, 251 (as iunior capellanus), 266 1L, 267 1I. Regesta, ed. Bates, no. 305 is the sole English document witnessed by Reginald as chaplain, but it is a mid-twelfth-century forgery. See also Gallia Christiana, ed. D. de Sainte-Marthe and B. Hauréau (16 vols., Paris, 1715-1865), xi, Instrumenta, col. 328D. 15 Theodwine at Ely, Robert at Evesham, Godfrey at Malmesbury; Heads of Religious

Houses, pp. 45, 47, 55. U* Regesta, ed. Bates, no. 161; the gift is also mentioned in a general confirmation, no. 164. See also no. 59 for a grant by Reginald to La Trinité, Caen, before he became a monk.

"> Regesta, ed. Bates, no. 162 (1080 x 1084); see also his discussion at pp. 33-4. U$ On tenth- and eleventh-century historical writing at Jumieges, see The 'Gesta Normannorum Ducum’ of William ofJumieges, Orderic Vitalis, and Robert of Torigni, ed. E. M. C. van Houts (2 vols., OMT, 1992-5), i, pp. xxviii-xxxi. 7 Reginald was appointed on r9 Jun. 1084 and died 4 Feb. 1097; below, pp. 18, 60.

PARTICIPANTS

IN THE

HISTORY

xliii

that Reginald had a brother called William,'” whilst the History records that he had a son, born before he took the habit; a daughter, who married the Abingdon knight Rainbald; a nephew, named Robert; and a niece, who married another Abingdon knight. The History calls her the sister of Simon the king's dispenser, although never referring to Simon as Reginald's nephew. He may indeed have been a nephew, the History keeping it quiet because of his disputes with Abingdon, or Simon may have been only the niece's half-brother and unrelated to Reginald.'”? The abbot made grants of land to these kin, and the possible genealogy in Figure 1 shows the entanglement of his relatives with the tenants and the opponents of Abingdon.

ME Reginald

William dau. =Rainbald

or William

—— Robert

Simon the dispenser

Anskill = Ansfrida z Henry I

dau. = William of Seacourt

Richard

Fic. 1. Possible genealogy of Abbot Reginald’s relatives

Yet the History’s criticism of Reginald for these alienations is muted. Of his grant of Dumbleton to his nephew Robert it was stated that it ‘at the time seemed to him a wise move . . . But not long afterwards the abbot gravely repented of his decisions, for until then he had not known who was the originator of the gift of that land to this monastery.'?? No obvious criticism is made of Reginald’s grants to Rainbald, and there is only quiet criticism of his favour to his son; the grant of Marcham church was made with the convent's permission, but ‘in addition he gave some other possessions, of which no mention

was made to the convent’.'®! Rather than as a harmful nepotist, the History presents Reginald as a reformer, and an acquirer and defender of possessions. His "8 Regesta, cd. Bates, nos. 161, 164.

17? Below, pp. 58, 54, 50, 54- See also below, p. lxxii, on the dispensers. J. H. Round,

The King’s Serjeants and Officers of State (London, 1911), p. 187, suggests that Helewise, the wife of Hugh son of Thurstan the dispenser, may have been Reginald's sister; this rests on the assumptions (i) that Simon the dispenser was Hugh’s son and (ii) that Simon was nephew of Abbot Reginald. 13! Below, pp. 54-8. 180 Below, p. 50.

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INTRODUCTION

rebuilding work is accepted, the collapse of the old tower not being represented as divine retribution for the infringement of St JEthelwold's church. Only in the last sentence of the entry on rebuilding is an apologetic note stuck: the collapse of the tower *was the reason why the monastery which had been constructed by

the holy father and bishop /Ethelwold was rebuilt’.'** The writer goes on to praise Reginald for his introduction of the proper payment of tithe, which helped the rebuilding work.'*?? Reginald benefited from Rufus's initial favour: the king committed to him his dead father's treasure stored away at Winchester, to be distributed to the use either of churches or of the poor, trustfully expecting that he would perform this most devotedly. From this division, the following were conferred on this monastery: an excellent gospel text, with a silver vessel for the carrying of exorcized water, and also a rough piece of silk, with an ivory incense box made in the form of a ship.?*

Like Adelelm, he expended money on acquisitions, for example £30 on Shippon, which the De abbatibus calls a purchase. He also sought to defend the church's alienated lands from falling out of the abbey's control. Thus he resisted the pleas of the sons-in-law of Gilbert, tenant of Garsington, to be allowed to have their portions of Garsington by hereditary right. However, as was often the case in such defences of church lands, he had to allow the tenants a lifetenure, risking the renewal of claims in future. Still more of a problem was the fickleness of royal favour. The abbey was hard hit by Rufus turning against two knights of the church, Anskill and Rainbald. In the latter case the abbot had stood surety, according to the History, for £300 of the £500 which Rainbald

needed to pay the king in order to obtain reconciliation." It may be to these cases, or to a more

direct but otherwise unknown

conflict,

that the History refers when stating that ‘as time passed, at the instigation of certain men hostile to Reginald, the king's mind was '3 Below, p. 30; see also p. cii. '83 Below, p. 34.

' Below, p. 58. See F. Barlow, William Rufus (London, 1983), pp. 63-4. Reginald witnessed only one of Rufus's surviving charters, RRAN i, no. 315, a grant to the bishop of Bath, made at Dover on 27 Jan: 1091.

' Below,

pp. 24-6; CMA

ii. 285. Note also the gold mark

expended

on the

confirmation of Chesterton and Hill, below, p. 26; the £20 expended on the acquisition of the church of Sutton, below, p. 36.

75 Below, p. 48; J. G. H. Hudson, ‘Life-grants of land and the development of inheritance in Anglo-Norman England’, Anglo-Norman Studies, xii (1990), 67—80.

'*^ Below, pp. 52, 54. On the plausibility of this figure, see below, p. lxiv.

PARTICIPANTS

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xlv

turned against the abbot, so that grace turned to hatred. Nor did this anger diminish until the end of his life was at hand. This piled further scarcities upon the church.''?? Matters declined still further with the death of Reginald and the appointment of Modbert as guardian of the church. The De abbatibus calls him ‘prior’, the History ‘monk’ and ‘prepositus’; prepositus may just mean administrator, but it is also the word which the Rule and

Lanfranc's Monastic

Constitutions use for prior? It is unclear

whether the History is trying to conceal that he was prior, or whether

Modbert held some other position. Both the History and the De abbatibus present Modbert the custodian as a servant of the king not the monastery. The History criticizes him for his alienations, and for payments to the royal purse. The De abbatibus accuses him of nepotistic grants of the abbey's possessions. Only eighteen of the abbey's eighty ploughs remained,?' only thirty-two out of fifty monks. The church's manors were so ruined that the monks had scarcely anything to eat. The cloister, chapter, and dormitory fell into ruin, so the monks slept (jacerent) and held the chapter ‘in monasterio", presumably meaning within the abbey church. According to the De abbatibus the monks, faced with such miseries, resorted to fasts and prayers in order that God and the Virgin Mary

might provide a suitable abbot.'”* Whilst others slept, a boy named Nicholas watched at the altar of the holy Trinity, weeping and praying that the Lord help them in such great calamities. A beautiful woman appeared to him, and asked why he was crying. Nicholas answered ‘Lady, we don't have a pastor, nor anyone who does any good to us, not even my uncle Modbert. We're in the greatest miseries.’ To which the lady replied ‘Don’t fear. Tell the prior and convent that they are to receive my chaplain, the cellarer of Malmesbury, Faritius by name, and he will provide well for you, for I will be with him.’ When, next morning, Nicholas recounted this to the 155 Below, p. 60. 189 CMA ii. 285; below, p. 60, see also p. 208; The Monastic Constitutions of Lanfranc, revised edn., ed. D Knowles and C.: N. L. Brooke, (OMT, 2002), p. 112. For prepositus being used in a different sense at Abingdon, to mean a monk living on an estate, sec Lambrick, ‘Administration’, pp. 161, 182. 199 Book II of the History only uses the word of Modbert, although it also appears in Book I, notably with reference to Ealdred's position before becoming abbot; see Bk. i. c. 143 (CMA i. 482); see also Bk. i, c. 97 (CMA i. 357). 1?! The precise meaning of this is obscure.

192 CMA ii. 285-6.

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INTRODUCTION

monks and the prior—it is unclear whether this means Modbert— they praised God and ‘our Lady’, the Virgin Mary. The prior and two monks went to Henry I, who willingly agreed to appoint Faritius as

abbot.?* The History and De abbatibus agree that Modbert—or Modred as the De abbatibus now abbey of Milton, Dorset.

calls him—was

sent off to the

Faritius was a noted physician from Arezzo, who had become a monk and cellarer of Malmesbury, itself probably a centre of interest in

medicine.'** Henry I, his queen, and all the leading men of the realm reputedly

entrusted

themselves

to Faritius

ahead

of any

other

physician.?^ The History describes him as ‘especially outstanding in the knowledge of letters’, and he wrote a Life of St Aldhelm.'”° He also became involved in theological debate. The letters of Theobald of Étampes include one defending himself against Faritius, who had apparently accused him of teaching that unbaptized children could be saved.? Faritius is the hero of Book II of the History, and the first entry devoted to him draws parallels with /Ethelwold, the great reformer central to Book I. Of him alone does MS C provide a picture at the

start of his abbacy.? The History goes on to present him as the 3 Faritius was appointed in 1 Nov. 1100 and died 23 Feb. 1117; below, pp. 64, 224. ?* See E. J. Kealey, Medieval Medicus: A Social History of Anglo-Norman Medicine (Baltimore, 1981), p. 14 on Malmesbury, pp. 65-70 on Faritius. Note also John of Worcester, Chronicle, iii. 307, where an Abingdon addition to the Worcester chronicle states of Faritius: ‘Erat et Romane ecclesie notus cum et in ea tum multis et in aliis ecclesiis per ausonias oras diu deguerit.’

75 Below, p. 64. Despite the obvious royal favour he received, Faritius was not a frequent witness of Henry I’s charters; note RRAN ii, nos. 753, 825, 828. For Faritius witnessing two grants by Robert son of Hamo, see below, p. Ixix n. 363. 75 Most easily accessible in PL Ixxxix. 63-84; note N. R. Ker, Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries (4 vols., Oxford, 1969—92), ii. 939. The Life is anonymous, but Faritius's authorship is revealed by the comments of William of Malmesbury, Gesta pontificum "Anglorum, bk. v, cc. 186-8, ed. N. E. S. A. Hamilton (London, 1870), pp. 330-2, especially p. 332 which clearly refers to PL Ixxxix. 66. It cannot be precisely dated, although it is often assumed that Faritius must have written it when at Malmesbury (e.g. Ridyard, *Condigna veneratio", p. 194); William in the Gesta pontificum, bk. v, c. 186, ed. Hamilton, Pp. 330, ascribes it to Faritius ‘abbot of Abingdon’, but this may simply reflect the date of composition of the Gesta pontificum. On the Life, see also Ridyard, ‘Condigna veneratio’,

P. 194—5. 77 PL clxiii. 763-4; Theobald describes himself as ‘master of Oxford’. On Theobald, see The History of the University of Oxford, i. The Early Oxford Schools, ed. J. 1. Catto (Oxford, 1984), pp. 5-6.

93 See fo. 144".

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xlvii

defender of the church's lands and rights.? He generously endowed the monastic officials. He provided the monastery with new buildings and wealthy ornaments, no doubt funded by the newly acquired or resumed possessions. And he increased and organized the abbey's relics.?9?

The De Abbatibus supports this triumphant portrayal.?" Faritius came to Abingdon in 1101, and was honourably received by all.7° When he reached the bridge over the river Ock, he dismounted from his horse and proceeded barefoot to the church of St. Mary. The text then states that since Anselm was in exile, Faritius placed his pastoral staff on the altar until the archbishop's return to England. However, there is here a problem of chronology, in that Anselm had returned to England on 23 Sept. 1100 and only left again on 27 Apr. 1103; the reason for the confusion is unclear??? According to the De abbatibus, Faritius swiftly started his extensive rebuilding of the church and monastic buildings.” He increased the number of monks from the twenty-eight whom he found to eighty, and hoped to increase it to 100. He appointed scribes, in addition to

the claustral monks, who copied liturgical and theological works.^? He instituted the practice that the almoner should receive from the cellarer as many loaves as crosses were found in the Martyrology, so that one loaf could be given to the poor for each monk whose death was recorded." He also raised the level of celebration of various

feasts.7”” In addition, De abbatibus records Faritius’s actions concerning the monks’ food, but here its account needs to be compared with that given in an additional entry in MS B of the History, both because of the poor condition of the De abbatibus manuscript and because of the 19? See Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Anglo-Saxon charters’, for suggestions that defence of the abbey during his time may have involved the forging of documents. 200 See below, pp. lxxxv, cii, civ-vi. 201 CMA ii. 286-90. 202 Cf below, p. 64, where the History dates his appointment, although not his arrival at Abingdon, to 1 Nov. 1100. 203 For

Anselm’s

movements,

see R. W.

Southern,

Saint Anselm:

a Portrait

in a

Landscape (Cambridge, 1990), pp. xxviii—xxix.

204 See below, p. cii. 205 See below, p. cvi.

206 «Martyrology' may here be used in a loose sense to mean the obituary list of deceased monks, or indicate that an obit list was bound in a single volume with a martyrology. See also CMA ii. 405; Lanfranc, Monastic Constitutions, p. 192; Harvey, Living and Dying, p. 15, which makes it clear that the provision specified was scarcely gencrous. 207 See below, p. civ.

xlviii

INTRODUCTION

different impression given by much lengthier account in the His-

tory." According to that entry, one of the monks offered that they give up a quarter of their common bread, to further the abbot's building works. However, Faritius discussed the matter with the monks in the chapter the following day. He promised that he would try not to diminish the monks’ bread or their other customs, but rather by restoring and conserving the church's estates would add the weight of half a mark to the afore-mentioned measure of bread. Any

left over by those dining would be given to the needy.”” The De abbatibus specifies that Faritius granted to the eighty monks the same weight of cheese every five days that /Ethelwold had allowed forty-three monks every ten days.?'? The addition to the History again reveals the background. Certain monks had complained of the diminution of the cheese allowance contrary to /Ethelwold's provision, and the dispute reached Henry I. He sent the notably highpowered team of the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of Salisbury, and Hugh of Buckland to Abingdon to settle the matter. Faritius defended himself, and explained that the per capita diminution in the cheese allowance arose from the increase in the number of monks. He therefore arranged that the allowance be distributed every five days instead of every ten. Once it had been checked that separate provision was made for the abbot’s own table, this solution was accepted by all.?!! According to the De abbatibus, Faritius provided everything necessary for the sacrist, cellarer, lignar, and other obedientiaries.?? A record preserved in MS C, in the same hand as the History, records that his endowment of the lignary was intended both to ease the provision of fire and to reduce the burden on the peasantry. Previously they had paid their tithes for the building of the church, and also made payments for the church's wood. Faritius's reform was to draw the money for wood partly from tithes, partly from the other

payments.?'? Apart from a separate mention of the royal grant of Andersey,?'* 75 On the trustworthiness of MS B's statements about food allowances, see below,

P. 334 n. 40. 7? Below, p. 332. The De abbatibus mentions Faritius's increase of the measure of bread; CMA ii. 286. *10 The relevant sentence in the MS ends ‘quater xx. monachis in v. diebus concessit; cf. CMA ii. 287, where Stevenson printed ‘quarum’ instead of ‘quater’.

?!! Below, p. 336. 212 CMA ii. 289. 713 See below, p. 394.

^^ CMA

ii. 287.

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xlix

Faritius’s acquisitions are gathered under one heading in De abbatibus.?? This begins by stating that many possessions had been taken from Abingdon in the time of the Danes, but that Faritius recovered many of them, by prayer and payment, from King Henry. At the end of his life, he was seeking to purchase Sutton Courtenay from the king, because the men of Sutton were doing great harm to Abingdon. However, the king, then in Normandy, deferred this until his return

to England.”'®

De abbatibus gives a lengthy entry on Faritius's death. William, the cantor, on the day of the Purification of the Virgin Mary (2 Feb.) had prepared a pulmentum—that is a cereal or vegetable dish—which he took to the abbot sitting at his table in the refectory.?" Soon after tasting it, Faritius began to feel ill. He rose from the table, and informed the bishop of Salisbury and the abbots of Gloucester, Malmesbury, and Shrewsbury of the day and hour at which he would die. Then he offered on the great altar thirty pounds of gold for gilding a seven-branched candlestick, which he had bought for thirty pounds of silver. All the money he had collected for purchasing Sutton he ordered to be given to the poor. When the hour of his death approached, he meditated upon the words ‘Lord, I have loved the

habitation of thy house’, and then expired.?'? Thus far we have seen only praise of Faritius, apart from internal monastic rumblings concerning food. However, contrary views appear in descriptions of the election to the archbishopric of Canter-

bury in 1114, following the death of Anselm in 1109." Eadmer, in his Historia nouorum, states that the monks of Canterbury favoured Faritius but that various bishops and magnates blocked his election, since they desired the appointment of a non-monastic bishop or a clerk from the royal chapel. According to the De abbatibus, Faritius was elected to the archbishopric, but opposed by the bishops of Lincoln and Salisbury, who protested that there should not be an archbishop who, as a physician, had inspected women’s urine—a fastidiousness peculiar in two bishops who had illegitimate children. 15 CMA ii. 288. 216 CMA ii. 289. 217 For pulmentum, see Harvey, re and Dying, pp. 11-12. 218 Domine, dilexi decorem domus tue’; Ps. 25 (26): 8. Vol. i, c. B207, uses the same passage with reference to /Ethelwold; CMA i. 344. The De dibafibus incorrectly gives 1115 as the year of Faritius’s death; CMA ii 290. 219 Eadmer, Historia nouorum, bk. v, ed. Rule, P. 222; CMA ii. 287; below, p. 70; see also William of Malmesbury, Gesta pontificum, bk. 1, c. 65 ed. Hamilton, pp. 125-6; John of Worcester, Chronicle, iii. 307-8; Brett, English Coo p73-

INTRODUCTION

The History does not try to claim that Faritius was elected archbishop, but states that *the king would have been prepared to put a person of such renown onto the seat of the patriarchate, had not Faritius's inflexible standard of justice been suspect to certain men of higher ecclesiastical rank, disturbing a faction of them’. Thus in the context of the 1114 election, dislike of Faritius's rigour is attributed to churchmen. One entry in the History records that laymen felt, or at least argued, that Faritius drove an unfairly hard bargain, a complaint familiar too concerning his illustrious predecessor /Ethelwold. Langford mill was one of Faritius's acquisitions, but after the abbot's death the donor, William of Seacourt, complained to the king that the church held it by virtue of the aforesaid abbot's power rather than the donor's wishes. The abbey succeeded in retaining the mill, but William was probably not the only layman for whom Faritius was

less than a hero.?^? The History and the De abbatibus obviously provide the best evidence for Faritius’s later reputation at Abingdon. Faritius’s name in the text of the History in MS C is almost invariably rubricated; Abbot Vincent enjoyed this privilege only intermittently, Henry I only very rarely.?! Faritius’s name, moreover, was sometimes capitalized, a privilege he shared with the Virgin Mary.?” In addition, the tract ‘Concerning the Obedientiaries’ ranks the anniversaries of Vincent and Faritius above those of Walkelin and Ingulf.?? There is very tentative evidence suggesting a later cult of Faritius. A list of saints’ resting places mentions ‘Saint Vincente e Saint Caricius en Abindone’. It has been suggested that this is a misspelling of ‘Faricius’, but if there was any cult, it is extremely surprising that there survives no Abingdon evidence for it.?* ^? Below, p. 180. Sce also p. 132 for Faritius having difficulty in forcing his knights to perform castle-guard at Windsor. ? Faritius: fos. 148" ff.; Vincent: fos. 164'—165", 167'; Henry I: fo. 159". Exceptions to the rubrication of Faritius's name occur e.g. fo. 144' (where the name is in capitals), 155'. On rubrication for the pre-Conquest period, see Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Manuscripts’. ?? Faritius: e.g. fos. 144", 146", etc.; Mary: e.g. fos. 136', 144", etc. ?3 CMA ii. 382; see also ii. 394, 400, 401.

?^ L. Butler, "Two twelfth-century lists of saints’ resting places’, Analecta Bollandiana, cv (1987), 87—103, at pp. 88, 9r, 100; the passage concerned is PRO E 164/1, fo. 238". CMA ii. 395, reads ‘in duobus anniversariis Sancti Faricii et Vincentii, but ‘Sancti’ is the editor's mistranscription for ‘scilicet’. Nor is there mention of Faritius in e.g. Hugh Candidus's list of saints’ resting places, which only mentions Vincent the martyr at Abingdon; Butler, "Twelfth-century lists’, p. ror. It is possible that the French list did mean Faritius, and had brought him in by association with the name Vincent, shared by the martyr and by Faritius's successor; in this case the slip rather resembles that of the

PARTICIPANTS

IN THE

HISTORY

More generally, Faritius was widely noticed amongst chroniclers and historians, and held in high regard. Orderic mentions his appointment to Abingdon. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the Margam annals, and the Oseney annals record his death, the last noting that

his anniversary is especially commemorated at Abingdon.?? In the context of the 1114 Canterbury election, both Eadmer and William of Malmesbury comment on his diligence or zeal (industria). The latter also notes his acrimonia, perhaps best translated as ‘severity’ and reminiscent of the History’s own comment on ‘his inflexible standard of justice'."* Elsewhere in the Gesta pontificum, William is critical of Faritius’s Life of Aldhelm, but in general he is favourable and includes in his text verses written by another Malmesbury monk, Peter. These emphasize, for example, Faritius’s prudence, his work

on the church, and his highly regarded medical skills.?? Succeeding figures are inevitably diminished by the scale of treatment and the level of praise of Faritius. The vacancy subsequent to his death is presented as a considerable contrast to the custodianship of Modbert. Matters were well handled by Warenger, the prior, and new

grants of tithes and success in lawsuits continued."? Faritius was eventually succeeded by another monk of Jumiéges, Vincent, who was

abbot from 1121 until his death on 29 Mar. 1130.7? The History commented that *everyone loved him since he was munificent and generous’.”*° He again is presented as a benefactor of the obedientiaries, a successful defender of the abbey’s rights, and an accumulator of new gifts, although, with the exception of a grant of four hides by Ralph Basset, these tended to be smaller than those under Faritius.?! The section in the De abbatibus is brief, mentioning CMA’s editor. Alternatively ‘Caricius’ may derive from a corruption of another name, c.g. that of the martyr Cyricus or Cyriacus, of whom Abingdon possessed relics, below, p. 222. 25 Orderic, Ecclesiastical History, bk. x, c. 16, ed. Chibnall, v. 298; ASC, s.a. 1117;

Annales monastict, i. 10, 1v. 17. 26 Badmer, Historia nouorum, bk. v, ed. Rule, p. 222, William of Malmesbury, Gesta pontificum, bk. i, c. 67, ed. Hamilton, p. 126; above, p. xlix. 227 William of Malmesbury, Gesta pontificum, bk. ii, c. 88, bk. v, cc. 186-8, ed. Hamilton, pp. 192, 330-2. Peter may be identifiable with Peter Moraunt, who was later abbot of Malmesbury; R. Sharpe, 4 Handlist of the Latin Writers of Great Britain and Ireland before 1540 (Publications of the Journal of Medieval Latin, i, 1997), p. 429. 228 See below, pp. 224-8; sec also Salter, ‘Chronicle roll’, p. 729. 229 Below, pp. 228, 254. 230 Below, p. 230. Vincent witnessed only one royal charter, RRAN ii, no. 1391.

?31 See below, p. Ixxvii.

lii

INTRODUCTION

certain acquisitions, and his gift of his wool for one year for a great dossal depicting the ten virgins; all the obedientiaries made a dossal depicting the Apocalypse.” Above all, it presents Vincent as interested in cleanliness: he was accustomed to fill the washing place (/auatorium) with water before the monks rose, and established

the monks’ baths.^? There is no mention of a vacancy between Vincent's death and the appointment of Ingulf, prior of Winchester, abbot from mid-1130 until his death on 19 Sept. 1158.?* He may have attended the

Legatine council at Westminster in December 1138,” and William of Malmesbury reports that he was present at Winchester Cathedral, on 3 Mar. 1141, when the Empress Matilda was received as Lady of

England.?* If he was identified as a supporter of the Empress, this may well explain some of his problems with King Stephen, although

the sources do not make this explicit. The History emphasizes the difficult circ*mstances Ingulf faced in Stephen's reign, and his attempt to use papal help as a necessary alternative to ineffective royal aid. However, it grows more critical of Ingulf, for his actions against the wishes of the monks, and for keeping the church's seal under his own control: some of the church's possessions were taken away with a veneer of propriety, in that the abbot so wished, but unjustly, in that it harmed the church. . . . He kept the seal of the church under his own control and confirmed with it what he wished. Therefore after his death it was ensured that many seal impressions harmfully made by him were broken.?? ?3? A dossal is an ornamental, usually an embroidered, cloth normally hung at the back of the altar. ^3 CMA ii. 290. On monks’ baths, see also Lanfranc, Monastic Constitutions, p. 14.

54 Below, pp. 254, 298; also CMA ii. 291. See English Register of Godstow, p. 28 for Ingulf giving 60s. to Godstow; see also RRAN iii, no. 366 where the royal confirmation states only that the gift was by the abbot of Abingdon.

35 Councils and Synods: I. 871-1204, ii. 771. *36 William of Malmesbury, Historia novella, bk. iii, c. 45, ed. King, p. 88.

*57 See below, n. 248, for the difficulty of dating these troubles. Ingulf appeared as the first witness of acharter of Stephen in 1149; RRAN iii, no. 455. The other two charters of Stephen which he witnessed would be of 1136 and 1138, but both are of at least dubious authenticity; RRAN iii, nos. 284 (where the editors identify as Ingulf the man named as ‘Indu . . . Alvendon’), 928. Ingulf witnessed two of Henry I’s charters, RRAN ii, nos. 1715-16. The charters of Henry II contain no instances of Ingulf witnessing; I would like to thank Judith Everard for conducting this search on the Angevin acta collection currently being completed by Sir James Holt, Dr Nicholas Vincent, and herself. 55 Below, p. 290.

PARTICIPANTS

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The impression of internal strife is reinforced by the account of his approach to death: During his lengthy struggle with illness, he had himself brought into the brethren's chapter, for the illness prevented him walking. There he absolved of their sins all subject to him, and humbly asked that they would remit in

God's name any sin he had committed towards them??? As remarked earlier, the De abbatibus gives a very different impression of Ingulf.**° It records that he made gifts to the monks’ kitchen, and never harmed the chamberlain or kitchener, the latter statement sounding like a defence against accusations. His generosity to the church also included a purchase, matched by the sacrist

Richard, of a great bell called ‘Hildelhubel’, for seventy marks." His building works were also extensive.^7 The later version of the History also includes some praise for Ingulf's building work, and his

gifts of vestments and hangings to the church.^* The church and its ornaments certainly suffered during his abbacy, but the De abbatibus provides excuses. The spoliation of cnu*t's reliquary of St Vincent was to provide for the poor during famine, as is also mentioned in the later version of the History."^* Ingulf had to break other caskets or reliquaries to pay for King Stephen's demand of £300. The demand arose because Stephen gave the abbey of Chertsey to a monk of Abingdon, named William of St Helen.*” However, William refused to pay obedience to his diocesan, the bishop of Winchester, and so the bishop excommunicated him. William was released from the excommunication by the pope, and returned to Abingdon. When he heard this, the King demanded from Ingulf the £300 which William had promised him for Chertsey. The 39 Below, p. 296. 240 See above, p. xxiii, and CMA ii. 291-2 for this and the following paragraphs.

241 The meaning of the name ‘Hildehubel’ is not entirely clear. One possibility is that it is a mixture of English and French, Old English ‘hilde’ meaning ‘battle’, Old French ‘hu’ meaning ‘clamour’, as in ‘hue and cry’; perhaps the bell sounded like the clash of metal on metal in battle. 242 See below, p. ciii.

43 Below, p. 344.

244 Below, p. 344. See also Salter, ‘Chronicle roll’, p. 729. 245 These events cannot be precisely dated; the only abbot elected to Chertsey in Stephen’s reign was the king’s nephew Hugh, who became abbot in c.1149; Heads of Religious Houses, p. 38. How long the abbey had previously been vacant is unclear. See also English Episcopal Acta, viii. Winchester 1070-1204, ed. M. J. Franklin (Oxford, 1993), no. 34; Chertsey Abbey Cartularies, ed. M. S. Giuseppi and P. M. Barnes (2 vols. in 3 parts, Surrey Rec. Soc., xii, 1933-63), ii, p. ix.

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INTRODUCTION

later version of the History may be referring to a related debt when it explains that Ingulf had to strip twelve reliquaries of their gold and silver in order to retain the service of the land of Richard of St Helen. The knight had fallen foul of King Stephen and ‘ought to have been disinherited through Abbot Ingulf*.^*6 Nor, according to the De abbatibus, was Ingulf to blame for the plundering of the abbey.” Much money was stored in the abbey's treasury, part of it gathered for the restoration of the reliquary of St Vincent. However, a sacrist called Simon Crassus informed the king of this, and Stephen sent William de Ypres there to seize the money. He entered the treasury, feigning prayer, broke into the coffer, and took from it fifty marks of gold and five hundred marks of silver. The sacrist was soon rewarded with an abbacy, but three years later, the writer is pleased to note, died with worms eating away his hands and

feet.?* The later version of the History also associates the treasure plundered with the restoration of reliquaries, and blames the abbey’s losses on certain ‘betrayers of the [abbot’s] secret counsel’, who went to the king and accused the abbot of improperly acquiring the

money.”” According to the De abbatibus, Ingulf’s successor Walkelin, a monk of Evesham, was appointed by Henry II at the intervention of Queen Eleanor.’ He was abbot from 1159 until his death on ro Apr. 1164.”°' For the History, Walkelin was favoured by the king as a man committed to resuming the losses of his predecessors as abbot, and the History goes on to present him as successful in this commit© Below, p. 346. ?*7 The earlier version of the History, below, p. 292, attributes this to ‘the treachery of certain friends of the abbot’; this may be seen as an excuse for the abbot, or imply blame if the friends were regarded as traitors to the house rather than to Ingulf.

*48 The house was Athelney; Heads of Religious Houses, p. 26. The MS refers to it as “Alignia’. However, there may be problems of chronology. Tivo Chartularies of the Priory of St Peter at Bath, ed. W. Hunt (Somerset Rec. Soc., vii, 1894), no. 61 (pp. 58—9) is a charter of Robert bishop elect of Bath, witnessed by Simon abbot of Athelney, and dated in the cartulary to 1135. Bishop Robert's predecessor, Godfrey, died on 16 Aug. 1135 and Robert was consecrated on 22 Mar. 1136. It is possible that Stephen plundered Abingdon in the first months of his reign, and William de Ypres was present in England early in 1136 (RRAN iii, p. 417). Yet the relevant passage in the History comes just before mention of Stephen's death (see below, p. 294), and if early 1136 is the correct date, it would also require a reconsideration of our view of Stephen's early rule.

^? Below, p. 346. ^9 CMA ii. 292. A search by Judith Everard of the Angevin acta collection has found no instances of Walkelin witnessing.

?! Heads of Religious Houses, p. 25; Cambridge, University Library, Kk. i 22, fo. 3".

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ment.^? The limited extent of the History for his abbacy, however, together with the need for discretion about a still-living abbot, makes it hard to establish the writer's attitude to Walkelin. A criticism may appear in the History’s conclusion concerning the dispute over the church of St Aldate, Oxford: Moreover, with prelates neglecting the defence of their own possessions, the canons of St Frideswide withhold to this day, and strive to withhold forever, the part of the church which we have said belonged to Nicholas and now by right was ours. The honour of making the presentment, however, is reserved for us, together with our part. I have spoken for this reason, so that some day, through a man given by God, the just resumption of the other part should occur that much more swiftly, because the unjust seizure is found recorded in writing.

It may be that the ‘negligent prelates’ included Walkelin. If so, it would reinforce the impression, formed from explicit statements concerning Ingulf, that the writer wrote not only on behalf of Abingdon in conflict with outsiders, but also on behalf of the convent

in actual or potential conflict with abbots.^" The remaining twelfth-century rulers of Abingdon who appear De abbatibus and the continuation of the History will be covered briefly. Following Walkelin's death, the abbey was vacant for year and then entrusted to the custody of Godfrey bishop

in the more half a of St

Asaph, a former monk of Coventry.” According to the De abbatibus, the king removed him after conflict with the monks, whereas Roger of Howden's account of the 1175 Council of Westminster emphasizes

the demands of the clerks of St Asaph that he return to his see.^? The new abbot, Roger, had been prior of Bermondsey, but little can be discovered about his abbacy of Abingdon which lasted from 1175

until 1185.7 There followed the custodianship of the royal clerk

Thomas of Hurstbourne, recorded in MS B, and in a section of MS C 252 Below, p. 298; sce also below, p. 314. 253 See also Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Composition’. 254 PR rr; HII, p. 77; Heads of Religious Houses, p. 25. Godfrey had been a monk of Coventry late in Henry I’s reign; Saltman, Theobald, p. 129. 255 CMA ii, 293, which criticizes the insolence of Godfrey’s relatives; see also Roger of Howden, Chronicon, ed. W. Stubbs (4 vols., London, 1868-71), ii. 77-8, Gesta regis Henrici secundi Benedicti abbatis, ed. W. Stubbs (2 vols., London, 1867), i. 9o. ?56 De abbatibus describes him as cruel and suspicious, CMA ii. 293; Heads of Religious Houses, p. 25. Howden, Chronicon, ii. 78, simply refers to him as *a certain monk'. See English Register of Godstom, p. 49, for a grant by Abbot Roger to Godstow.

lvi

INTRODUCTION

in a hand later than that of the History.?? Master Thomas performed various administrative duties under Henry II and Richard I, including acting as a royal justice and exacting tallage from the royal

demesne.”** Just before his appointment as custodian of Abingdon, he had shared similar responsibility with Thomas Noel for the bishopric

and abbey of Chester.^? He is presented as threatening the customs of the house, and in particular seeking to control the possessions of

the monks as well as those of the chamber of the abbot."9? However, the monks successfully defended their rights before the justiciar, Ranulf de Glanville. The next abbot, Alfred, formerly prior of Rochester, is simply named in the continuation of the History, although the De abbatibus comments upon both his virtues and his

avarice.”°' The last abbot of the century, Hugh, receives slightly more attention.*” The continuation of the History mentions his obtaining a confirmation charter from Richard I, but does not take events beyond 1190. The De abbatibus states that he had been a monk of Abingdon, and praises him for his ever increasing virtues, his undertaking new building work, his gifts to the church, and his replacement of rye with wheat (frumentum) as the grain from which the monks' beer was made.^? 2. Monks of Abingdon

The De abbatibus gives us some figures for the number of monks at Abingdon. It states that numbers fell from fifty to thirty-two under Modbert, but recovered from twenty-eight to eighty under Faritius. The latter corresponds well with the History's statement that there was a threefold increase under Faritius. There are no figures for the rest of the twelfth century, but an episcopal deed of c.1201 stated that the total was to be increased to eighty again, if suitable candidates

could be found. Thus numbers at some point had dropped again.” ^7 CMA ii. 297-9, and translated as English Lawsuits, no. 570.

559 See e.g. PR 27 HII, p. 15, 32 HII, pp. 7, 17, 27, 35, 65, 77, 33 HII, pp. 36, 103, 147, 156, 178. Under Richard I he had custody of the archbishopric of York, PR 7 RI, PP. 29-33. 259 PR 30 HII, pp. 24-5, 31 HII, pp. 141-2. 769 See also M. Howell, Regalian Right in Medieval England (London, 1962), p. 43 n. 7, on the donum taken from Abingdon during the vacancy; whilst the amount is small, the practice appears to have been unusual under Henry II. ^! CMA ii. 293. Hugh was abbot 1186-1189; Heads of Religious Houses, pu25. ?^*? Abbot r189/90-c.1221; Heads of Religious Houses, p. 25

^5 CMA ii. 293. See English Register of Godstow, p. 34, for a grant by Abbot Hugh to Godstow.

?* Below, p. 72; CMA ii: 285, 287; Lyell, no. 166.

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lvii

We know very little about individual monks. For those other than officials, a few names can be obtained from accounts of their taking

the habit," or from witness lists. The latter provide us, for example, with a Benedict, a Robert, and a Godwine, in the time of Faritius or

shortly after.*”° From the De abbatibus, we know of the monk William of St Helen, who in Stephen's reign aspired to be abbot of Chertsey./^* There was also a certain Pondius, who was one of those whom MS B recorded as complaining about Faritius's regime.” We know slightly more about some monastic officials." A former prior /Elfric attended the consecration of Kingston Bagpuize

church.*”” The History praises Warenger, prior since Reginald's time, for his administration

during the vacancy

after Faritius’s

death, and he remained prior into Vincent’s time."! A certain Walter was prior in the mid-1150s,”” and a Nicholas in the mid1180s.?? 265 See below, p. 52, 100; see also p. go for Aubrey de Ver receiving the monastic habit on the day before his death. 266 Below, p. 200; see also p. 226 which mentions a William the monk and a William Brito who from his place in the witness list may also be a monk. One of these Williams may or may not be identical with the William the monk who appears at p. 156. See also e.g. p- 202. See also Cartulary of Oseney Abbey, ed. H. E. Salter (6 vols., Oxford Hist. Soc., Ixxxix, xc, xci, xcvii, xcviii, ci, 1929-36), iv, no. 9, a charter of Robert d'Oilly concerning his foundation of Oseney Priory in 1129, which is witnessed by Main' and Walter, monks of Abingdon. 67 See above, p. liii.

268 Below, p. Ixxxv. 269 See also below, p. c, on Richard the schoolmaster. Walter the chamberlain of Abingdon, below, p. 148, may have been the monks' or the abbot's chamberlain. William the chamberlain, below, p. 370, almost certainly was the monks’. For the abbot's household, see below, p. Ixxxiii. Numerous servants who make no appearance in the main text of the History are mentioned in the 1185 survey, below, p. 358. 7? Below, p. 176. For Modbert as a possible prior, see above, p. xlv. The prior mentioned in the account of the collapse of the church tower, below, p. 32, is nameless. 7! Below, pp. 224, 236. Witness lists confirm that he was prior in March 1104 and probably still in early 1111: below, pp. 200, 88; the latter date is based on the assumption that the royal confirmation charter (p. 86) concerning Colne was issued in the same year as Faritius received seisin of all the things mentioned in that charter. For mention of Warenger, see also below, p. 228. Theobald of Etampes’s letter to Faritius, (PL clxiii. 764) ends by mentioning Abingdon’s ‘good prior’ as ‘our inner friend’ (‘uestrum bonum priorem amicum nostrum interiorem.") 7? Below, p. 294; see also Historia et cartularium monasterii Sancti Petri Gloucestriae, ed. W. H. Hart (3 vols., London, 1863—7), ii. 106, for a charter of the archbishop of York witnessed by Walter prior of Abingdon, at Gloucester on 13 Dec. 1157. 75 See below, p. 370. The De obedientiariis, CMA ii. 367, mentions a sub-prior and a ‘third prior’. Lanfranc, Monastic Constitutions, p. 112, show that an abbey could have more than one prior at a time even in the eleventh century.

lviii

INTRODUCTION

Among sacrists, the prominence of Richard has already been noted. He was vital in the acquisition and resumption of lands, houses, and tithes, apparently through his personality and eloquence. He instituted the festival of the relics, constructed iron doors in the church, and presented a bell and organs, as well as further adornments for the

church.?"* Robert the sacrist appears in the History only as a witness of a case in 1119, and in a later addition concerning the decoration with gold of a chasuble given by Abbot Vincent.^? The De abbatibus blamed the sacrist Simon Crassus for the ransacking of the abbey's treasury in Stephen's reign?" Early in Faritius's time, the church and abbot are described as being seised of a gift ‘through’ William the cellarer, his role perhaps

linked to Faritius then bestowing part of the gift upon the cellar.^" A few years later, we again see Ralph the cellarer acting on behalf of the abbot, on this occasion receiving an oath of quitclaim. Ralph was also prominent in a dispute concerning the customs owed by ships of Oxford in 1110 x 1112.7 William the cantor appears in the earlier version of the History only as a witness in 1104.^? However, the De abbatibus records that he prepared the food on the day Faritius fell mortally ill.?9? There seems to be no criticism intended, but the later version of the History has William as one of Faritius's opponents in the dispute over food

allowances.”*! 3. Knights holding of Abingdon

The Pipe Rolls show that Abingdon knights, although the Carta of 1166 enfeoffed before 1135. This can be the poorer house of Peterborough

owed a servitium debitum of thirty reveals that thirty-three had been compared with the sixty owed by or the fifteen owed by the richer

house of St Augustine's, Canterbury.? The abbey contributed substantially to the guard at Windsor castle, and a writ of Henry I 274 275 276 27 27 o

See above, p. xx; below, pp. 280-90. Below, pp. cvi, 290. See above, p. liv. Below, p. 8o. William witnessed a document as cellarer in 1104, below, p. 200.

Below, pp. 152, 174. Below, p. 200. 280 See above, p. xlix. 28 See below, p. 332. 282 See T. Keefe, Feudal Assessments and the Political Community under Henry II and his Sons (Berkeley, 1983), pp. 158-60. 279

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indicates

even

IN THE

Faritius experiencing

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lix

difficulties in enforcing this

service.”*3 We do not have charters of enfeoffment to show how the obligation was passed on to tenants. Nevertheless, the History does provide a plausible and influential account.”** Initially Abbot Adelelm relied upon household knights. However, he later granted possessions

which had belonged to thegns who had fallen at Hastings.?? A continuing desire to rely upon previously alienated lands is suggested by Abbot Reginald's initial and futile search for ‘vavassour’s land’ with which to endow his nephew Robert; vavassour's land may be the equivalent of thegn's land.”8° Such grants were associated with the

coming of knights from overseas, and also with abbatial nepotism.”*’ Some knights can indeed be associated with Jumiéges, most obviously William de Jumiéges, but also possibly the family of St Helen; a Reginald of St Helen made an agreement with the abbot of Jumiéges in 1112.7? Domesday Book in general confirms the suggestion that many of the lands alienated after the Conquest had already been granted out in 1066.7? Of Abingdon's estates, approximately a quarter had been granted to tenants named in Domesday.??? Working out whether there was any consistency in the size or value of the knights’ fees granted is problematic, as we do not have a reliable early list of both holdings and service due. Chew emphasized the widely varying ratio of hidage

to knight service, on the basis of MS B's first list of knights.”?! However, if one concentrates only on the minority of entries in this list which are clearly and simply supported by Domesday, and if one ?55 Below, p. 132; see also p. 342, for a writ of Stephen ordering that Abbot Ingulf fulfil his castle-guard obligations at Windsor, and below, p. 306, for a writ of Eleanor of Aquitaine ordering the knights and tenants of Abingdon to do Abbot Walkelin the service they owed; also Keefe, Feudal Assessments, pp. 77-8.

284 See e.g. Keefe, Feudal Assessments, p. 77. Note also the account provided in Salter, ‘Chronicle roll’, p. 729. ?5 Below, p. 6; cf. the situation at Bury St Edmunds, Regesta, ed. Bates, no. 37. See also below, p. 8.

86 Below, p. 50. 287 See below, pp. 6-8, and above, p. xli. 288 Below, pp. Ixv, 136; Chartes de-l'Abbaye de Jumiéges, ed. J.-J. Vernier (2 vols., Paris, 1916), no. liv. Note that one of the witnesses to the agreement was a William Picot; a man named Picot and the St Helen family both had interests in Garsington, below, p. 48. 289 See e.g. DB i, fo. 58° (Seacourt, Shippon, a portion of Barton and Dry Sandford, Bayworth).

290 See further below, p. lxxv. 291 H. M. Chew, The English Ecclesiastical Tenants-in-Chief and Knight Service (Oxford, 1932), p. 121.

INTRODUCTION

looks at values not hidages, a pattern may emerge. Rainbald owed one knight for Tubney, which had a 1086 value of £4 per annum although being assessed at only one hide; Hubert owed one knight for Wytham, value £4, assessment five hides; Walter Giffard owed one knight for Lyford, value TRE £4, in 1086 £5, assessed at seven hides; Walter de Rivers owed two and a half knights for Beedon, value £8, assessed at eight hides. Rather outside this pattern of about £4 per knight's fee is the combined holding of Gilbert Marshal and Sueting, which owed one knight although being worth £6 in 1066, £7 in 1086. 'The lack of charters leaves us uncertain of the precise terms on which tenants received lands, but we do have one very useful account from the time of Faritius: Abbot Faritius also granted to Robert son of William Mauduit land of four hides in Weston, to hold in fee, which Robert's father had held from the abbot's predecessor. And he was to do the following service therefrom, namely that wherever the church of Abingdon did knight service, he would do that church's service for half a knight, that is, in castle-guard, in military service beyond and this side of the sea, in giving penny coins for a knight, in the king's guard service, and in all other services, as the church's other knights do. He also did homage to Abbot Faritius. This land previously only did three weeks’ service each year.

Unfortunately the passage does not reveal the usual duration of service. However, it does indicate both that there was a general notion of the services which all the church's knights did, and that there were variations, as had arisen at Weston.””” The Carta of 1166 allows us to look more closely at the results of the process of enfeoffment. Jordan of Sandford owed the most service, four knights. John of St Helen and Bohemond of *Leges' (probably Bessels Leigh) owed three each. Robert of Seacourt, William of Bessels Leigh, and Gilbert de Colombiéres owed two each, Hugh son of Berner one and a half. Thus these seven owed seventeen and a half of the thirty-three knights’ fees. Ten more men held one knight each. Seventeen men made up the remaining five and

a half fees.?? ^? Below, p. 199; C. W. Hollister, The Military Organization of Norman England (Oxford, 1965), pp. 89—10o, deals with the duration of military service, but does not cite this evidence. He discusses this passage at pp. 103-4 in the context of service abroad. See also below, p. 134.

73 Red Book, i. 305-6, below, p. 390. The Exchequer version of the Carta gives no name for the tenant of Seacourt, but the Abingdon version names Robert. For comment on

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lxi

Not many of the knights named in the Carta, or their predecessors, feature prominently in the History. Rather, a few families were predominant in the business of the church, as suggested, for example, by witnessing abbatial acts.?* Some were tied to abbots by kinship or marriage, and the majority were amongst those owing the larger quotas in 1166: the families of Hugh son of Berner, John of St Helen, and Seacourt.

Berner was the nephew of Robert de Péronne.*”> Domesday records him as holding in Berkshire from the abbey five hides in Sunningwell and Kennington, two hides in Boxford, and two hides in Garford, and

also Appleton from the bishop of Bayeux’s holding.?* He succeeded Robert in Abbot Reginald's time, and had to give back to the church three hides at Culham in relief?" Two years later, Berner challenged this relief, but unsuccessfully. In the History’s account of the case, his remaining portion was recorded as owing one and a half knights’ service, just as Hugh son of Berner would in the 1166 Carta; either continuity from the ro8os to 1166 was great, or the History’s account

of the 1080s imposed information from the 1160s.7* The History records Berner bringing this claim in person, but the fact that at the time of his succession he had been brought to the abbot by the bishop of Winchester may suggest that he was quite young. Certainly he was still alive in the early 1120s, and by then his age and position as a long-standing tenant may have reinforced his importance in the affairs of the honour. In Faritius's time and beyond he acted as a witness, for example to the transfer of seisin of Aubrey de Ver’s grants to Colne.*” Early in Vincent's abbacy he is found witnessing together with his son Hugh, but thereafter disappears from the records. Hugh, his son, is slightly less prominent in the History, but does appear as a witness to one of the sacrist Richard's such a preponderance of minor knightly holders, note R. J. Faith, The English Peasantry and the Growth of Lordship (London, 1997), p. 198. 294 Neither documents nor narrative suggests a distinction of these families as ‘barons’; a grant by Ingulf was made ‘in the presence of our barons and many of our neighbours’, but the term does not seem to be used in any precise way. A writ of Henry I addressed ‘to the barons of the abbey of Abingdon’ is given the rubricated heading ‘To the knights of this church’; below, p. 132. 295 Keats-Rohan, Domesday People, p. 167, suggests that the toponym is Péronne (Dept.

Somme).

BON DB is {0S.450.--50 103 795 Red Book, i. 305, below, p. 390. 299 Below, p. 80; see also e.g. pp. 44, 202, 226, 228.

9" Below, p. 236.

°7 Below, p. 28.

Ixii

INTRODUCTION

resumptions,*”! and as the recipient of one of the grants Abbot Ingulf made without the consent of the convent.*” As we have seen, he also appears in the 1166 Carta. 'The family thus provides an interesting example of just two generations spanning the period 1086—1166. 'The next family derived their name from the manor of Seacourt, amounting to five hides in Cumnor, held from Abingdon. The Domesday tenant was Anskill, who also held one hide at Marcham, ten hides at Bayworth with a certain Gilbert, and the area of Sparsholt called Fawler.? He first appears in the History when his men of Seacourt came into conflict with the abbey over a watercourse at Botley.?* He later fell out with William Rufus: Denunciation from the mouths of his own men so fired the king’s anger towards Anskill that he ordered him to be bound in chains and worn down by imprisonment. There he was enfeebled by the unaccustomed harshness and died a few days later.??

The king gave Fawler to Thurstan, his dispenser, and Abbot Reginald had to pay Rufus £60 to retain the rest of Anskill’s lands for the church. His widow Ansfrida was evicted, his son William banished from his father’s holdings. Ansfrida bore an illegitimate son of Henry I, and by Henry’s aid recovered Bayworth which had been her dower. William married Abbot Reginald’s niece, the sister of Simon the king’s dispenser. He eventually recovered Seacourt, the hide at Marcham, and—presumably following his mother’s death— land at Bayworth. In 1112 x 1113, he witnessed a quitclaim to the abbey, and following his mother’s death gave the mill of Langford to the church.*°° However, after Faritius’s death, William resumed the mill through Henry ls support, until the monks managed to persuade the king to the contrary. Perhaps William’s grievance against Faritius arose from the latter’s acceptance of Hugh son of Thurstan the

dispenser as tenant of Fawler."

Yet, also in the period after

Faritius’s death, William was present as a man of the abbey in the ?" Below, p. 280.

?* Below, p. 292. He also witnessed C.H., no. 1a, a charter dating from 1165 x 1175. ?5 DB i, fos. 58°59"; see also below, p. 52. A list of Henry I’s reign or early in Stephen’s has Anskill’s son William of Seacourt holding six hides in Bayworth, Robert of Sandford four hides; below, p. 386.

34 Below, p. 20. °° Below, p. 53; see also p. lxvi on royal anger. 3

Below, pp. 152, 180. ?" Below, pp. 182-6. The case reopened in the first decade of the thirteenth century,

but Robert of Seacourt gave up his claim; VCH, Berkshire, iv. 314.

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]xiii

county court of Berkshire when the abbey's right of quittance to geld

was established.?* He later acted as a witness on Abbot Vincent’s part in the latter's settlement with Simon the king's dispenser, William's own brother-in-law.??? Information about William's successors is relatively sparse and hard to interpret. He was most likely followed by Robert, probably his son. A William son of Robert is recorded at the start of Henry II's reign paying forty shillings scutage, the amount appropriate for a holding of two knights’ fees. This, however, may not be the successor of Robert son of William son of Anskill, for a later cirograph of Abbot Walkelin was witnessed by a Robert of Seacourt and William his son; it is unclear how many Williams and Roberts succeeded one another between the 1120s and the mid-1150s. The exchequer version of the Abingdon Carta of 1166 states only that Seacourt owed two knights, but the version included in MS C gives the name Robert of

Seacourt.?'? The last of our families owed only one knight in 1166 but particularly its first known member, Rainbald, is very prominent in the History. He was the son-in-law of Abbot Reginald, and may well have gained most of his lands in the period 1084-6, with some possible further additions by the early 1090s. Domesday records that he held one hide from the abbot in Tubney, from which place his family was to take its name, ten hides in Leckhampstead, and one

hide in Frilford.?? He may also have held lands at East Hanney and the mill at Marcham.?? The untrustworthy list of knights included only in MS B attributes to him further extensive lands.*'* Assuming that the list is not simply misleading, these could be post-Domesday acquisitions, otherwise unrecorded sub-tenancies, or holdings of another man of the same name. It is possible that he should be identified with a Rainbald holding lands in Berkshire from the king, 95 Below, p. 226. 30) Below, p. 236. 310 PR 2-4 HII, p. 35; below, p. 320; Red Book, i. 305, below, p. 390. Note also English Register of Godstom, pp. 42—4, 322. C.H., no. 1, a charter of Abbot Roger (1175-1185), confirms a final doneord between William of Seacourt and Simon the carpenter and his wife concerning a holding in Abingdon. For William witnessing, sce also e.g. Chatsworth, nos. 83, 295. 3! See above, p. xxi, on why he may feature so prominently in the History.

SUZUDYB fo Sie 35 Below, p. 190. Marcham mill was on the river Ock, on the south boundary of the parish; VCH, Berkshire, iv. 354—5. 314 Below, p. 322.

Ixiv

INTRODUCTION

and different spellings of the same name, such as Rainbold, Reinbald, and Reimbald, also feature in Domesday Book.?? Whatever the precise extent of his lands, Rainbald, like Anskill, fell out with William Rufus." He was, according to the History, to pay £500 for reconciliation, but instead fled, leaving his sureties, most notably the abbot, in deep financial trouble. The figure may be exaggerated, but the royal demands clearly were very burdensome. The abbot resumed the lands at Leckhampstead, Tubney, Frilford, and Hanney, and the mill at Marcham. However, following Rainbald's forgiveness, probably by Henry I, the knight recovered all his lands except Leckhampstead. He went on to surrender the hide at Hanney and the mill at Marcham, because he had them from the monks' demesne without the king and monks' assent. In return he was permitted to hold the remainder of his lands for the accustomed

service. As with assessing his lands, summarizing his later career is hampered by the possible existence of more than one man called Rainbald, and by the inconsistent spelling of names. However, the knight with whom we are presently concerned may well be the Rainbald who witnessed a settlement concerning the church of Peasemore in 1104 X1105, and two quitclaims to the abbey in ii12X 1114. It is also possible that his early devotion to the abbey is indicated by one of his sons being named Adelelm. Certainly in the time of Abbot Vincent, Rainbald of Tubney’s request that his son of that name be received as a monk of Abingdon was accepted,

eased by the gift of half a hide at *Moor'.?? In Abbot Ingulf's time we have a John of Tubney active as a witness on behalf of the abbey,?! and he may well have been Rainbald's heir. Before 1164 he had a son, Richard, who joined him as a witness, but John was still alive in 1166 when he owed one knight.” ?5 DB i, fo. 57; K. S. B. Keats-Rohan and D. E. Thornton, Domesday Names: an Index of the Latin Personal and Place Names in Domesday Book (Woodbridge, 1997), pp. 158, 162.

35 Below, p. 54. ?" PR 31 HI, pp. 82, 155, records debts of 200m. and 170m. of silver that the king might pardon the debtors for his ill-will.

18 Below, p. 190. Below, Below, Below, Below, 1165 X 1175

pp. 44 (Raimbold), 152 (Rainbold), 154 (Rainbald); see alse p. 24. p. 246. pp. 280, 320. pp. 320, 390, Red Book, i. 306. See also C.H., no. ra, a document witnessed by John of Tubney, Henry his son, and Ralph his brother.

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THE

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Ixv

Other families appear more occasionally as witnesses to transactions involving the abbey. The St Helen family owed its name to the church of St Helen, close to the abbey, or to the associated lands at ‘Helenstow’ which Thurstan of St Helen received in an exchange with Faritius.? In Domesday Reginald was the abbey’s tenant for

four hides at Frilford and three at Lyford.*** He may also have held lands at Hendred and at Garsington.*” He certainly witnessed the settlement between Abbot Reginald and the claimants to the inheritance of Gilbert Latimer, and indeed Reginald of St Helen may have held his land at Garsington not as a direct tenant of the abbey but as a sub-tenant.*”° By 1100 at the latest, he had been succeeded by his son Thurstan, who acquired a hide and a half from Modbert, custodian of the abbey, but later quitclaimed these lands in the

presence of Abbot Faritius." It was he who received land at ‘Helenstow’ in exchange for another holding. By Henry II’s reign, his lands had passed to John of St Helen, who witnessed Richard Basset's quitclaim of four hides at Chaddleworth to the

abbey.*”? He also appears in the 1155 Pipe Roll as a tenant of Abingdon pardoned 60s. scutage, the amount owed by three knights’

fees, and the 1166 Carta confirms this as the extent of his holding.**° Two other men with the toponym ‘of St Helen’ may well have had some connection with the family. T'hey are the knight Richard and the monk William of St Helen, whom the later version of the History and the De abbatibus respectively record as falling out with King

Stephen and thus bringing great loss upon the abbey.??! 4. Kings

Abingdon was a monastery with particularly close ties to the king. For the twelfth- and early thirteenth-century historians of the house, this link could be traced back to its original foundation and also to its

refoundation in the tenth century. Kings before and after 1066

were fond of staying at their residence on the isle of Andersey, just by 323 Below, p. 202.

224 DB 1505-359. 59-

€ 2s See below, pp. 322, 388. 19 susclow, p.p. 192. = Below, p. 50. elow, p. 250. Below, p. 202. 330 PR 2-4 HII, p. 35. For John, see also CMA ii. 305 (holding halfa hide at Weston), 311; C.H., no. 1a; on his son, also called John, see VCH, Berkshire, iv. 417. C.H., no. 2, is a charter of John of St Helen preserved as a single sheet, but oddities of the hand suggest 33 See above, pp. liii-iv. that it Is a copy. 33? See also Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Kings and patrons’.

Ixvi

INTRODUCTION

the monastery.**? We have already seen the close personal ties of some post-Conquest abbots to kings and queens: the former royal chaplain Reginald, Faritius physician to Henry I and his wife, Walkelin

appointed on the advice of Eleanor of Aquitaine." The connections are further exemplified by a writ of Henry II which refers to *my monks’ of Abingdon,? and by the illustrations of kings which

punctuate MS B.*°° However, the History’s concerns are very much with the local and internal affairs of the church, and therefore it is not especially vivid in

its depiction of kings.**” There is no comment upon William I at his death.*** In general the tone of Book II towards him is neutral, for example concerning the requirements for knight service, preparations against Danish assault, the enforced grant of land to the maimed knight, Hermer, or even William’s taking away of Nuneham Courte-

nay.? This contrasts with criticism of the royal forest and of oppressive royal officials; indeed William I and his queen, like their successors, are presented as the church's defenders against such officials.?^? For William II, too, there is no general summary of his character. Some explicit criticism does not specifically name the king: ‘At that time there was an unspeakable custom practised in England, that if any person among the prelates of churches departed life, the church

honour was assigned to the royal treasury. ?*' Other criticism is implicit, for example concerning the king's auctioning his favour to either side in a dispute over Dumbleton.*** More direct criticism of the king arises from the fluctuations of his favour towards the abbot and the abbot's men, and the ways in which his mind could be swayed against them.?? His disfavour manifested itself in anger, and—in a rare generalization about a king's character and behaviour—the History comments that ‘the king acted most severely towards the

objects of his anger?** 33 Below, p. 72. 55 Below, p. 248.

334 See above, pp. xlii, xlvi, liv. 336 See Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Illustrations’.

37 On the History’s language concerning kingship and royal power,

see Vol. i

Introduction, ‘Style’.

955 For the attitude of the History to the Norman Conquest, see Hudson, ‘Abbey of Abingdon', pp. 187-92. 339 Below, pp. 6, 16, 12.

;

?? Below, pp. 8, 12, 16. For William II offering protection against forest officials, below, p. 40. For Henry I, see e.g. pp. 116, 166.

?? Below, p. 50.

?^ Below, p. 54.

?'' Below, p. 60.

See above, p. xliv.

PARTICIPANTS

IN THE

HISTORY

Ixvii

Henry Pss early connections to the abbey and the area are mentioned: his stay at the abbey at Easter 1084 and his liaison with Ansfrida, widow of the knight Anskill. So too is his accession: ‘his older brother Robert had not yet returned from Jerusalem, where he had gone.' In none of these cases is comment made upon Henry's character or morals.*” An interesting general comment, though, is made about the changing nature of his rule: When King Henry was newly elected to the kingship, numerous men sought to be given many possessions which had belonged to the demesne of his predecessors as king. By prudent council, he gave everything which was sought, being still inferior to his petitioners. But as time passed he

considered himself their superior.*”

Henry's close bond to Faritius as his physician is obvious, and his high opinion of the abbot also apparent in his reported desire to have him as archbishop of Canterbury following Anselm’s death." His first queen, Matilda's, connections with the abbot are also clear, as is her piety and generosity to the abbey."^* Henry himself is praised for his kind reception of the monks of the abbey in 1120, when they went to him to seek a successor for Faritius.*” On the other hand, even Faritius could not freely obtain everything he wanted from Henry. Sometimes he had to accept a more limited grant, or needed to make a heavy payment, such as the £60 to have Hugh son of Thurstan the king's dispenser hold Fawler as the abbey's man.??? It is notable that in this case, when Henry’s favour seems to have been hard to obtain, the abbey's opponent was a royal servant. Henry’s anger is also reported. In the time of Abbot Vincent, certain men persuaded the king to take from the church the hundred of Hormer and to prohibit Abingdon market. Unlike Rufus, however, Henry could be brought to recognize the just cause, and Vincent’s defence of the abbey’s rights and his presentation of Edward the Confessor’s privilege was effective: “The king began to check his 3

Below, pp. 16, 52, 62. Below, p. 73See above, p. xlix. . 55 Below, pp. 64, 74-6, 140-4. Note also p. 184, for Faritius seeking her aid in the dispute over Fawler. 59 Below, p. 228. Note that the same entry states that Henry had long been detained in Normandy; this implicitly provides a justification for the length of the vacancy. The description of the vacancy itself, below, p. 224, can be taken as a deliberate contrast with that late in William II's reign.

9 Below, pp. 96-8, 184.

Ixviii

INTRODUCTION

anger, and to speak more mildly to the abbot.’ Once he had been promised 300 marks, he agreed to confirm the abbey's privileges.**! The later version of the History comments upon King Stephen’s

piety.” Again, however, royal servants could turn him against the abbey. Worst of all was Stephen’s plundering of the church's treasure.??^ In general, though, the emphasis is not upon the person of the king but the troubles of his reign and their effect upon the

abbey.? Stephen is more notable for his lack of direct involvement in the affairs of the abbey, in contrast to Henry I’s frequent interven-

tions.*°° Henry II was associated with the coming of peace: ‘Henry the Younger succeeded to the kingdom and the extraordinary war ceased

throughout England.’**’ He was also implicitly praised for his desire for the resumption of the church’s lands, manifested in his choice of Walkelin as abbot and in the justice he brought against those who had oppressed the church in Stephen’s reign.?? Like the other kings, he could be turned against the abbey, but like his grandfather, he could be persuaded of the rectitude of the abbey's position, most notably in the matter of Abingdon market." 5. Others Donors

The History records a wide range of men and women making grants to Abingdon. Besides kings and queens, major figures who made significant grants include Hugh earl of Chester, Ralph Basset, and the

de Ver family.* However, it is noteworthy that such grantors are concentrated in the half century after the Conquest. "Thereafter, it was lesser, local people who continued their own flow of benefactions." 361 The change may relate to increased competition from the 5! Below, p. 230.

Below, p. 346.

55 Below, p. 238. Below, p. 292; see also above, p. liv. 356 See e.g. below, p. 254. e.g. below, pp. 264-92. Below, p. 294. Below, pp. 242, 298, 306-8. Below, p. 308. See Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, ed. J. C. Robertson (7 vols., London, 1875—85), i. 213—14, ii. 245, for Eleanor of Aquitaine leaving a foundling to be raised at Abingdon in the time of Bishop Godfrey.

?9 Below, pp. 24, 82-90, 246. %*" See e.g. below, pp. 286-8; also E. Cownie, Religious Patronage in Anglo-Norman England, 1066—1135 (Woodbridge, 1998), ch. 2.

PARTICIPANTS

IN THE

HISTORY

lxix

wave of new foundations in the twelfth century, both great houses such as Reading and lesser ones such as Oseney and Littlemore.??? Moreover, several of the major donors’ gifts were related to attention received from Faritius for sickness: Abbot Faritius frequently administered many beneficial treatments to Robert son of Hamo. Therefore, when Robert was approaching the time to pay his debt to death, on the abbot’s recommendation he was told that he ought devotedly to render to the monastery of Abingdon some mark of piety, with a view to remembrance of him. He should do so both for the things to come with God and also for Faritius’s favour, if he recollected his many services towards him. He heeded these pieces of advice and conferred on that monastery a portion of land between Ackhamstead and Marlow, where a very considerable assart had been cleared.?9?

The History also relates to illness new gifts made to Faritius by Geoffrey de Ver, Adelina d'Ivry, Drogo des Andelys, and Miles Crispin, and by Ralph Basset to Abbot Vincent, and by Robert priest

of Marcham in the time of Abbot Ingulf.?9^* Restorations related to illness were made by Robert d'Oilly and Robert the abbot's nephew to Abbot Reginald, and by William son of Abbot Reginald to Faritius.?9? Grants could also be associated with the donor's son, the donor

himself, or both, taking the monastic habit. This too might be related to illness, as in the cases of Ralph Basset, Drogo des Andelys,

and William son of Abbot Reginald.?*" Elsewhere there is no mention of illness: in one case the taking of the habit is simply put down to *God's calling’, but in another arrangements for burial suggest

concern with impending death. Further, we have instances of men making arrangements for future gifts in conjunction with being buried at the abbey. When Geoffrey de Mauquenchy took the habit at Abingdon, his son Gerard gave himself to this church, so that if he wished to become a monk, he would receive this status from no other monastery but Abingdon. And if it 362 Cownie, Patronage, pp. 50-3. * 363 Below, p. 140. For ‘Pharisyus’ witnessing two of Robert’s grants to Cranborne, see Kealey, Medieval Medicus, p. 67. 364 Below, pp. 82, 98, 106, 142, 246, 286.

365 Below, pp. 32, 52, 190.

366 Below, pp. roo, 182, 246. For receipt of spiritual benefits, see also p. 26. Below, pp. 246, 98, 190. Below, pp. 256, 246, respectively; see also pp. 52, 90, 234.

Ixx

INTRODUCTION

happened that he died a layman, and this occurred in England, he would have burial here, together with a one third of all the goods he would then have in England. If he died in Normandy, still a third of his goods in England, as specified, would be the church’s.*”

The History also mentions Robert d'Oilly's burial at Abingdon, and the later version specifies that he was buried in the chapter-house, with his wife on his left.*”°

Royal officials Certain royal officials feature very significantly in the History. Most notable are Robert d'Oilly, Hugh of Buckland, and the royal dispensers. Robert d'Oilly received extensive lands following the Conquest, notably in Oxfordshire. He was also a royal constable and castellan of Oxford castle, and quite possibly sheriff of Berkshire, Oxfordshire, and Warwickshire in the course of William I’s reign. He

died c.1093.""' He appears in the History as the addressee of a writ of William I, and in association with the future Henry I when the prince spent Easter 1084 at Abingdon.*” The earlier version of the History presents him abusing his local power to obtain Tadmarton from Abbot Adelelm. The De abbatibus includes T'admarton amongst the lands which Abbot Adelelm gave to his kinsmen, and it is possible

that Robert was related to Adelelm.?? Even with royal help, the abbey could only get the estate back in return for an annual payment of £10 a year to Robert.*”* Eventually, however, illness led Robert to repent, and he became a particular patron of the rebuilding of the abbey church. He remitted the annual payment of £10 and conferred more than £100 ‘for the emendation of his past misdeeds, and also to help the rebuilding of the monastery’. Despite his repentance, however, he retained his hold on some further lands and

meadow.*”> The later version of the History adds a frightening vision to the tale of Robert's emendation of his ways, and emphasizes the sound counsel of his wife. To his good deeds is added the rebuilding of other churches, within and outwith the walls of Oxford. *9 Below, p. 180; see also p. 238. ?? Below, pp. 34, 330; see also CMA ii. 284.

?' R. V. Lennard, Rural England (Oxford, 1959), pp. 70-1; Sanders, Baronies, p. 54; Green, Sheriffs, pp. 26, 69, 83. 32 Below, pp. 2, 18.

75 CMA ii. 283. Below, p. Io. Below, p. 32.

PARTICIPANTS

IN THE

HISTORY

Ixxi

He and his wife were buried in the northern part of the chapter at

Abingdon.*”° Hugh derived his surname from Buckland in Berkshire, which he held of the abbey. He had already been sheriff of Bedfordshire, Berkshire, and Hertfordshire under Rufus, but is one of the men named by Orderic Vitalis as being raised from the dust by Henry I. Under the latter king he was also sheriff, or perhaps local justice of

Buckinghamshire, Essex, London, and Middlesex.*”” The History, in which he features very extensively, generally presents him as a friend of the abbey. It describes him as ‘a virtuous and wise man, who was sheriff not only of Berkshire but of seven other shires as well—he was so renowned a man and so close to the king". When the abbey was troubled by the miller of Hennor, ‘through the efforts of very many men, and especially through Hugh of Buckland’s support (in return for the accompanying spiritual benefit), Abbot Faritius so pressed upon the king’s grace that he and the church of Abingdon

obtained the lordship of that mill for ever’.*”? Only for his lengthy and ‘undeserved’ tenure of land at Hanney, obtained by grant of Modbert, was Hugh criticized, and even then the History praises his repentance: ‘greatly revering the authority of this abbot [Faritius], by which he willingly let himself be advised concerning this, he therefore

restored this land to the liberty of this church.”**° The abbey’s relationship with the king’s dispensers was less happy. Following the knight Anskill’s forfeiture, William Rufus seized his

land in Sparsholt, and granted it to Thurstan his dispenser.**' Writs of Henry I reveal problems with Thurstan’s son Hugh over the payment of services and of geld, whilst the History narrates that it cost Faritius a payment of £60 to the king to obtain the land and homage 376 Below, p. 326. This account particularly emphasizes his possession of the abbey’s meadow outside Oxford, but does not mention what happened to it following Robert’s vision. 37 Orderic, Ecclesiastical History, bk. xi, c. 2, ed. Chibnall, vi. 16; Green, Sheriffs,

pp. 25, 26, 28, 39, 47, 57378 Below, p. 172. 3? Below, p. 96. 38 Below, p. 192.

33 Below, p. 52; see also Barlow, William Rufus, p. 142. It is unikely that this is the Thurstan referred to in Henry I’s writ ‘Concerning the lands which Modbert gave or leased’, below, p. 126. For Thurstan's ancestors, see Round, Serjeants, pp. 186-8; Barlow, William Rufus, pp. 141-2, who suggests that he was illegitimate, presumably on the grounds that many of his father's lands passed to Urse d'Abetot. On the possibility that Robert son of Thurstan left an heiress, see The Beauchamp Cartulary: Charters 1100-1268, ed. E. Mason (Pipe Roll Soc., New Series xliii, 1980), p. xxi.

Ixxii

INTRODUCTION

of Hugh, together with the service and geld. However, relations were not entirely bad, and following Faritius's death, Hugh and his wife granted the abbey the tithe of all his goods of the manor of

Sparsholt.??? A further set of disputes involved another royal dispenser named Simon and his son. Simon, as we noted above, may have been Abbot

Reginald's nephew.*** During the vacancy after Faritius's death, Simon suggested to the king in Normandy that various possessions belonged to him by hereditary right as a relative of Abbot Reginald's son William. 'These were the church of Marcham and two hides and a mill and a dairy farm there; one hide at Garford; one hide at Milton, with a chapel and another half hide; one hide at Appleford; and three

and a half hides at Garsington.?? Abbot Vincent persuaded Simon to surrender all the possessions except Garsington, but in return had to grant him and his heirs the manor of Tadmarton. This settlement seems to have lasted until Stephen's reign, when Simon's son-in-law, the tenant of Tadmarton, failed to perform due service and was disseised by Abbot Ingulf.??* However, this again turned Simon and his relatives against the church. In 1153 Simon's son Thurstan obtained an order from Stephen to Ingulf that he deliver Thurstan what was his by hereditary right. The abbot delayed, but eventually the sheriff of Oxford seised Thurstan of the church of Marcham and three hides pertaining to it, and one hide in Milton and one in Appleford.**’ Only with the coming of Henry II, the History reports, was the church restored to its rights through royal judgment.** The Pipe Roll of the fifth year of Henry II reveals Thurstan owing Abingdon half a knight's service and this is confirmed in the 1166 Carta ^? What we have then is two separate sets of disputes involving the dispensers. The relationship of Hugh son of Thurstan to Simon cannot be established for certain. Round was cautious in his text, but in his family tree made Simon Hugh's son.?? Given the lack of mention of a relationship in the History, this may be doubted. Figure 2 is the best we can do for a genealogy. 38 Below, pp. 132-4, 184. 384 See above, p. xliii.

38 Below, p. 238. Below, p. 240-4, 306-8.

?9 PR 5 HII, p. 37; Red Book, i. 306, below, p. 390. °° Round, Serjeants, pp. 187, 189.

383 Below, p. 224. ?5 Below, pp. 234-8.

387 Below, p. 240.

PARTICIPANTS

IN THE

HISTORY

Ixxiii

(—]

Thurstan

Urse

d’ Abetot

Robert son of Thurstan

| Thurstan, dispenser of William Rufus

Helewise = Hugh son of Thurstan

’ Simon

Thurstan son of Simon Amauri

Thurstan

niece of Abbot Reginald?! dau = Walter son of Hingam Walter

Fic. 2. The dispensers

The disputes with the dispensers emphasize the problems which could arise for a lord when a tenant was also a royal servant. Generally in legal matters the abbots were the ones to benefit from easy access to the king. In this instance, though, it was Simon who benefited from such access, when, with the abbey vacant, he established his claim before Henry I in Normandy. Popes

The papacy is not very prominent in the History. A privilege probably issued by Innocent II does not appear in the text, and does not survive.?? Alexander III’s bulls were not included in the

later version of the History? Only when the abbey, deprived of royal aid under Stephen, turned to Eugenius III, do papal docu-

ments appear, and their impact is not recorded." Papal letters could also be used against the abbey. Thurstan son of Simon the dispenser gave Marcham church to a royal clerk, Ralph of Tamworth. Ralph was unwilling to give up the church when Thurstan

was disseised, but found that royal letters did not achieve his aim.*”” He therefore obtained papal letters, which he brought to Walkelin. He had, however, miscalculated. ?! See above, p. xliii. ?* Below, pp. 264-80.

9? See above, p. xxix.

9 Sce above, p. xxxix. 95 Below, p. 244.

Ixxiv

INTRODUCTION

[Walkelin] went to the king and showed him how deceitfully his cleric was acting against the church of Abingdon. The king therefore was angry with the cleric and instructed him that if he wished to remain in his court or even in his kingdom, he should strive to make peace with the church of Abingdon.

After 1154, as before 1135, the king, not the pope, was the abbey's best protector.

ESTATES,

DISPUTES,

CANDy LAW

1. Abingdon’s estates The abbey had a wide variety of types of income. There were the rents and produce from its lands. There were jurisdictional and other secular rights, such as tolls. And there were ecclesiastical rights, most notably income from tithes which increased markedly during this period. Gifts, confirmations, and resumptions of all these types of right and revenue provide the bulk of the material of the History. Domesday Book gives us our best indication of the estates’ annual

value.??6 County (1) 1066 Berkshire Oxfordshire Gloucestershire

(11) 1086 Berkshire Oxfordshire Gloucestershire Warwickshire

Approx. annual income

— Hidage

slightly over £400 slightly over £60 fi2

just over 510 — -

more than £420 but less than £450 slightly over £70 £9 £9 10s

approx. 320 86 vii 4

Domesday thus suggests a total income TRE of about £475, a 1086 income of between £510 and £540 p.a. The increased value came to a small extent from new acquisitions, but more from increased values of °° [ give rounded figures and ranges Domesday calculations from incomplete or of a ualet for Chilton, DB i, fo. 59; the Domesday concerning Shippon, below, pp.

because of the problems of making precise problematic information: note e.g. the absence apparent contradiction between History and 24-6; the absence of an entry for Culham.

ESTATES,

DISPUTES,

AND

LAW

Ixxv

existing lands.*°’ This made Abingdon probably the eighth wealthiest monastery in England in 1086.*”* Calculations based upon Domesday further suggest that just under 75% of the abbey’s revenue came from demesne land. This compares with approximately 70% at Glastonbury, 85% at Christchurch Canterbury, 54% at Peterborough, and between about 55 and 60% from many lay tenancies in chief??? The twelfth-century material does not allow us to make such full calculations. Some indications, though, are provided by income during vacancies. According to the History, during the vacancy of 1117—20, £300 a year was paid to the treasury, the remaining income comfortably allowing the church to have ‘every abundance of

provisions and clothing’.*” This figure seems congruous with the Domesday evidence. During the 1164 vacancy, the Pipe Roll records Adam of Catmore rendering account of £87 3s. 10d. for half a year.*°! The Pipe Roll figures for the 1185 vacancy are more in line with those in the History for 1117-20. For a single year, but spread over two Pipe Rolls, Master Thomas of Hurstbourne rendered account for a total of £389 9s, of which £252 18s. 8d. came from the farms of the abbey’s manors, the remainder from such sources as sales of corn, pleas, and other perquisites.*??

Geographical Distribution The abbey’s lands were divided into two main groups, one centring on Abingdon itself and stretching westwards, close to the rivers Thames and Ock, the other on the Berkshire downs. There were also some more distant estates, in eastern Berkshire in the area of Windsor Forest, in north Oxfordshire, and in Warwickshire and Gloucester-

shire. There was no general policy as to the alienation or retention in 3? Hudson, ‘Abbey of Abingdon’, p. 198. For general changes of value in Berkshire and Oxfordshire, see also The Domesday Geography of South-East England, ed. H. C. Darby and E. M. J. Campbell (Cambridge, 1962), pp. 209, 260; for hidage reduction in Berkshire, ibid., pp. 249-50. 33 See D. Knowles, The Monastic Order in England (2nd edn., Cambridge, 1963), p. 702, although note that his figure for Abingdon is too low. In 1538, when it was dissolved, Abingdon had a net income of about £1876 10s gd, making it the sixth wealthiest monastery in England; Lambrick, ‘Administration’, pp. 159, 181.

39 See N. E. Stacy, ‘Henry of Blois and the lordship of Glastonbury’, EHR cxiv (1999),

1—33, at p. 4. Stacy gives the figure of 7396 for Abingdon lands held in demesne in 1086, my own calculations produce the figure of 7496, which excludes Wallingford; such is a rare degree of harmony for Domesday statistics.

400 Below, p. 224. DIOPREDDOHID p77

ZUDRIOTEFITIApDe29 S27 1111, p. 17;

FiG

3 . Abing don estates named in Domesday for 1086

ESTATES,

DISPUTES,

AND

LAW

Ixxvii

demesne of distant estates. Whistley and Winkfield in eastern Berkshire were kept in demesne. In contrast, Chesterton in Warwickshire was granted to the knight Ansketel to hold in fee, in exchange for Tadmarton in north Oxfordshire. Indeed Tadmarton is a particularly notable instance of an estate repeatedly alienated and

resumed. ? Such distant estates may also have been particularly prone to disputes," but conflicts also arose over lands at the heart of Abingdon's holdings. Increases afier 1066 Mention has already been made of some of the donors to Abingdon after the Norman Conquest, of the increased number of gifts in Faritius’s time, and of the decline thereafter." A rough calculation of the extent of post-Conquest acquisitions can be made, although the History or charter does not always provide a hidage for the gift. Including the initial endowment of Colne, gifts after 1071 amounted to between twenty and twenty-five hides, approximately two-thirds of which were under Faritius. This represents an increase in hidage of about one twentieth compared with the 1086 figure derived from Domesday. The largest gift in hidage terms was the four hides at Chaddle-

worth given by Ralph Basset in the time of Abbot Vincent. *Next came Thorkell of Arden's gift of three hides at Chesterton and Hill under Adelelm,*” while three gifts of two hides or slightly more were made under Faritius, two of which became part of the estates of Colne

Priory.*? The initial endowment of Colne was also approximately of 403 See below, pp. 10, 236, 242; the exchange (below, p. 198) which allowed Ansketel to hold in fee Chesterton in Warwickshire whilst Tadmarton in Oxfordshire was taken back into the abbot's hand cannot really be seen as a significant step in concentrating the abbey's demesne lands close to Abingdon, since Tadmarton was distant in north Oxfordshire, and was later alienated again. Note also below, p. 5o, on Abbot Reginald's alienation of Dumbleton, Glos.; although the land was found to have long belonged to the monks’ use, its distance from Abingdon may underlie Reginald’s decision to grant it to his nephew. Other relatively distant estates were Hill in Warwickshire, South Cerney in Gloucestershire. See above, p. lix, for the pattern of alienation in 1086 resembling that in

1066.

404 DB i, fo. 169° South Cerney; ‘below, p. 26, Chesterton and Hill; below, p. 50, Dumbleton; below, p. 136, Hill; below, pp. 10, 238, Tadmarton; Red Book, i. 306 Hill.

405 See above, p. Ixviii. 06 Below, p. 246.

*" Below, p. 10.

48 Below, pp. 82-4 (Kensington—becomes part of Colne’s endowment), p. 9o (two carucates at Scaldwell, Northants.—become part of Colne's endowment), p. 158 (Wroxton).

FIG. 4. Abingdon acquisitions after 1086 Acquisitions of a hide or more are in capitals; other acquisitions are in lower case. NB The island of Andersey and Hennor mill are very close to Abingdon, and are not marked

separately. I have omitted Bulehea and Bradendena as their identification is uncertain. The acquisitions outside the area of the map were in the following places: Beds: STRATTON _ Berks.: Windsor: houses Bucks.: Langley: land — Essex and Suffolk: COLNE etc.: endowment of daughter house at Colne Glos: DUMBLETON Hants.: Winchester: houses Middlesex: London: houses KENSINGTON: lands and church

Northants.: STOKE BRUERN

SHUTTLEHANGER

ESTATES,

DISPUTES,

AND

LAW

Ixxix

this scale. All remaining gifts were of a hide or less, although it should be remembered that some small benefactions could be particularly valuable in monetary or other terms, for example because they included houses or because of their geographical position. These aspects are epitomized by a gift of Henry I’s queen, Matilda: it was very necessary that the queen bestow this gift on the church: completion of the journey which stretched from Abingdon to London was seen to be wearisome for travellers because of the large number of miles in between, the abbey having no house where a traveller could be suitably put up in mid-journey. That place, fifteen miles distant from London, offers reasonable opportunity for accommodation, since an abundance of woods,

meadows, and merchandise exists there.*” The History protests greatly about the losses which the abbey incurred during Stephen's reign. However, in hidage terms those recorded were not very great. The most serious arose in the dispute with Simon the king's dispenser and his relatives over Tadmarton

and other lands." Apart from this, recorded disputes were on a smaller scale, like that over half a hide at Boars Hill.*!’ It may be that other disputes were not recorded in the History, for example the incursions of William de Beauchamp and others mentioned in a bull

of Eugenius III.*? Alternatively, it may be that the losses were not so much complete deprivations of lands, but rather loss of income from

lands harmed in the civil war and losses of money and treasure.*? Rights and income other than land*"* Not many gifts of money or moveable goods are recorded in the History, but it does state that Robert d’Oilly ‘conferred a sum of over £100 to emend for his past deeds, and to help the rebuilding of the

monastery'.*^ Gifts of money may have been particularly welcome since at least some gifts of lands or other rights were made in return for payment. Hugh earl of Chester's charter records that Abbot Reginald gave him £30 of pennies in return for his grant of Shippon; 409 Below, p. 144.

410 See above, p. Ixxii. ^! Below, p. 282. 42 Below, p. 278; the dispute with William Martel may have concerned Whistley and Winkfield; see Stephen's writ, below, p. 342. *5 Below, p. 292. 414 See also below, p. xcvi, on judicial privileges, p. xci for geld exemption.

^5 Below, p. 32.

land at

Ixxx

INTRODUCTION

the De abbatibus states William Rufus’s charter Courtenay to Abingdon, abbey’s money, in public

that Abbot Reginald bought it for £30. states that he gave the church of Sutton the History adds that ‘the sum of £20 of the coin, was paid to the royal treasury that this

might be granted’.*"°

Sutton Courtenay was one of many of the churches in the Abingdon area which the abbey came to control.*'” In addition, the History gives a vivid account of Faritius personally supervising

the building of a church at Uffington." It has also been suggested

that Cumnor church was probably rebuilt by the abbey in the late eleventh or early twelfth century, and that analogies with other churches may suggest that its west tower may have been for the

abbot’s use.*? Together with the abbot's provision of a chapel at

Whistley, and lay establishment of chapels at Kingston Bagpuize and Peasemore, these building works form part of a notable change in pastoral care in the area."? At the same time, the abbey was persistent in its efforts to ensure that its churches did not lose rights or revenues: the History includes accounts of the disputes arising from

the new churches at Kingston Bagpuize and Peasemore."' One potential area of dispute with the establishment of such chapels was the reception of tithe, and tithes also feature very prominently amongst the new gifts to Abingdon from the time of Abbot Reginald.7? According to both the History and the De abbatibus, indeed, Reginald was associated with the introduction of the regular payment of correct tithes of the harvest." Grants of tithe to Abingdon continued to be common in the twelfth century, most being from neighbouring or nearby properties."* ^^ Below, pp. 24, 36, CMA

ii. 285. For comment,

see Hudson, Land, Lam, and

Lordship, pp. 164-5.

17 See below, pp. 36-40, Abingdon Cartularies, ii, pp. xxv, xxx-xxxi; B. R. Kemp, ‘Monastic possession of parish churches in England in the twelfth century’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, xxxi (1980), 133-60.

^3 See below, p. 208. 51? J. Blair, J. Croom, and E. Coleman, ‘The early church at Cumnor’, Oxoniensia, liv

(1989), 57-70.

?? See below, pp. 22, 42, 176; more generally, see e.g. Minsters and Parish Churches, ed. J. Blair (Oxford, 1988).

?! Below, pp. 42—4, 176-8; note also p. 294. ?? Below, pp. 36, 44-8. ?5 Below, p. 34. 95 See e.g. below, pp. 76-80, 86, 90, 138, 200, 206—12, 224-6, 244-6, 280, 282; see also Kemp, ‘Monastic possession of parish churches’; J. Blair, Early Medieval Surrey (Stroud, 1991), pp. 148-50. Cf. B. F. Harvey, Westminster Abbey and its Estates in the

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Other sources of revenue could also be significant for a monastery, for example income from the town where it was situated. However, if Abingdon was a monastery on the scale of St Albans or Bury, its associated town was much less significant and less assertive."^ It does not appear by name in Domesday, being subsumed within the large manor of Barton. The De obedientiariis, of the late twelfth or early thirteenth century, does not give Abingdon any special status, but states thatthe kitchener ‘will possess the vill of Abingdon as lord, freely and quit, and also all the

other vills devoted to the kitchen’.*”° The History also usually refers to Abingdon as a ui///a, undistinguished from other settlements, but on one occasion refers to it as a Purgus."" Abingdon did not have burgal status by royal grant, although at least in the thirteenth century it was treated like a borough in having its own presenting jury before the eyre.*? Despite these limits to its status, the revenues from the town of

Abingdon and in particular its market were worth protecting." Domesday reveals something of Abingdon's economic life by recording that ‘ten merchants dwelling (manentes) in front of the church gate

render 40d',"? and the urban element must have increased in the twelfth century. The abbey faced challenges regarding the market under both Henry I and Henry II. In the first case, opponents of the abbey claimed that of old there had never been a market. Abbot Vincent eventually obtained a royal confirmation of the market, together with the hundred, but only in return for a reported payment

of 300 marks— suggestive of the value of these rights.**' Under Henry II, men of Wallingford and Oxford claimed that in Henry I’s reign only a limited range of goods were sold at the market, according to the men of Wallingford nothing except bread and beer, according to those of Oxford a wider range of goods, but not those brought in carts or cargo boats. Eventually the abbey won its case, and Henry 'ordered Middle Ages (Oxford, Westminster.

1977), p. 47, on

the rarity of gifts of tithe by the laity to

#25 On the town of Abingdon, see e.g. Abingdon Cartularies, ii, pp. xxxvi-xxxvii. #26 CMA ii. 392; see also ii. 306. On the association of its revenues with the monks’ kitchen by 1170, see below, p. 395.

^" Below, p. 186.

93 See e.g. The Roll and Writ File of the Berkshire Eyre of1248, ed. M. T. Clanchy (Selden Soc., xc, 1973), pp. xli, 347-9: ‘Villa de Abbendon’ uenit per xii. 429 Below, p. 395 attributes a core payment of £16 a year to the kitchen from Abingdon.

430) DB.

fo. 58° ‘8! Below, pp. 230-2.

Ixxxii

INTRODUCTION

that from that day the fullest market should exist at Abingdon, with

the sole exception of boats, the abbot using only his own.*?

'The abbey also had rights to other income Particularly notable are the renders of herrings:

from

commerce.

From the time of lord Abbot Ordric [1052—66], it has been the custom of this church, that one hundred herrings—or a suitable price for them—be paid each year to the cellarer, in due fashion, from each boat of the city of Oxford which travels southwards by the water of the Thames flowing next to the court of Abingdon. The oarsmen of the boats render them to the cellarer, without being asked, specifically from the time of the Purification of St Mary [2 Feb.] until Easter.

With Henry P's aid, Faritius and the cellarer staged a successful defence of this right against the boatmen of Oxford.*? The abbey, on the other hand, enjoyed quittance of toll on its own goods, and had this privilege confirmed by a series of royal writs.*** Domesday mentions revenues from several fisheries, for example five fisheries at Barton rendering 18s. 4d., that at Whistley rendering

300 eels.5 The later manuscript of the History specifies that approximately 2,400 eels were to be rendered by fisheries."^ Domes-

day also records the abbey receiving revenue from thirty-two mills, and several more were acquired in the time of Faritius, for example through William son of Aiulf's grant of Boymill."^ Further mills

feature in the endowment of Colne priory."? Abingdon benefited considerably from the location of its lands, particularly in the valuable area close to the Thames and its tributaries. 52? Below, p. 312. Note also Curia Regis Rolls (HMSO, 1922- ), vi. 296—7, for a later abbot claiming that from the time of the Norman Conquest the abbey had held a *congregacio' at Shellingford, without the abbot or his men taking toll or other custom from there. 5533 Below, pp. 174, 374. The timing of the render suggests the importance of the fish to the Lenten diet.

5* Below, pp. 2, 116-18, 300, 342. 55 DB i, fos. 58", 59; for ecl renders from Whistley, see also below, p. 338. For fish weirs on the Thames and its side streams, see J. Blair, Anglo-Saxon Oxfordshire (Stroud, 1994), pp. 123-4; see also Domesday Geography ofSouth-East England, pp. 268—9. 86 Below, p. 338; note also the importance of dairy-farming, on which see further CMA ii. 287 (De abbatibus on dairy-farms), 308 (kitchener’s income; in MS C, list in later hand); below, p. 396 (kitchener’s income; in MS C, list in main hand); VCH, Berkshire, i. 306; Domesday Geography of South-East England, p. 280. ^?" Below, pp. 154-6; see also pp. 94-6, 180, 190, 216. From Walkelin’s time, see below, p. 316.

533 Below, pp. 86, 92.

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The period after the Conquest, then, did not see a great growth in the extent of Abingdon's estates. However, it did see some acquisitions of land, and also of other revenues. In addition, it appears to have been a period of continuing economic development. The establishment of new churches and conflicts with neighbours over markets may well be signs of economic development, as is competition over mills and

meadows.**? Some of the economic development was probably the work of the abbots themselves. Most notably, the History states of Faritius that at Easter in the year when he took up the abbacy, throughout the church's possessions every plot was devoid of crops. Lest this recur in future, we have seen by his efforts so increased an abundance of crops throughout the abbey's estates, that sometimes three years’ grain, often two, was available.”

2. Internal arrangement of estates and revenues

Gabrielle Lambrick suggested that in the later Anglo-Saxon period seven central manors were appropriated to the convent for the provision of food supplies: Cumnor, Barton, Marcham, Charney, Uffington, Lockinge with Farnborough, and Milton.’ Monks lived on these manors, sending in regular contributions. However, such a system is not clear from Domesday nor from the History. If it was functioning before 1066, it may have been ended as part of a restoration of discipline under Adelelm and Reginald.*” After the Conquest, many monasteries saw the gradual emergence of a division of revenues between abbot and convent. The impetus came from various directions: the secular involvement of the abbot; the development of a separate household and separate living quarters for him; internal conflict over alienation of lands; the desire to protect monks during vacancies."? At Abingdon, Domesday gives only very 59 For disputes over mills, see below, pp. 20, 94, 172. Note also disputes over meadows, see below, pp. 32, 94, 124, 172, 194, 328.

“40 Below, p. 70. ^! Tambrick, ‘Administration’, p. 161; see discussion in Vol. i, Introduction, 'Endowment and estates’. *€ D ambrick, ‘Administration’, p. 163; note also ibid., p. 182, for a thirteenth- or fourteenth-century memorandum recording that the monks residing outside monastery lived ‘minus ordinate quam deceret, and amongst laymen.

Ixxxiv

INTRODUCTION

limited information. The three hides which ees held in East Hanney were ‘of the monks’ demesne provisions’ before 1066. Also, the History backs up Domesday’s statement that Hermer held seven hides in Goosey and ‘he is on the monks’ demesne provisions.*** However, such phrases do not prove the existence of a clear division of lands between abbot and monks. During the vacancy of 1117-20, an ad hoc arrangement was made, with £300 a year being paid to the royal treasury; had a clear division of revenues existed, such an ad hoc arrangement might have been unnecessary. It is notable that the History says that Ingulf kept ‘the seal of the church under his own control and confirmed with it what he wished'.*? Probably this was the common seal of the monastery, separate seals for convent and abbot not yet having been created. The earliest surviving impression of an abbot’s seal is a fragment of Abbot Roger’s (1175-85). Me The principle of division is most clearly seen both challenged and confirmed in the vacancy of 1185-6. According to a later addition in MS C, the custodian, Master Thomas of Hurstbourne, ‘put it to us that the justices of the lord king had ordered him to seise into the hand of the lord king what is subjected to our obediences as well as the possessions belonging to the chamber of the abbot’. TO SEDC monks persuaded Ranulf de Glanville of the justice of their case, and he ordered Thomas ‘that as our accounts were separated from those of the abbot, as we had clearly proved before him, he only had care of whatever belonged to the chamber of the abbot'. However, the division of revenues was still not complete. Thomas also noted that the monks were accustomed to receive certain unspecified things ‘at fixed times by the hand of the abbot’. These may have been revenues from the seven manors named at the start of this section, with some additions. In return, the abbot would provide various supplies for the monks, and fulfil various duties, notably with regard to the expense of lawsuits. The limits of the division of revenues helps to explain certain characteristics of Abingdon abbot's buildings. Concerning the abbot's household, the History contains references to the abbot's chamberlain and the steward; abbot's chamberlain as donor below p. 224, as witness pp. 88, 154, 226; steward / seneschal pp. 348, 360; CM A ii. 351.

+ DB i, fo. 59°, below, p. 8. *5 Below, p. 290. 446 447

On seals, see Abingdon Cartularies, i, pp. xxxiii-xxxvil. CMA ii. 297-8, English Lamsuits, no. 570, on which see above, p. xxvi. The account

in MS B appears below, p. 358.

*55 T ambrick, ‘Administration’, pp. 173, 182.

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administration in the later middle ages, such as the limited importance of the cellarer.*”

The separation of revenues clearly relates to the endowment of specific monastic offices. These are commonly referred to as obediences, although the Latin term appears only once in the History, and that in a document rather than narrative: Abbot Ingulf's testament granted 'to our convent all the customs which it had in each of its

offices (obedientusy."? The History states that the tithe of East Hendred was given by Robert Marmion in the time of Abbot Reginald, and ‘conferred to the care of the almoner, for the reception

and service of the poor’.**! This may be the first grant to a specific office, although it is possible that the bestowal on the almoner was either a later event, or an assumption concerning the original gift

based on later arrangements."? Lists of endowments of the offices begin with Faritius who made gifts to the sacristy (‘the church’), the monks’ chamber, the almonry, the refectory, the cellar, and the infirmary.*? Following Faritiuss death, Ralph his chamberlain granted the church a tithe of two hides in Shellingford, and the

convent delegated this to the refectorer.?* Abbot Vincent made grants to the kitchen, the cellar, the refectory, the chamber, the sacristy (‘the office of the altar’), and the lignary (‘the fuel provision of the brothers’).*° Under Abbot Ingulf, the kitchen acquired Whistley and Winkfield ‘for the monks’ provision of fat’. His testament also mentions his grant of the rent of the mill of Watchfield, and the De abbatibus states that he gave this, Ock mill, and Shippon to the kitchen. A list of the kitchen’s revenues probably from

before c.1170 includes all these grants.^^ Ingulf also granted the sacristy revenues from Milton, and the church of St Aldate, Oxford. ^9 Lambrick, ‘Administration’, p. 175. For later concern about vacancies, note Lyell, no. 140, Chatsworth, no. 358. ^9? Below, p. 296.

^! Below, p. 46. 452 Below, p. 46, the charter of Ralph Rosel is very brief and mentions no special assignment. The warning against infringement of this grant, below, p. 46, may be directed against future abbots as well as Robert Marmion and Ralph Rosel’s successors. 453 Below, pp. 214-16, 394; the tithe of Dumbleton for buying parchment for the abbey's books was, or became, associated with the precentor, CMA ii. 328. See also below, p. 80, (for the almonry). Note also below, p. 332. On his grant for the monks’ fuel supply, see above, p. xlviii, and below, p. 394.

^^ Below, p. 224. 55 Below, p. 252.

^56 Below, pp. 296, 395.

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INTRODUCTION

'The revenue from Milton was probably from tithe, which appears as belonging to the sacristy in a bull of Eugenius III and an early list of

the ‘rents of the altar." The De abbatibus mentions his grant of twenty shillings in Drayton to the sacrist; conceivably this may be revenue from the Milton tithe, since the two are neighbouring settlements, but the sacrist also received revenues from land in

Drayton.5? The De abbatibus attributes to Ingulf the grant of the

tithe of Grove and a mill at Benson to the infirmary, but according to the History, this mill was received in the time of Abbot Walkelin.5? In addition Ingulf's testament contained a general confirmation of the offices’ customs, ‘that is in the cellar, in the refectory, in the almonry, in the maundy, in the sacristy, in the house of the sick, in the kitchen, in the chamber, in the custom of servants, in the court, in the receiving of guests, in the provision of wood, and in the works of the church??? These grants, together with lists which survive in MS C, including some in the same hand as the History, and also the survey undertaken in the vacancy of 1185 reveal the great extent and variety of revenues

each office possessed.*! For example, by Faritius's gift, the chamber had the village of Chieveley (except for thirty-two shillings which pertained to the kitchen), thirty shillings rent from Fencott, twentyfive shillings from the land of Henry d'Aubigny, and five shillings from Egelward of Colnbrook. To these Vincent added Ralph Basset’s gift of four hides at Chaddleworth. A further list, in the hand of the author of the History, records the chamber also having £37 from the village of Welford and various other rents and possessions."^ Lambrick points out that Chieveley and Welford were below southern slopes of the Berkshire downs, which certainly later was a good sheep-farming area. It may then have been allotted to the chamberlain

for the monks’ clothing.*? The kitchener's estates were much more ^59" Below, pp. 272, 397. 535 CMA ii. 291; see below, pp. 272, 284, for lands in Drayton owing payment to the altar of St Mary.

59 CMA ii. 291; below, p. 314. See also CMA ii. 328. ^99 Below, p. 296. Lambrick, ‘Administration’, p. 169, working from the De obedientariis, notes that by the end of the twelfth century, there was also a hostilar, a keeper of works, a gardener, and a pittancer; for the later development of officials, see Lambrick, *Administration', pp. 174-8. See below, p. cii, on building work related to the specific offices.

^9! For the 1185 survey, see below, p. 358. The lists in MS C which are in the same hand as the History summarize the total revenue, for example, of the lignary as £22, that of the kitchen as £82 ros together with extensive renders in kind; below, pp. 395, 396.

^9 Below, pp. 216, 252, 398.

^85 Lambrick, ‘Administration’, p. 169.

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scattered. According to the History, Abbot Vincent gave all the rents of Abingdon and a mill on the Ock, and Ingulf added the East

Berkshire estates of Winkfield and Whistley.*** These manors in the more heavily wooded areas of south-east Berkshire were particularly suitable for pig grazing, and hence for provision of fat. The choice of estates with which to endow obedientiaries was based on practical considerations relating to the life of the monastery. 3. Disputes and law

Along with the other monastic chronicles of the period, the History is an essential source for the historian of law. It provides information concerning substantive law, disputes, and jurisdiction. Occasional pieces of vocabulary, such as the phrase ‘manus inicio’, suggest the

influence of Roman and canon law,*® and the latter also appears in the justifications for alienation mentioned in Faritius's excommunica-

tion of despoilers of the church.*6 In general, though, the language of the History’s narrative does not betray notable learned influence, but rather resembles the regular vocabulary and phraseology of charters and dispute records of the period c.1066—1166. Substantive Law

The History is a particularly important source with regard to the law of land-holding, and some issues of land law can helpfully be explained here rather than in footnotes. The History is especially interested in the acquisition of lands by the church, and hence is revealing of practices of alienation by the laity.” In several instances, the consent of relatives to a grant is mentioned, but this is far from

being a standard part of the record. ? More attention is paid to delivery of seisin, and the witnessing of such delivery. Sometimes the ^9! Below, pp. 252, 296. See further below, p. 395. 465 Below, p. 182. See also the phrase ‘proprio fructuario’, below, p. 56. Comparison with other passages suggest that ‘proprio’ is here an adjective, ‘fructuario’ a noun, although this cannot be certain. If so, this is an instance of the History using a distinctively Romanocanonical word, rather than its more common vocabulary such as ‘proprio usui"; see below, pp. 50, 180. This might still be the case if ‘fructuario’ were an adjective, or the phrase could simply mean ‘from the brother's fruitful property’.

466 Below, p. 220. ^9 For gifts to church involving payment, see above, p. Ixxix. 468 For kin participation in grants, see e.g. below, pp. 24 (wife), 82 (wife and son), 152 (wife), 206 (step-father, mother, mother's brother, daughter), 209 (wife and son), 212 (wife); below, p. xciii, for claims by kin.

Ixxxviii

INTRODUCTION

donor himself delivered seisin, sometimes an official.'? Such delivery

could also be combined with other ceremonies, notably the placing of a symbol of the gift on the altar, or a new tenant doing homage to the church.*”” A dying donor might have problems delivering seisin in person, and the incapacitated Robert son of Hamo used his steward for this

purpose." In other instances, family participation or rapid confirmation were particularly desirable for death-bed gifts." When the

mortally ill Geoffrey de Ver made his grant of the church of Kensington he did so *with his father Aubrey and his mother Beatrice together with his brothers granting this’. Here, however, the need for consent may also reflect the peculiar situation of an heir making a grant when his father was still alive, and it is notable that Henry Is

confirmation attributes the gift to Aubrey himself.*”

Confirmations, and particularly written confirmations, strengthened the abbey’s hold on the gift. In some instances, the History provides only a charter of the donor’s son, not the donor himself, perhaps as a result of the loss of the earlier document, but perhaps

reflecting the increased

production of written evidence."*

For

another gift, of a hide at Dumbleton, we have a charter not of the donor but of his lord, Robert count of Meulan. Again it is possible that at this date, 1107 x 1108, the donor did not have a seal of his

own."? More generally, the lord’s confirmation strengthened the abbey's hold on the land, and might remit any services owed from

it." If a new lord had taken over the lands of an earlier donor, a confirmation might be particularly necessary."/ The abbey also obtained many royal confirmations, occasionally of a number of grants, more commonly of specific gifts. As with writs in law cases, some would have been obtained by the abbot in person, others through intermediaries. For example, the count of Meulan was also present at Henry I’s confirmation of the gift of a hide at ^9 See e.g. below, pp. 78, 88. 470 See e.g. below, pp. 78, 156, 186; also for placing on the altar, sce pp. 24, 78, 142, 146, 180, 206, 212, 236. ^" Below, p. 140; note also p. 142. See generally Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship,

pp. 195-6.

42 See below, p. 108. Below, pp. 82-4. See below, pp. 80, 148. Below, p. 150. Hudson, Land, Lam, and Lordship, pp. 218—19; see also below, p. 102. Below, p. 26.

ESTATES, DISPUTES, AND LAW Dumbleton,

and

may

have been

responsible

for obtaining

Ixxxix that

confirmation.*"? So far we have been concerned with grants to the church. What about alienations by the church? These were prohibited, or at the very least restricted, by canon law, and by the oath which the abbot took

on his installation.*” In practice, however, the granting of lands was a necessary and problematic part of the church's existence. Particular problems arose from alienation of lands attributed to the monks’ own use,'? and the difficulties of resuming grants by Modbert and Ingulf feature prominently in the History.**' Especially in the case of Ingulf, the emphasis is on the alienations being made 'against the will of the convent’ or ‘without the assent of the convent’, whereas many charters and cases of the period reveal that the monks' consent to

alienation was regarded as proper.** Thus when Abbot Faritius gave land at Chesterton to Ansketel, in exchange for his land at Tadmarton, he did so ‘by the consent of the monks and on the authority of

the knights'.*5? In addition, the king claimed some control over grants of monastic lands, and at Abingdon the knight Rainbald gave back various possessions to Abbot Faritius ‘because he had them and many others from the monks’ demesne without the king’s and monks?

consent’.**# When land had been alienated, the abbey strove to ensure that the tenurial basis of land-holding from the church was recognized, whereas tenants strove to escape such tenure by not performing homage or services. Nigel d'Oilly failed to do homage and service for his lands held from Abingdon for a long time after the appointment of Faritius. The abbot took court action so that Nigel would do homage to the church and abbot for what he held 'and recognize their lordship of these things for the future’. The terms of his tenure

were then spelt out.? Henry I ordered Robert Mauduit to perform for Faritius the customary service he owed from the land he held, 478 Below, p. 152. 479 See above, p. xl, below, pp. 6, 294; Hudson, Land, Lam, and Lordship, pp. 231-4. See e.g. below, p. 8. See e.g. below, pp. 192, 290-2.:

482 Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship, pp. 238-40. Below, p. 198.

*** Below, p. 190. Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship, pp. 247-9. 485 Below, p. 194. For the ‘recognition’ of lordship, see also e.g. below, p. 1 56. For attempts to escape homage and service, see also e.g. p. 188; the settlement arising from this case emphasized that the knight concerned was not free to alienate the land he held of the

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INTRODUCTION

*and if you do not, then I order that the aforesaid abbot is to do as he

wishes concerning his land which you hold'.5 The phraseology is

significant: the land was the abbot's, Robert merely held it. In contrast, the church was only very rarely stated to hold land from

someone.*®” The tenurial bond is presented as a feature of lay not ecclesiastical land-holding.***

In general, though, the abbey's tenants were fairly secure in their tenure. Failure to perform service led to distraint and court action, but rarely to forfeiture. When William the king's chamberlain had to confess that he had failed to do knight service in 1101, ‘it was decided according to the law of the country that he deservedly ought to be deprived of the land, [but] at the intercession of good men who were

present the abbot gave him back that land’, on specified terms. ^^?

The History in general is less concerned about inheritance by its tenants than about homage and service. Disputes over men trying to hold onto grants made only for their predecessors’ life-time are

few." In general, the church seems to have assumed that lands

held by its knights would be passed down by inheritance. In return for accepting an inheritance claim, the abbot would receive relief, and in one interesting and rare instance this took the form of surrendering

three hides of the claimed holding.?' When discussing the de Ver family, the History mentions primogeniture as the pattern for male heirs.?? The early pattern for female inheritance is less certain, although it came to be division between heiresses. Late in the eleventh century Gilbert Latimer did divide his lands at Garsington between his daughters, but this occurred in his lifetime and in relation to their marriages, rather than after his death as a matter of inheritance. On the other hand, we have seen that after 1166 the lands of William Grim passed to his daughters, implying division.?? 486 Below, p. 134. On the significance of pronouns, note also below, p. 56: ‘although we have said that these things were [Rainbald's], however he had nothing which he had not acquired by the gift of that abbot [Reginald]. Indeed the more valuable of them were had from the brethren's own lands.’

‘87 See below, p. 108, cf. p. roo. 488

Note also below, p. xci. Below, p. 186. On forfeiture, see Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship, pp. 33-4. See below, pp. 48, 282. 491 Below, p. 28. 492 Below, p. 82; see also p. 84. 493 Below, p. 48; above, p. xxv, for William Grim. On female inheritance, see also J. C. Holt, ‘Feudal society and the family in early medieval England: iv. The heiress and the alien’, TRHS, sth Ser. xxxv (1985), 1-28; J. A. Green, The Aristocracy of Norman England (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 372-81. 489

490

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xci

Cases of female succession are, then, too few to draw firm conclusions concerning possible changes in inheritance pattern. Disputes

The History recounts numerous disputes. Whilst it must be remembered that these are ex parte accounts, four initial conclusions can safely

be drawn. Disputes were generally conducted without violence.‘ Many of the key proceedings took place in court. The king, especially Henry I, was very much involved in the processes of justice. And Stephen’s reign provides something of an exception to each of the three preceding conclusions. Occasionally the History will refer to the abbey’s opponents only in vague terms, for example ‘some greedy-minded men'.? In these cases, the writer may not have known the men's precise identity, have considered it unimportant, or have refrained from mentioning their names as an act of discretion. Those of the abbey’s opponents who are named or specified by office can be grouped into various, not mutually exclusive, groups. A significant proportion were local royal officials. These included /Elfsige, reeve of the royal village of Sutton Courtenay, who exacted carrying services from the church's men, and brushwood from Abingdon’s woods at Cumnor and

Bagley.?5 Faritius too had to obtain royal protection against ‘the accusations of the king's foresters’ regarding these woods," and various of Henry I’s writs were directed against his own officials.^?In the vacancy after Faritius’s death, the abbey had to establish the quittance of its demesne hides against the demands of the county geld collectors.*” In addition, as we have already seen, the abbey came into dispute with another kind of royal minister, the household servant such as the dispensers. In these cases, the disputes arose not over royal demands upon the church but over the tenurial relationship of

the abbey and the king’s servant. Tenants of the church formed the second main group of disputants. These cases generally involved failure to perform service, ^* An exception is below, *5 Below, p. 104; see also Below, p. 14. Below, p. 166. #8 e.g. below, p. 118; see restore land to the church. ^9 Below, p. 226. 500 See above, p. Ixxi; also and treasurer.

p. 14, although even there the use of force was very specific. p. 74, on the abbey's rivals in obtaining Anderscy.

also above, p. lxxi, on Hugh of Buckland being ordered to

below, pp. 196-8, involving Herbert, Henry T's chamberlain

xcii

INTRODUCTION

disagreement as to the amount of service, and failure to do homage. Such cases may have been particularly common early in abbacies, and certainly there was a cluster in Faritius's first years, following the

vacancy of 1097-1100." Thirdly there were disputes with neighbours. Some were with

groups of men, and these often concerned jurisdiction or mills.??

There were repeated clashes with the men of Sutton Courtenay, over the hundred of Hormer, and over incursions on the abbey's land of Culham in order to take ‘turfs of that land for the use of the king’s

mill and fishery.?? In Stephen's reign there seem to have been

particular problems with the knights of the honour of Wallingford, and under Henry II the men of Wallingford together with those of Oxford brought the case concerning Abingdon market." Also in Stephen's reign there were disputes with powerful individuals of the region, as is revealed by a bull of Eugenius III addressed to the archbishop of Canterbury and the bishops of Lincoln, Worcester, and Salisbury: We have received the serious complaint of the religious brothers of Abingdon that William Martel, Hugh de Bolbec, William de Beauchamp, John Marshal, and their men and also many other men of your dioceses are violently invading their possessions, and seizing and taking away their goods, and demanding from them castle-work services which are not owed.?95

A different kind of dispute with a neighbour set Abingdon against the church of St Frideswide, over the body of the priest Nicholas: the canons of St Frideswide who were present thought him already dead, and they placed their own habit on him without his knowledge, possibly desiring him because of his wealth. Thus they wrongfully seized him by force for their own church.??é 3! See e.g. below, pp. 184, 186. *? Below, pp. 20, 124, 134.

*5 Below, pp. 166, 170—2; see also CMA ii. 289. Bk. i, c. 9, Vol. i, c. Brr, and De abbatibus present one hundred hides at Sutton as having been part of the early endowment of the abbey, but given away to King Cenwulf of the Mercians; CMA i. 21 n., 23, ii. 274. Charters of Abingdon Abbey, p. 44, suggests that the hundred hides were not ‘at’ Sutton, but transferred to the royal vill of Sutton; this contradicts the view of De abbatibus. The later version of the History states that Ine gave Sutton to the abbey, Vol. i, c. Br1 (CMA i. 14). ° Below, pp. 288, 308, 314.

55 Below, p. 278. 5% Below, p. 256; the case clearly demonstrates the desirability of being the last resting place of a potential donor.

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A few disputes were with donors or their kin over the continuation of gifts." Richard Basset sought to regain his grandfather's gift of

four hides at Chaddleworth."* Other challenges came at the time of the gift. When two relatives of a certain Scalegrai heard that he was considering making the church heir of his houses, they moved a hereditary claim to the property, but without success.??? The History also reveals much of procedure in law cases. Summons to answer in court would mark an important stage in a dispute, and might assert pressure on the abbey’s opponent. Failure to perform services led to distraint, as in disputes with William de Jumiéges and

Ermenold, a burgess of Oxford.?'? Distraint consisted of a temporary taking of the tenant’s goods, and sometimes lands, intended to compel the tenant to answer in court, or to perform the services, or both.?!! However, problems in getting people to respond, together with the desire to bring to bear all possible influence, help to explain why

Abingdon obtained royal writs.*!* The abbot or another member of the monastery may have had to go to the king in person in order to obtain the writ, or information may have been passed by an

intermediary.?? Not surprisingly, therefore, most of the writs were obtained in southern England, although Henry IIs series of writs issued at Rouen is an exception.?!* Some of the writs were couched in terms of confirmations of particular rights, some as orders to participants in disputes. In the latter instances, the writ might conclude with a statement that if the addressee did not obey the order, someone else would enforce it. This could be the sheriff of the relevant county, or a royal justice, or the addressee’s lord.^'? Royal orders were not always effective, and this was the reason the History gives for the abbey turning to the pope in Stephen's reign. We can also see delaying tactics being used against royal writs, both by the abbot and the abbey’s opponents.?'^ Such instances emphasize 57 See also below, p. 180, discussed above, p. 1; below, p. 18. For an heir apparently making a claim out of ignorance of his father's gift, sce below, p. 244.

95 Below, pp. 246—50. Below, p. 286. Below, pp. 136, 204. 511 See Hudson, Land, Lam, and Deine pp. 22-44. 512 See e.g. below, p. 134; see also pp. 132, 136. For an instance of royal involvement for which no writ survives, and for which no writ need have existed, see below, p. 180.

53 See e.g. below, pp. 242-4; note also p. 180. 5^ Below, pp. 298—306; note also pp. 346, 372-6. 35 See below, pp. 116, 126, 134, 248.

516 See below, pp. 240, 242.

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XClV

how slow a case might be to reach its conclusion. Moreover, royal support, at least on occasions, required payment. The History reports that Abbot Reginald had to give Rufus a total of £70 and two high quality horses to regain Dumbleton, Abbot Faritius £60 to Henry I to regain Sparsholt, Abbot Vincent £200 to Henry for confirmation of

the market and hundred."

Should we trust these figures? For

matters arising in the year 1129-30, the first surviving Pipe Roll reveals that Henry I demanded over £790 for what Judith Green has referred to as ‘help in judicial matters’. However, only slightly over £100 of this was actually paid during that year)? The History's figures, particularly those concerning Dumbleton and Sparsholt, therefore seem rather high for one-off payments, but more plausible as amounts offered.

Parties in disputes also looked to backers other than the king."

Particularly useful to the abbey was the support of Hugh of Buckland,

already mentioned in the context of the dispute over Hennor mill.*” It is notable that he is both addressee and witness to the royal writ concerning the dispute; part of his aid may have been in obtaining the document. Such support need not come free. The custodian Modbert's grant of three hides at Hanney to Hugh was made on

the consideration that he was the sheriff and royal justice.?' When

Abbot Ingulf was too old to attend county courts, ‘he was long accustomed to give annually roos. to the sheriff of Berkshire for the following reason, that he treat the abbey's men more leniently and help them in pleas and hundreds, if they had any need'2? The History only condemns this payment because it became ineffective, but when the abbey's opponents purchased support, the History

presents it as a matter of corruption.^? 'The main interest of the History in disputes concerned Abingdon's claims and the outcome of the dispute. Varying amounts of attention

were paid to matters such as procedure and proof.* We do hear of ‘reasoned pleading and testimony’, of the witness of the county or ?7 Below, pp. 50, 184, 230; the last of these conceivably might also be taken as a payment to be free of the king's anger or ill-will, on which see above, p. lxiv. 518. J. A. Green, ‘“Preclarum et magnificum antiquitatis monumentum": the earliest surviving Pipe Roll’, B/HR lv (1982), 1—17, at pp. 9, 17.

5? See also below, p. 226, for the help received from Ranulf the chancellor. 520

See above, p. lxxi. Below, p. 62. Below, p. 314. * Below, p. 240. For lack of clear statements as to procedure, see e.g. pp. 188-90, 194.

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hundred, of enquiries, and of the use of documents.*”> The overall impression given is that such procedures were more common than reliance on the oath of one party or upon ordeal; indeed there is only

one explicit mention of trial by battle, in a section added to MS B.?6 Court cases often were ended by a judgment tempered with an

element of compromise or mercy to the defeated party." The abbey sometimes made payments in order to retrieve lands, a notable example being the £10 a year Abbot Adelelm had to promise Robert d'Oilly for the restoration of 'Tadmarton.?? Settlement in or out of court was reinforced by oaths and rituals. Giralmus de Curzun withheld the tithe of West Lockinge from the abbey: ‘rebuked by Richard [the sacrist], he did penance and with his own hands broke the bolts of the barn and gave the tithe back to the church, confirming with an oath that he would do nothing similar

again. ??? Nevertheless, he was again to withhold payment, and had to be persuaded by words and concessions before he would again confirm the tithe. When the normal channels of justice were blocked, for example through the absence of royal support or the particular recalcitrance of the opponent, the abbey might have to rely on spiritual measures or

divine intervention,

particularly in the form of sickness.

Stephen's reign, William Boterel plundered the abbey's village of

Culham.?? Requests for restoration were ignored. Thus compelled, Abbot Ingulf (at the order of Theobald archbishop of Canterbury and Jocelin bishop of Salisbury) resorted to the retribution of the 95 Reasoned pleading and/or testimony: below, pp. 16, 22, 28, 44; witness of county etc.: pp. 4, 172, 308; use of documents: pp. 4, 50, 106, 170 (Domesday); enquiries: pp. 204, 306. For the testimony of a great man, see below, p. 312. For discussion in court, see also below, p. 344. For the possibility that documents were forged to support Abingdon claims, see Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Anglo-Saxon charters’; also Charters of Abingdon Abbey, pp. 98, 436, 442, 566, 569, 572. It should be noted, however, that the History’s accounts of these disputes do not mention such pre-Conquest documents.

526 Below, p. 344.

37 See e.g. below, pp. 10, 152, 172. On occasion the History may have played down the element of concession, in order to present the case as a victory for the abbey; below, p. 288, could be read thus. Not all cases ended in court. For example, it is possible that failure to do service could result in confiscation of the land without any court judgment: below, p. 238; note also below, p. 56, where the lands had been deserted by their tenant, Rainbald. On other occasions conviction of a crime led to forfeiture; below, pp. 152-4.

95 Below, p. 10. 59 Below, p. 284.

39 See e.g. below, p. 152.

531 or excommunications issued against future violators of Abingdon lands, see also below, pp. 56, 218.

52 Below, p. 314.

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INTRODUCTION

holy Church and condemned William to the bond of anathema. Yet, despite this condemnation, until the day of his death he neglected to seek forgiveness concerning his misdeed or absolution concerning the anathema. But at long last, by God's just judgment, he received in the aforementioned war a deadly wound, which immediately took away his speech, and rendered him henceforth useless for giving aid or doing harm, and he was despaired of. Feeling compassion for his misery, his brother Peter Boterel came as a supplicant to the abbot, to ask on his brother's behalf that he might obtain forgiveness for the dying man.??

Jurisdiction

'The judicial affairs recounted in the History took place mainly in the abbey's courts and those of the hundred and shire. The History mentions a case being conducted ‘in the common hallmoot', when relatives challenged a man's gift of houses to the abbey. The hallmoot would be a court for minor tenants and lesser men, and the abbey's estates may have had several such courts, perhaps one for each

manor.??* The abbey also had a court in Oxford, which was confirmed

by Henry I, and was presumably for its Oxford History records the special status of Culham:

tenants.?

The

From ancient times, that possession, more than others, is so free that no inhabitant is oppressed in any matter by the yoke of any sheriff or royal official, nor is it subject to the shire or hundred but only to the abbot's court in discussing the outcome of cases.???

A writ of William II granted that the abbey’s land have ‘its sake and

soke and all its customs’, a form re-iterated in a writ of Henry L^ Sake and soke jurisdiction may have been similar to that of the hundred court, except perhaps in excluding any rights of capital 53 For sickness, see also below, pp. 52, 328. For ‘Divine vengeance’, note below, p. 106. 55* Below, p. 286; F. M. Stenton, The First Century of English Feudalism 1066-1166 (2nd edn., Oxford, 1961), pp. 43-4. 55 Below, p. 232. Another settlement was completed in the ‘port-moot’ of Oxford. This most likely was the town court; below, p. 206. See below, p. 196, for a plea being held in Oxford on the disputed land itself; p. 114 for Henry I granting that land the abbot received in Oxford through an exchange with the bishop of Salisbury be held *with sake and soke and toll and team and infangentheof, as the abbot himself had best held that other land which he gave in exchange to the bishop." 55 Below, p. 29; on which see Bk. i, c. 25, and esp. Vol. i, c. B16 (CMA i. 19-21, 91-2); Charters of Abingdon Abbey, pp. xlv, ccv—vi, 46-9; VCH, Oxfordshire, vii. 30—2, 35; A. Thacker, */Ethelwold and Abingdon’, Bishop /Ethelmold: his Career and Influence, ed. B. Yorke (Woodbridge, 1988), pp. 43-64, at 49. 537 See below, pp. 20, 130.

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punishment. The other ‘customs’ mentioned in these writs may be ‘toll and team and infangentheof’. The first two are the rights to take tolls and to supervise the processes of proof concerning possession of chattels. Infangentheof is the right to execute thieves caught red-

handed within the privileged land, after summary trial.?? All five of these rights are spelt out in a writ of Henry I concerning Oxford and

in his writ appointing Abbot Vincent.??? The latter also includes the rights of *hamsocn and grithbriche and foresteal over all the abbey's own land'. Hamsocn concerns assault on a person's house and the people therein, grithbriche breach of special peace, and forsteal cases of ambush. To these Henry II added the right of flemenforthe, or cases concerning the harbouring of fugitives, and Richard I that of utfangentheof, the general right to execute thieves caught red-

handed, after summary trial.^*? The abbot further exercised hundredal jurisdiction in the hundred of Hormer, and from Abbot Vincent’s time the king insisted that ‘no sheriff or sheriff’s officials interfere in anything therein, but they are

to have and do their own justice freely’.**' Some such franchisal jurisdiction, rather than the abbot’s own court as lord, may well be the subject of another writ of Henry I: ‘Know that I have granted to Faritius abbot of St Mary of Abingdon that he do his justice concerning the thieving priest, who is in his custody at Abingdon. And let him similarly do his justice concerning his other thieves, with

the county court looking on.?^ Most important of all, though, in the History is the honour court. This dealt with the affairs of the abbey and the tenants of its lordship, and generally met in the abbot's presence. It was there, for example, that requests to inherit lands or disputes over services and

homage were commonly decided.*** The core of the gathering was the 538 For these privileges, see J. G. H. Hudson, The Formation of the English Common Law (London, 1996), pp. 43-5, 247. The versions given in the De abbatibus suggest that knowledge of the precise nature of the rights had faded, at least by the time that text was completed, see CMA ii. 282; note also Bk. i, cc. 127-8 (= CMA i. 464-5; Charters of Abingdon Abbey, no. 148). 539 See above, p. xcvi n. 535, below, pp. 114, 228. 59! See below, pp. 228, 254, 298, 372; Pollock and Maitland, i. 576-80, ii. 453-8.

541 Below, p. 232; see also pp. 20, 166-8, 230, 260, 264, 298, 304, 372; P. Wormald,

*Lordship and justice in the early English kingdom: Oswaldslow revisited, Property and Power in the Early Middle Ages, ed. W. Davies and P. Fouracre (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 114-36, at 129. 59 Below, p. 132; see the comment of Hudson, Formation of the Common Lam, p. 45.

555 See e.g. below, p. 188. 5^ e.g. below, p. 204.

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INTRODUCTION

abbot's men but others too might attend, at times making it difficult to distinguish the honorial from, say, a shire court. For example, the court which dealt in one day with three cases regarding lands at Bessels Leigh, Beedon, and Benham, may best be described as the honorial court, but the named witnesses were William the sheriff and Ralph Basset, important as royal officials, and Nigel d'Oilly and Hugh of Buckland, both Abingdon tenants, but also important men in their

own right.^?

Apart from control of the hundred of Hormer, and the dispute over Lewknor hundred mentioned earlier, hundredal jurisdiction does not feature very prominently in the History." The shire court, on the other hand, is particularly prominent in conflicts with royal offi-

cials.?*" An interesting instance is the dispute with the men of Sutton

Courtenay, Berkshire, over land at Culham, Oxfordshire, heard before the shire court sitting at Sutton, in the presence of the sheriff, Hugh of Buckland and *of many men of the three shires who were

attending there’.*** Cases between the abbey and its tenants might

also go to the shire. Henry I issued a writ ordering that Faritius return his dry corn and beasts to William de Jumiéges, who had, it seems, been distrained; ‘concerning the houses, indeed, and the green corn, and the other things, let him do justice by the just judgment of

the county.?*? Shire courts might also be summoned to meet in the presence of royal justices, as in the dispute over Abingdon market early in Henry II’s reign??? Various disputes came to court in the presence of the king or queen. King Stephen indeed ordered that the abbey should not plead about its lands, men, and possessions, or concerning any pleas which 55 Below, pp. 186-8. It is unclear whether below, p. 188, means that the tenant made his concessions in the chamber at Abingdon on the same day as a lengthy hearing—which would indicate that the court should primarily be seen as the abbot’s—or whether the concessions were made some time after the initial hearing of the three cases, and not necessarily in the same location.

546 For one case, see below, p. 172; note also pp. 304-6. 7 Below, p. 4; see also e.g. pp. 136, 226, 240, 308. Note also the requirement, below, p. 194, that Nigel d'Oilly should serve and help the abbot in the county courts of Berkshire and Oxfordshire; and above, p. xciv, for Ingulf's payment to the sheriff for help in the

county court. ^5 Below, p. 172; the three shires were Berkshire, Oxfordshire, and, most likely, Buckinghamshire. > Below, p. 136. On the shire and replevin, see Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship, pp. 40-1. Note also writs which provided that the sheriff was to act if the addressee failed to comply: below, pp. 116, 126, the latter of which first seeks a superior lord to act.

59 Below, p. 312.

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pertained to his crown, except in his presence; unfortunately we do not know the precise circ*mstances or date of the issue of these writs."?' Most cases pleaded in the royal court concerned royal rights, or arose from local officials or royal servants taking their case to the king or queen.?? However, the king's court might hear cases relating to tenants of the abbey other than royal servants: A certain knight, Walter, surnamed de Rivers, who, held the land called Beedon, died at that time, leaving a very young son of the same name. Because of this, the boy's uncle, named Jocelin, who desired to acquire that possession, appeared in the king's court, then meeting at Beckley, to argue

his case concerning this.??

It may be that Jocelin was seeking to hold the land directly from the king, or it may be that the location of the king's court, a few miles north-east of Oxford, on this occasion made it a convenient forum. Overall, the impression given by the History is that disputants’ choice of court did not rest solely upon rules of jurisdictional responsibility. As for ecclesiastical jurisdiction, episcopal involvement is recorded, for example, in cases relating to the loss of rights through the

establishment of chapels.??* Abingdon was never an exempt abbey in the sense of being free from archiepiscopal and episcopal visitation.? However, there is also evidence of Abingdon enjoying some liberties. Culham possessed ecclesiastical as well as secular privileges.°°° It has also been suggested that the ‘priests’ chapter’ gathered at Abingdon which dealt with a burial case could be the court of some kind of immunity.°*’ Further, a papal bull, probably of Alexander III (1159-81), prohibited the bishop of Salisbury from coming to the abbey for the sake of assembling synods, celebrating public masses, or various other purposes. The prohibition was issued to protect the

abbey’s ancient liberty and indemnity.? Thus the privileges of Abingdon in the post-Conquest period are not entirely clear. What 553! Below, p. 262.

552 See e.g. below, pp. 168, 182-6, 356. Note also the case over geld, below, p. 226, which passed from the county court to a hearing which involved Roger bishop of Salisbury, Robert bishop of Lincoln, Ranulf the chancellor, and Ralph Basset.

55 Below, p. 30.

554 See e.g. below, pp. 22-4. Such involvement could take the form of co-operation not conflict between abbot and bishop: below, pp. 42-4, 176-8. 55 Lambrick, ‘Administration’, p. 167 n. 4. 56 VCH, Oxfordshire, vii. 35, Thacker, '/Ethelwold', p. 49; above, p. xcvi. 57 Below, p. 178, Brett, English Church, pp. 207-8. Lyell, no. 22, Chatsworth, no. 87.

INTRODUCTION

is certain, however, is that relations with the diocesan play a very limited part in the History, in marked contrast with, for example, their prominence in the chronicle of Battle Abbey.

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'The History's main concerns are the lands and the external affairs of the abbey and the achievements of its abbots. It pays relatively little attention to learning within the monastery or to spiritual and liturgical life. For example, we know nothing of the liturgical impact of the Conqueror’s appointees from Jumieges, although it is notable that a later medieval Abingdon kalendar includes the feast day

on 15 Sept. of Aicadrus, abbot of Jumiéges.""^ Occasionally internal

monastic matters intrude because of a particular incident, for example the collapse of the great tower.’ On other occasions, they emerge in the context of the leading figures of the History and their endowment of the church, as in the case of the establishment of the anniversary of

Faritius, or of the sacrist Richard’s donation of organs and a bell.”

We also hear of the contact between liturgical life and the outside world in the context of gifts made on the feast days of St Mary. An agreement concerning a dairy farm at Oxford ‘was recorded and confirmed in our chamber, in the presence of our barons and many of our neighbours, who had gathered in our presence on the Nativity of

the most blessed Virgin Mary, as is their custom’.*” Similarly we

learn that Robert earl of Leicester recalled having been raised (nutriretur) at Abingdon ‘in the time of King William’, but there is little firm evidence for the abbey providing an external school for laity or clerics.^9? 59? Benedictine Kalendars, i. 17.

59 Below, p. 30. 59 Below, pp. 216, 290; above, p. liii. °62 Below, p. 258; note also e.g. p. 142. The De abbatibus reveals the presence of the bishop of Salisbury and the abbots of Gloucester, Malmesbury, and Shrewsbury at a feast of the Purification of the Virgin Mary; CMA ii. 290.

59 Below, p. 312; cf. D. B. Crouch, The Beaumont Twins (Cambridge, 1986), p. 7. A Richard the school-master [pedagogus] appears as a witness to a gift in Faritius's time; below, p. 180. F. Barlow, The English Church, 1066—1154 (London, 1979), p. 231, takes this as evidence for an external school existing at Abingdon in Henry I’s time. However, this single act of witness is surely not sufficient evidence, and it cannot even be certain that Richard was schoolmaster at Abingdon. His name follows that of Fulk, an illegitimate son of Henry I, and conceivably his connection was to Fulk, not the abbey. However, for the suggestion that Fulk must have been another illegitimate child of Henry [’s mistress Ansfrida, who was the mother of the donor of this gift, see below, p. 53 n. 127. See

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The History does give some indications of internal conflict, clearest

of which are the disputes with Ingulf over alienation of lands.?** The later version also, as we have seen, mentions conflict in Faritius's time

over the monks’ food allowances.9? Further internal troubles are revealed by other sources. For example, we know from a letter of Lanfranc that some monks left the abbey in the time of Abbot Adelelm. Lanfranc rebuked them, and when he found that they wished to return to Abingdon, he agreed to intercede on their behalf. He instructed Adelelm that out of love for God and for me you forgive them wholeheartedly whatever injury they have done you and whatever offence they have committed against their monastic profession, and that you receive them back into the positions that they held before their offence: show them from

now on such fatherly love that God may show mercy to you.?9* Lanfranc, the last phrase suggests, considered Adelelm not without fault in the dispute. The History is much more interested in presenting the positive

achievements of abbots. Most notable are their building works.?* The History does not deal with these in a very systematic fashion, and here the De abbatibus and the additions made to the later version of the History are very helpful. The chronology of building derived from the texts complements the suggested plan put together on the basis of

the not entirely satisfactory excavation of 1922.59 The first two abbots of Abingdon after the Conquest came from Jumiéges, an abbey where the Carolingian or post-Carolingian church of St Peter is dwarfed by the church of Notre-Dame dedicated in

1067.° This experience surely helps to explain their desire to rebuild at Abingdon, although progress was slow during their abbacies. As we Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, i. 213-14, ii. 245, for a foundling being raised and learning his letters at Abingdon in the time of Bishop Godfrey.

59* See above, p. lii. 565 See above, p. xlvii. 56 T anfranc, Letters, no. 28. 567 For church buildings before the Conquest, see Biddle et a/., ‘Early history’, pp. 427; Vol. i, Introduction, ‘The abbey and its buildings’.

568 Hor the excavation, see Biddle et a/., ‘Early history’, pp. 60-2, 65-6. 569 See L'Architecture normande au moyen age, ed. M. Baylé (2 vols., Caen, 1997), ii. 14— 15, 32-6. The Abingdon written evidence and excavations do not allow any definite architectural parallels to be drawn between the two churches, for example between the two towers which MS B, below, p. 338, mentions Faritius building at Abingdon and the two massive towers of the west front at Jumiéges.

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INTRODUCTION

have seen, both the History and De abbatibus record that Adelelm at

the time of his death was intent on rebuilding." By Reginald's time, according to the History, ‘everywhere in bishoprics and monasteries new buildings were being constructed', and it links his building

efforts to reform, notably in the payment of tithe.*’’ His first attempt

to enlarge the old church led to the collapse of the tower, but soon

afterwards new work was begun." Whilst Biddle and others have suggested that the post-Conquest church occupied the same site as /Ethelwold’s, it has more recently been argued by Fernie that Reginald ‘moved the site a few score yards to the north and constructed a longitudinal building of Norman type with an apse,

crossing, transept and nave’.*” An altar of SS Peter and Paul was dedicated before Reginald's death."

The first surviving version of the History attributes to Faritius the construction of almost all the church, the enlargement of the sanctuary, the rebuilding from the foundations of almost all the monks’ living quarters (fratrum habitacula), and of all buildings of the domestic offices (receptacula officinarum) to twice their previous

size"? The later version expands on this. Faritius built the nave of the church, with two towers; the parlour with the chapter house; the dormitory with the refectory; the abbot's chamber with a chapel; and the cloister with the kitchen. The De abbatibus confirms this account, stating that he built the cloister, chapter, dormitory, refectory, washplace, cellar, kitchen, and two parlours, one to the east next to the chapter house, one to the west under the abbot's chapel. He also constructed almost all the church, and the tower up to

the windows." We also know a little of the logistics of the building process. According to a record preserved in MS C, in the same hand as the History, Faritius shifted from using all tithes for the rebuilding

of the church to just those of Cumnor and Barton.??? Materials, and ?" Below, p. 16; CMA ii. 284. Below, p. 34. Below, p. 30. ? Biddle e? al., ‘Early history’, pp. 62—7; E. Fernie, The Architecture of the AngloSaxons (London, 1983), pp. 108-9.

7* Below, p. 40. 75 Below, pp. 66, 72. 76 Below, p. 338; note also his gift of two large hangings for the choir on the main feast days, below, p. 338. De abbatibus, in its section on Vincent, mentions that Faritius made a dossal depicting the Nativity, and another depicting Job; CMA 11. 290. For the abbot's chamber, see also below, p. 146. 577 CMA ii. 286. 78 See below, p. 394.

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especially lead for the roof, were acquired from Andersey.? MS B again gives further details: For all the buildings which that abbot made, he had beams and timber brought from the region of the Welsh, at great expense and with severe toil. He had six wagons for this and for each of them twelve oxen. The outward and return journey lasted six or seven weeks, as it was necessary to cross near

Shrewsbury.^*?? The first version of the History is uninformative about Vincent's

building work, as is the De abbatibus?! However, the later version of the History is more helpful: he had built the larger tower of the church, and fittingly adorned the court with various and apt outbuildings, that is, the hall of the guests with a chamber, a granary, a brewhouse, a bakehouse, a double stable, an almonry, with three great towers. He also gave two bells, which are struck at the hours

on weekdays.^*? He is also reputed to have founded the hospital of St John, on the western perimeter of the precinct.?? The earlier version of the History is again uninformative concerning Ingulf. This may have been because of its desire to diminish his standing, for it does mention that Richard the sacrist had the first iron

doors constructed in the church.*** According to the later version of the History, Ingulf constructed the infirmary with two chapels, and

also the prior's chamber.** The De abbatibus confirms this information, and adds to it: ‘He made a chamber for the abbot above a cellar, and the chapel of St Swithun, and the infirmary, the chapel of St /Ethelwold, and the prior's chamber, and the chapel of St Michael’. The form of this statement suggests that each chapel may have been

associated with the building mentioned immediately before it."

5? Below, p. 78. 539 Below, p. 338. Faritius was also responsible for the building of at least one parish church, that at Uffington; below, p. 208. 581 See above, p. lii, for De abbatibus on Vincent providing the monks with baths. Biddle et al., ‘Early history’, p. 58 suggests that the baths are likely ‘to have been close to the calefactory, probably near the S. end of the dormitory’, but such arguments based on analogy with other houses are not always sound. 52 Below, p. 340. Biddle et a/., ‘Early history’, p. 55 suggest that the almonry lay on the western perimeter of the precinct. 583 See Salter, ‘Chronicle roll’, p. 729.

54 Below, p. 290. 585 Below, p. 344-

586 CMA ii. 291. See Biddle et al., ‘Early history’, p. 48 for additional chapels and altars existing by ¢.1200.

civ

INTRODUCTION

Neither the History nor the De abbatibus mentions Walkelin undertaking any building work.

The History also pays attention to the abbots’ concern with increasing the liturgical garments, ornaments and valuable vessels of the

church. Amongst these ornaments were reliquaries, and Abingdon

had a wide range of relics, both of English saints and of others, for example Roman martyrs.?* Relics feature especially prominently in

connection with Faritius.? He was probably present at the trans-

lation of Aldhelm's relics at Malmesbury in 1078.? Following his arrival at Abingdon, he acquired new relics, including the thigh-bone, part of the head, part of the shoulder-blade, and one tooth of Aldhelm. He was present at Winchester in 1111 when the relics of JEthelwold were translated to a new reliquary, and obtained his shoulder-blade and arm for Abingdon.??' Late in his abbacy he held ^? an enquiry which produced a relic list preserved in the History twelve *with feasts as instituted Faritius that 'The De abbatibus reveals 587 See below, pp. 16, 58, 66, 214, 340, 344. On Faritius, see also the verses of Peter, monk of Malmesbury, William of Malmesbury, Gesta pontificum, bk. ii, c. 88, ed. Hamilton, pp. 192-3. Note also, however, the disposal of liturgical equipment to provide money in times of need or for purchases: e.g. below, pp. 12, 344, CMA ii. 278. 588 See also Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Monastic life’; Ridyard, *Condigna veneratio", pp. 191— 2; 1. G. Thomas, ‘The Cult of Saints’ Relics in Medieval England’, Ph.D. thesis (London, 1975), pp. 150-7. Thomas, ‘Relics’, p. 156, suggests that Faritius, being from Italy, may himself have been the source of some relics of the Roman martyrs. Note that the Abingdon kalendars indicate, not untypically, the celebration of the feasts of some saints whose relics are not included in the list in the History; see Benedictine Kalendars, i. 17 for Aicadrus, Aidan, and Paternus.

59 See also below, p. 68. 59 PL. Ixxxix. 84 states that he had seen a man cured at the translation both before and after he was healed; note that according to the Life the healed man ‘very often told us’ about the cure, perhaps a slightly odd statement if Faritius were present at the translation, but not necessarily incompatible with his presence. Thomas, ‘Relics’, p. 155 suggests that Faritius may have acquired the relics of Aldhelm at the time of the translation. For the date of the translation, see William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum, bk. v, c. 267, ed. Hamilton, p. 425. Note also Benedictine Kalendars, i. 17 on the observance at Abingdon of the feast of St Paternus, another saint whose cult was important at Malmesbury. ?' Below, p. 66; Annales monastici, ii. 44, which provides the date. Thomas, ‘Relics’, p- 155 n. 5, suggests that this may have been the same occasion on which Faritius obtained relics of St Swithun and Birinus and perhaps even of St Judoc from New Minster, and Edburga from Nunnaminster.

5? Below, pp. 220—4. Thomas, ‘Relics’, pp. 150, 153-4, 156 suggests that Faritius was responsible for the acquisition of many of the relics listed by the enquiry. However, were this the case, it is hard to see why an enquiry would have been needed. The lists may well have been composed from tags attached to or associated with the individual relics; the spelling on such tags is one possible reason why two forms of the name for St Malo appear below, p. 222.

SNe] 01 poinqrme ooe[duseA oy) o[durexe 10J xo) otp ur peuorjuour sSurp[mq ouios eur JOU Op [ *o1n3osfuoo YONUT YIM UeAg 3U99UIA 0) peynqune

sop[quis oup. pe21 qr o[durexo 10J *11ed oS1e[ e s&e]d 310Assonr) 'z 'd (£661 *uopSutqy) /Gomigy pur ssumpjing su :Maqqy uopsuigp ur pue ‘xq "d “tr 'seurnuvy) ur sueyd oy sjo1daojur pue uo saip I] "aumjoa sri ur peuonueur sSurppmq jo uoneooj otp 3s233ns 03 A[o1our sure. pue 'peinjoofuoo Áqpq3tu st uejd sry T,

sSurp[mq onseuoui Jo sy} ue[q. “O14 S

INTRODUCTION

cvi

lessons? those of Saints Apollinaris, John Chrysostom (whose arm he obtained from a Byzantine envoy), Aldhelm, Chad, Mary Magdalene, and Bathild, and to the higher level of feasts ‘in copes’ those of Saints Vincent (to whom he was especially devoted), of JZEthelwold, and of

the relics.°°? The History contradicts this last point, attributing to Richard the sacrist the institution of the Tuesday immediately after the Easter fortnight as the day for the commemoration of all the

church’s relics.°°* The relative accuracy or the relationship of the two

accounts is impossible to establish. What is certainly notable about the entry in the History is its isolation as a reference to relics after the time of Faritius. However, a charter of Abbot Walkelin, probably issued after the completion of the first version of the History, mentions that he instituted as feasts to be celebrated in copes the festivals of the Invention of the Holy Cross, the Exaltation of the

Holy Cross, St Mary Magdalene, and St Andrew.”

The History describes Faritius as ‘outstandingly learned in the knowledge of letters’, and mentions his gift of a valuable gospel text, and of the tithe of Dumbleton, worth thirty shillings a year, for

buying parchment for renewing the church's books." However, we

must again turn to the De abbatibus for a fuller description of his contribution to the library. This records that Faritius instituted six scribes (scriptores), besides claustral monks who wrote missals, graduals, antiphonaries, troparies, lectionaries, and other ecclesias-

tical books.*”” The scribes wrote the following: Augustine’s The City 53 CMA ii. 287; Thomas, ‘Relics’, pp. 151 (on Apollinaris),

155-6. For the various

levels of feast, see The Monastic Breviary of Hyde Abbey, Winchester, ed. J. B. L. Tolhurst (6 vols., Henry Bradshaw Soc., lix, lxx, lxxi, Ixxvi, Ixxviii, lxxx, 1930-42), vi. 146-7; Lanfranc, Monastic Constitutions, pp. 2, 12-14, 82-104, 118-20; Knowles, Monastic Order, p. 464. Feasts in copes were the second highest level, below the half dozen greatest feasts of all. For Faritius’s devotion to St Vincent, see below, p. 70. For the existence by c.1200 of a chapel dedicated to St Vincent, see CMA ii. 382. Damage to the manuscript of De abbatibus at the relevant passage obscures exactly what Faritius did in relation to the daily mass of the dead; London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius A. xur, fo. 86". Stevenson's suggested transcription ‘in capsa’, CMA ii. 286, appears wrong.

4 Below, p. 290.

95 Chatsworth, no. 212.

?* Below, pp. 64, 66, 216. Note also R. Gameson, The Manuscripts of Early Norman England (c.1066-1130) (Oxford, 1999), p. 147 (no. 818) on Rouen, Bibliotheque Municipale, MS A. 21 (s. xi^), a Gospel book with a contemporary colophon explaining that Abbot Reginald of Abingdon had commissioned it for Jumiéges.

57 CMA ii. 289. For such practices, see N. R. Ker, English Manuscripts in the Century after the Norman Conquest (Oxford, 1960), pp. 10—11 and n. 1, and Gameson, Manuscripts of Early Norman England, pp. 8-9. For the various works, see English Benedictine Libraries: the Shorter Catalogues, ed. R. Sharpe, J. P. Carley, R. M. Thomson, A. G. Watson (Corpus ofBritish Medieval Library Catalogues, iv, London, 1996), pp. 4—7, on which the following notes rely heavily. There were probably six such scribes at Abingdon (and such is the

MONASTIC

LIFE

AND

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cvii

of God, his Treatise on the Gospel of John, ‘and many other volumes of the same doctor’; St Gregory's Homilies (probably his Forty Homilies on the Gospels), his Homilies on Ezekiel, his Commentary on the Psalter (which cannot be identified among Gregory’s works), ‘and many other volumes of the same doctor’; Jerome on the Old Testament (which again cannot be precisely identified), ‘Hegesippus’, ‘and many

other volumes of the same doctor';?? Ambrose’s Concerning Duties, ‘and many other volumes of the same doctor’; John Chrysostom's On the Letters of Paul, his Concerning the Redemption of the Fall (De reparatione lapsi), ‘and many other volumes of the same doctor’; Bede's Homilies; Cyprian’s Letters; *Cassian! On the Psalter, which may well be an error for Cassiodorus's Commentary on the Psalms; and

many books concerning medicine.9? In the later eleventh or the earlier part of the twelfth century, Abingdon also had works such as Julian of Toledo's Prognosticon, Isidore’s Etymologies, and Lanfranc’s treatise against Berengar of

Tours.” By the end of the twelfth century there were also copies of works

by Origen,

lives of Saints, perhaps the Meditations

Godwin, and the chronicle of John of Worcester.9? And the scribe responsible for one of the copies of John of Worcester also wrote a final work we know to have been at Abingdon in the later twelfth century, the History of the abbey, Book ii of which is edited and translated in the present volume. figure given by Ker, for example), but it should be noted that damage to the manuscript, fo. 87°, makes it unclear whether there were further letters before the ‘vi’. 595 The ‘many other volumes’ probably refers to Jerome. Hegesippus was the common name for the Historia losephi de bello Iudaico et excidio urbis Hierosolymae, English Benedictine Libraries, p. 6. Note also Medieval Libraries of Great Britain: a List of Surviving Books, ed. N. R. Ker (2nd edn., London, 1964), p. 3. 59 English Benedictine Libraries, p. 6, suggests that this is John's Homilies on Hebrews. 600 It may be that Faritius gave his own library of medical works, rather than that the scribes copied out many medical tracts. 601 Medieval Libraries of Great Britain. Supplement to the Second Edition, ed. A. G. Watson (London, 1987), p. 1; Gameson, Manuscripts of Early Norman England, nos. 410,

445, 708—711.

92 Medieval Libraries, ed. Ker, pp. 2—3; Medieval Libraries . . . Supplement, ed. Watson, p. 1. For the Meditations of Godwin, written by the precentor of Salisbury at some point in the first third of the twelfth century, see M. T. Webber, Scribes and Scholars at Salisbury Cathedral, c.1075- ¢.1125 (Oxford, 1992), pp. 123-9. For the two manuscripts of John of Worcester produced at Abingdon late in the twelfth century, see John of Worcester, Chronicle, ii, pp. xli-xlv (on London, Lambeth Palace 42, written by the same scribe as the earlier manuscript of the Abingdon History), liiilix (on Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 92).

MANUSCRIPT

B C L

SIGLA

London, BL, Cotton MS Claudius B. vi London, BL, Cotton MS Claudius C. ix London, Lambeth Palace, Papal Documents no. 1

TEXT

AND

TRANSLATION

[ii. 1]

C fo. 136° B fo. 119”

^ Incipit Liber Secundus Historie huius ecclesie Abbendonensis. 1. De temporibus Adelelmi’ abbatis huius ecclesie." ‘At uero ut^ prclibatum est domno Ealdredo^ abbate in captione detento, Willelmi regis iussu ipsius abbatis loco Adelelmus* preficiendus dirigitur, monachus quidem ex monasterio Gemmeticensi, quod est in Normannia situm.” De quo et litteras primoribus^ regni Anglie huiusmodi transmisit: 2. Carta Willelmi regis de hac ecclesia. Willelmus? rex Anglorum Lanfranco^ archiepiscopo, Roberto de Oilleio, et Rogero de Pistri, et omnibus aliis fidelibus suis totius regni Anglie, salutem.* Sciatis me concessisse sancte Marie de Abbendonia et Adelelmo! abbati eiusdem loci omnes consuetudines terrarum suarum, quecumque iacent in ecclesia predicta, ubicumque eas habeat, in burgo uel extra burgum, secundum quod abbas iste Adelelmus/ poterit demonstrare, per breue uel cartam, ecclesiam sancte Marie de Abbendona et predecessorem suum eas consuetudines habuisse dono regis Eadwardi.

[ii. 2] 3. ‘Carta Willelmi regis de theloneo.? Willelmus’ rex Anglorum uicecomitibus suis et" ministris totius Anglie, salutem. Sciatis quod uolo et precipio ut omnia que ministri monachorum "Abbendonie ement ad uictum monachorum," in ciuitatibus et burgis et omnibus mercatis, omnino sint quieta ab ^" in B, these headings follow this chapter, forming a consolidated heading with Carta . . . ecclesia ^ Adellelmi B ^* Vt uero B. C begins with an illuminated initial A

^ Eldredo B

* Apellelmus B

/ primatibus B

* B precedes the king's name

with an illustration of William I. B has a small ‘a above Willelmus, and a little ‘© above Quarum at the start of C's next chapter but one; the intention is to rearrange the order of B's chapters along the pattern of C, and the superscript letters appear to be in the main ink. For another example, see below, p.18. ^ Lamfranco B ' Apellelmo B J Apellelmus 5 ^* om. B. In B, this chapter follows the chapter headed De recitatione carte in comitatu. ' Villelmus B " om. B "" om. B

! On Ealdred's captivity, see Bk. i, c. 144 (CMA i. 486). ? On connections above, p. xlii.

between

Abingdon

and the Norman

monastery

of Jumiéges, see

Here begins Book Two of the History of this church of Abingdon. 1. Concerning the times of Adelelm, abbot of this church. When, as mentioned earlier, lord Abbot Ealdred was held in captivity, Adelelm was directed by King William’s order to be appointed in his place.! Adelelm was a monk from the monastery of Jumiéges, situated in Normandy.’ The king sent the following letters concerning this matter to the leading men of the realm of England: 2. Charter of King William concerning this church.? William king of the English to Archbishop Lanfranc, Robert d'Oilly, and Roger de Pitres, and all his other faithful men of the whole realm of England, greeting. Know that I have granted to St Mary of Abingdon and to Adelelm, abbot of that monastery, all the customs of their lands, which belong to the said church wherever it has them, in borough or out of borough, as the aforementioned Abbot Adelelm can show by writ or charter that the church of St Mary of Abingdon and his predecessor had these customs by gift of King Edward.

3. Charter of King William concerning toll.” William king of the English to his sheriffs and officials throughout England, greeting. Know that I wish and order that everything which the officials of the monks of Abingdon buy for the monks’ provisions, in cities and boroughs and all markets, be entirely quit of all toll and 3 Regesta, ed. Bates, no. 4, who suggests in his note that the three addressees joined ‘to supervise a general enquiry into Abingdon's tenures’. The writ probably dates from soon after Adelelm’s appointment in 1071. The text of the writ, and the description of events in the Berkshire county court, are printed, from Stevenson’s edition, in English Lawsutis,

no. 4.

4 Lanfranc was archbishop of Canterbury 1070-89; Handbook of British Chronology, p. 232. On Robert d’Oilly, see above, p. lxx, and below, pp. 32, 326. He may have been addressed in this writ as a sheriff, but perhaps just as a prominent local land-holder. Roger de Pitres was sheriff of Gloucestershire, and perhaps of Berkshire, during William I's reign; Green, Sheriffs, pp. 26, 42. He had died by 1086, but Domesday Book reveals that he had held land in Gloucestershire and Herefordshire. > Regesta, ed. Bates, no. 6. The writ dates from 1071 x 1083, and—given its position in MS C—possibly from soon after Adelelm’s appointment in 1071, although see Bates for comment on its diplomatic form. In MS B, this writ follows the next section, recounting

events in the shire court of Berkshire.

ECCLESIE

HISTORIA

ABBENDONENSIS

omni theloneo et consuetudine. Et prohibeo uobis, sicut me diligitis, ne aliquis uestrum amodo illis inde iniuriam faciat. Teste Eudone*

dapifero. Apud Bruhellam." [ii. 1] 4. De recitatione cartarum [ii. 2]

B fo. 120°

[ii. 3]

in comitatu.

Quarum recitatio litterarum in Berchescire^ comitatu prolata plurimum et ipsi abbati et ecclesie commodi attulit. Siquidem regii officiales illis diebus hominibus in ecclesie possessionibus diuersis locorum manentibus multas inferebant iniurias, nunc has, nunc uero illas consuetudines, eis pati satis graues ingerentes. Sed exhibitis predictis imperialibus mandatis, quibus rectitudines ecclesie per cartam Eadwardi regis et attestatione comitatus, in eodem comitatu tunc | publice uentilate, ipsi officiales repulsam sibi aduersam, ecclesie autem coninipdam. suscepere, id uiriliter domno Adelelmo? abbate satagente.° Cui plurimum auxilii ferebant duo ecclesie huius monachi, germani quidem fratres, quorum maior’ natu Sacolus, iunior uero Godricus uocabatur, cum quibus et Alfwius^ peu tunc ecclesiam regie uille Suttune hinc uicine gubernans, quibus tanta secularium facundia et preteritorum memoria euentorum inerat/ ut ceteri circumquaque facile eorum sententiam ratam fuisse quam edicerent approbarent. Sed et alii plures de Anglis causidici per id tempus in abbatia ista habebantur, quorum collationi nemo sapiens refragabatur.? Quibus rem ecclesie publicam tuentibus, eius oblocutores elingues fiebant. s. "De militibus istius ecclesie." In primordio autem sui aduentus in abbatiam, non nisi armatorum septus manu militum alicubi procedebat. Et quidem necessario id fieri oportebat, multe enim nouitates coniuratorum in dies passim contra regem et regnum eius ebullientes, uniuersos in Anglia se tueri cogebant.? Tunc Walingaforde, et Oxeneforde, et Wildesore, ^ Eudo B

^ Burhellam B

from amiori by erasure C

* Berkescire B

^ Alfwinus B

* inereat B

^ Apellemo B

^ corr.

^^ om. B

* alicui

5 Here and below, p. 50, I translate "imperialis! as ‘imperial’, since the writer certainly meant to emphasize the loftiness of the order. He need not have intended to imply that the king of England had any particular emperor-like status. Note also references e.g. to a king entering into his ‘imperium’, below, pp. 26, 58, 174, 180. Cf. Bk. i, c. 116 (CMA i. 442) where it is said that cnu*t ruled Denmark, Norway, and England ‘imperialiter’; also Bk. i, c. 53 [Charters of Abingdon Abbey, no. 60, CMA 1. 219] for a charter of Eadwig referring to

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

custom. And I forbid, as you love me, that any of you henceforth do them wrong concerning this. Witness: Eudo the steward. At Brill. 4. Concerning the reading out of the charters in the county court. The reading out of these letters in the county court of Berkshire very greatly profited both this abbot and the church. For in those days royal officials were causing great harm to people living on various of the church’s possessions. They made them suffer now some, now other very heavy customs. But when these imperial orders were produced, publicizing in that county court the church’s rights by charter of King Edward and witness of the county, the royal officials suffered a reverse harmful to them, but advantageous to the church, through the manful efforts of lord Abbot Adelelm.* He was helped greatly by two monks of this church, who were indeed brothers, the older called Sacol, the younger Godric; with these also was /Elfwig, then the priest in charge of the church of the neighbouring royal village of Sutton.’ These men were so eloquent concerning matters of this world and remembered past events so well that others, on every side, easily approved a judgment they pronounced as correct. In addition, at that time many other English pleaders were retained in the abbey, whose arguments no wise man opposed.? With these men protecting the public affairs of the church, its opponents became tongue-tied. 5. Concerning the knights of this church. In the first days of his abbacy, Abbot Adelelm went nowhere unless surrounded by a band of armed knights. Indeed, this was a matter of necessity, for at that time many and widespread rumours of conspiracies against the king and his kingdom boiled up, forcing everyone in England to defend themselves.’ Then castles were erected at him as ‘imperiali Angol Saxonum diademate infulatus.’ ‘Imperium’ can also mean an order given by the king; see below, pp. 16, 182. 7 Sutton Courtenay, Berkshire. DB i, fo. 57", records this as predominantly royal demesne in 1086; fo. 59" states that ‘A/uui the priest holds one hide from the abbot’ of Abingdon in Sutton. Alvius and Aluui are forms for the Old English name Elfwig, or possibly /Elfwine. J. Selden, Historie of Tithes (London, 1618), p. 484, saw the assembly which the Leges Edwardi Confessoris depicted advising William I on the laws of his realm as including ‘the common Lawyers of that time, as Godric and Alfwin.’ $ On such men, see P. A. Brand, The Origins of the English Legal Profession (Oxford,

1992), pp- 9-13.

utes

? Tt is uncertain here whether ‘regnum’ means ‘kingdom’ or ‘kingship’. Particularly given the external threats which existed at the time, I have opted for the former.

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

ceterisque locis castella pro regno seruando compacta. Vnde huic abbatie militum excubias apud ipsum Wildesore oppidum habendas

regio imperio iussum.'' Quare, tali in articulo huius fortune, milites

C fo. 136"

transmarini in Angliam uenientes fauore colebantur precipuo. Taliter itaque regni tumultuantibus | causis, domnus Adellelmus abbas locum sibi commissum munita manu militum secure protegebat. Et primo quidem stipendiariis^ in hoc utebatur. At his sopitis incursibus, cum iam regis edicto in annalibus annotaretur quot de episcopiis, quotue de abbatiis, ad publicam rem tuendam milites, si forte hinc quid cause propellende contingeret, exigerentur, eisdem donatiuis prius retentis, abbas mansiones possessionum ecclesie pertinentibus inde delegauit, edicto cuique tenore parendi de sue

portionis mansione." Que possessiones ab eis habite fuerant quos

tainos^ dic*nt, et in bello Hastingis occubuerant. A quibus uero eedem possessiones primo usui ipsorum distribute sint tainorum,' uel cuius rei necessarie gratia, superuacaneum est perscrutari; quandoquidem iam plurima, quod diuino iudicio assistant, tempora [ii. 4] preterierint, qui solus qua intentione fiant singulorum actus liquido perpendit, et quid inde recte iudicari debeat nouit." Quare mortuis fo. 120" his, quicquam calumpniarum oppo |nere desinimus. Vnum tantummodo pro uero edicere possumus: quia perparum illarum fuerit possessionum, quod in solo proprioque seruorum Dei usu et peregrinorum susceptione ac obsequio, ab his qui illas ecclesie distribuerunt, non fuerit delegatum." Porro qui uel parentele, uel secularis alicuius respectu gratie, donatiuo eo abusus fuerit, is uideat an sua consideratio rectior ante Deum, quam donantis ecclesie quod sibi proprium constat, habeatur. Nam benefacta ^ stipidi ariis B

tahinos B

* tahinorum B

^ for noscit ?

U Oxford Castle was built by Robert d'Oilly in 1071; Annales monastici, iv. 9. Wallingford Castle is mentioned in DB i, fo. 56; see also Bk. i, c. 144 (CMA i. 486) for Abbot Ealdred of Abingdon being imprisoned there. ASC, s.a. 1095, provides one of the first chronicle mentions of Windsor Castle, recording the imprisonment of Robert de Mowbray there; however, as the present text shows, the castle was built in the Conqueror's reign. !' On castle-guard, see Stenton, English Feudalism, ch. 6; also Keefe, Feudal Assessments,

pp. 77-8. This is a rather obscure sentence, as can be seen from previous attempts to translate it; e.g. cf. EHD ii, no. 223 with R. A. Brown, The Norman Conquest (London, 1984), no. 151. J. Gillingham, “The introduction of knight service into England’, Anglo-Norman Studies, iv (1982), 53-64, 181-7, at pp. 57 and 183 n. 36, argues that annales should be translated 'rolls', as in administrative records. Note that John of Worcester's Chronicle,

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

Wallingford, Oxford, Windsor, and other places for the defence of the realm." So it came about that this abbey was ordered by royal

command to provide knights for guard duty at that Windsor castle." In such circ*mstances overseas knights coming to England were cherished with particular favour. Therefore, while the affairs of the kingdom were in such upheaval, lord Abbot Adelelm securely protected with an armed band of knights the monastery entrusted to him. At first, indeed, he used paid troops for this. But after the attacks had died down, and when it was noted by royal edict in the annual records how many knights might be demanded for public protection from bishoprics, and how many from abbeys, if by chance compelling cause arose, the abbot then granted manors from the possessions of the church to his followers (who had previously been retained by gifts), laying down for each the terms of subordination for his manor.'* These possessions had been held by those known as thegns, who had died in the battle of Hastings. By whom indeed these possessions were originally distributed to the use of those thegns, or by reason of what necessity, it is superfluous to investigate, since much time has now passed, and since they stand in the judgment of God, who alone assesses clearly by what intention the deeds of individuals are done, and knew what ought rightly to be judged concerning this. Therefore, with these men dead, we cease to bring any charges. One thing alone can we say for certain, that very few of those possessions had not been given for the sole and particular use of the servants of God and the reception and service of pilgrims, by

those who assigned them to the church." Further, let anyone who for reasons of kinship or worldly favour misuses this gift see whether own decision is, in God's presence, regarded as more just than decision of the man who gives to the Church what is properly own. For good things are often accustomed to be exchanged

his the his for

which Abingdon possessed, included amongst the material recorded by Domesday ‘quot feudatos milites, ‘how many knights enfeoffed’; John of Worcester, Chronicle, iii. 44 (s. a. 1086). I have opted for the neutral ‘annual records’. Difficulties also arise with the words ‘eisdem donatiuis prius retentis, which I have taken to refer back to the stipendiary knights, and ‘pertinentibus’, which may include various relatives and ——a historian of the later Middle Ages might well translate it ‘affinity’; see associates also below, p. 140, for a lord issuing a document to 'uniuersis sibi hominibus pertinentibus’, the document's address being to ‘ministris suis et omnibus aliis suis fidelibus hominibus". On the rather allusive style of much of this paragraph, see Vol. i,

Introduction, ‘Style’. 5 See above, above, p. xl on the abbot’s oath to preserve the possessions of the church.

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

meliorum causa sepe commutari solent. Itaque de his sat dictum;

quare stilus ad historiam inchoatam uertatur.' |“Tunc temporis^ milites quidam Abbendonenses regis pro negotio Normanniam missi, dum maris in medio remigarent a piratis capiuntur, spoliantur, quibusdam etiam manus truncantur, talique infortunio uix uiui abire permissi domum^ reuertuntur. Quorum unus, Hermerus nomine, necdum alicuius terre portionem adeptus, dum post diffactionem suam ab abbate sibi minus inde intenderetur, regem adiit, quid perpessus sit ostendit, unde in futurum uictitet omnino sumptus sibi deesse conquestus est. Cui rex compatiens, abbati mandauit debere se huiusmodi homini tantum terre aliquorsum prouidere, qua quamdiu uixerit possit sustentari. Paruit abbas imperatis, et possessionem de uictualio monachorum, que Denceswrht^ dicitur, curie Offentune subiectam, illi delegauit.? Ita uir ille priuatus domi sua tantum procurabat, de militie procinctu quoad [ii. 7] uixit nil exercens. Hoc itaque euentu apud Offentunam dominium abbatie diminutum. Item* in Wichtham, de terra uillanorum curie Cumenore obsequi solitorum, illo ab abbate cuidam militi, nomine Huberto, quinque hidarum portio distributa est.

B fo. 121°

[ii. 6]

6. De quatuor hidis de Winekefeld. Preterea de uilla Winekefeld, uersus Wildeshoram sita, regis arbitrio ad forestam illic amplificandam quatuor hide tunc exterminate sunt." Adeo autem saltus ille abbatie noxius illo tempore extitit, quod non solum loca dudum hominum habitacula, nunc ferarum fierent cubilia, uerum et super hoc maior oppidi, quod in uicino super flumen Tamisie locatum, nomen silue continet, duas siluas, quarum una lerdelea, altera Bacsceat, dicebatur, illi uille Winekefeld/ attinentes, sibi usurparet.? Dicebatur is’ Walterus filius ^* [tem tempore Apellelmi abbatis B. B precedes this chapter with the heading De militibus Abbend’ qui capti sunt in mare ^ corr. from dumum C ^ prouiderere G ^ Dencheswrpe B * initial om. C ^ Winkefeld B * his B

^ In MS B there follow two lists of knights; below, p. 322. 'S DB i, fo. 59', states that ‘The abbey itself holds Goosey, and always held it... . Of this land of this manor, Hermer holds seven hides and it is from the monks’ demesne supply'. Goosey and Denchworth are neighbouring settlements in Berkshire, and these may be two descriptions of the same land; see also VCH, Berkshire, iv. 281, suggesting that

this was the manor of Circourt, on which see further, below, p. 325. DB i, fo. 59', also states that "The abbey itself holds Uffington, and always held it.’ Assuming it is not

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better. So, having said enough about these matters, let our pen return to the history which we have started.'* At that time some Abingdon knights were sent to Normandy on the king’s business. While rowing in the middle of the sea they were taken by pirates, robbed, and some had their hands cut off. In this unfortunate state, barely alive, they were released and returned home. One of them, named Hermer, had not yet acquired any portion of land. When, after his mutilation, he received little attention in this regard from the abbot, he went to the king and showed what he had suffered. He complained that he was entirely lacking resources to live in future. Pitying him, the king ordered the abbot that he should provide such a man with land somewhere, sufficient to sustain him for the rest of his life. The abbot obeyed the orders and, from the provisions of the monks, granted Hermer a possession called Dench-

worth, which is subject to the court of Uffington.? In this way, the disabled man took care only of his affairs at home, performing none of the knightly duties whereby he had lived. Therefore the abbey's demesne at Uffington was reduced by this incident. Likewise, an area of five hides in Wytham was given by the same abbot to a knight named Hubert, from the land of the peasants who

were accustomed to do suit at the court of Cumnor.'® 6. Concerning four hides at Winkfield. In addition four hides were then detached by royal will from the village of Winkfield, situated towards Windsor, in order to increase

the forest there." Moreover, that incursion was harmful to the abbey, because not only were places which were once dwellings of men now lairs of animals, but in addition the constable of Windsor (which, situated nearby on the river Thames, derives its name from wild wood), usurped for himself two woods pertaining to that village of Winkfield, one called Jerdelea, the other Bacsceat.'? That man was anachronistic, the present text is a very early reference to suit at a manorial court. It may indicate that Denchworth was in some sense a ‘berewick’ or dependent settlement of Uffington; see e.g. Faith, English Peasantry and the Growth of Lordship, pp. 42—7. Such a link suggests the existence in the Anglo-Norman period of complexities of internal arrangements within Abingdon's estatés which are otherwise largely hidden. 16 Berkshire. See also DB i, fo. 58": ‘In Wytham Hubert holds 5 hides of the land of the villagers from the abbot.’ VCH, Berkshire, iv. 428, suggests that he was probably the ancestor of the family of Wytham. U Berkshire. See also DB i, fo. 59": ‘The abbey itself holds Winkfield, and always held

it... . Four hides of this land are in the king’s forest.’ 18 See also below, p. 192. On Jerdelea/ Virdelea see also EPNS, Berkshire, i. 42.

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Oteri." Cuius potestati illo obniti parum profuit, cum esset illius C fo. 137°

castelli et forestarum per comitatum | Berkescire ubique consitarum primas et tutor, et milites nostri penes eum excubias oppidi obseruarent. His itaque causis, quod sibi ille contraxerat, tunc retinuit.

7. De Tademertuna^ Robertus de Oileio, et ipse prediues, castelli uero urbis Oxenefordensis oppidanus,?' dum pro contiguitate monasterii et ipsius castelli, abbati suam inculcaret frequentiam, blandiloquio eorum studium quorum sit secularia potius augere quam monastica, circumuentus [ii. 8] abbas eidem^ castellano uillam Tademer|tune inconsiderate dedit. fo. 121" Sed post facti penitens, multis sepe ultro citroque uerbis inde habitis, uix ad ultimum regis deliberatione de inuestitura illius terre idem uir demutari ualuit. Restituta ergo abbati terra, oppidani animus adeo egre rem tulit, ut ad pacem reuocari nulla potuisset suasione, si ante ab abbate se munerandum singulis annis non certus foret decem librarum donatiuo. Quare, consultu suorum, abbas huius pacificationis subire remedium impulsus, quoad uixit id uiro postea contulit. 8. De una hida in Cestretuna et duabus in Hille.” 'Turkillus, quidam de Anglis, ualde inter suos nobilis, in partibus Ardene mansitans,? abbatis familiaritate et fratrum dum nonnunquam uteretur, de patrimonio suo terras duobus in locis ecclesie Abbendonie concessit, quarum una Cestratuna, altera Hylle^ nominatur, filio ipsius Siwardo, tunc quidem adolescente, paternum concessum confirmante. De quo tale regis constitit edictum: ^ idem B

^ Hille B

'° Walter held lands in Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, Hampshire, Middlesex and Surrey in 1086; Sanders, Baronies, p. 116; Keats-Rohan, Domesday People, p. 455; J. H. Round, “The origins of the FitzGeralds', The Ancestor, i (1902), 119-26, at pp. 121-4. He and his heirs were keepers of Windsor forest and constables of Windsor castle. He died in the early twelfth century. For his wife, Beatrice, and his son, William, see below, p. 194. ? Oxon. See also above, p. lxx, and DB i, fo. 156", which makes no reference to the dispute, stating simply that ‘the abbey holds twenty hides in Tadmarton’, and ‘a knight holds five hides of this land from the abbot’. ?' See also below, pp. 32, 326. ? Both in Warwickshire. DB i, fo. 239', enters Hill under Abingdon, stating that ‘the abbey of Abingdon has two hides in Hill, which the abbot bought from Thorkell’s fee. And Warin holds from the abbot’; fo. 241" enters Chesterton under Thorkell, stating that ‘from Thorkell, the abbey of Abingdon holds one hide in Chesterton’. Cf. De abbatibus, where it is stated that Adelelm bought Chesterton and Hill from the king; CMA ii. 284.

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called Walter son of Other." There was little benefit in striving against his power, since he was the commander and protector of that castle and of the forests throughout Berkshire, and our knights performed castle-guard service under him. For these reasons, therefore, he then held on to what he had appropriated for himself.

7. Concerning Tadmarton Robert d'Oilly, an extremely rich man, was castellan of Oxford castle.?' Because of the proximity of the monastery and castle he forced his company upon the abbot. The abbot was beguiled by the flattery of those eager to further secular rather than monastic interests, and without due consideration he gave that castellan the village of Tadmarton. But afterwards he repented of his deed, and many discussions concerning this took place, back and forth, yet only with difficulty, by the decision of the king, could Robert finally be disseised of that land. When the land was restored to the abbot, the castellan bore the matter with such ill-feeling that no persuasion could have pacified him, had he not beforehand been certain that he would receive a gift of £10 a year from the abbot. On his men's advice, the abbot was compelled to endure the remedy of this settlement, and afterwards conferred this payment on Robert as long as he lived.

8. Concerning one hide in Chesterton and two in Hill.” A certain Englishman called Thorkell, very noble among his people,

dwelt in the neighbourhood of Arden.”* Enjoying friendly relations with the abbot lands from his other Hill. His The following

and the brethren, he granted the church of Abingdon patrimony in two places, one named Chesterton, the son Siward, then a youth, confirmed his father’s grant. royal edict was issued concerning this:

23 Thorkell of Arden was notable as an Englishman who continued to hold extensive lands from the king after the Conquest; see A. Williams, The English and the Norman Conquest (Woodbridge, 1995), esp. pp. 103-5. He may also have been sheriff of Warwickshire. See below, p. 26, on his lands after his death. Professor Crouch (personal communication) informs me that Siward of Arden appeared as a prominent witness in charters of the earls of Warwick, who acquired his father’s lands; see below, p. 26. Likewise, in D. B. Crouch, ‘The local influence of the earls of Warwick, 1088-1242: a study in decline and resourcefulness’, Midland History, xxi (1996), 1-22, at p. 5, he states that the Ardens were one of ‘a core of dominant local families in the earl’s obedience’. A charter of King Stephen for Kenilworth Priory reveals that Siward was dead by 1139; RRAN iii, no. 418.

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9. Carta regis de eadem terra.”* Willelmus rex Anglorum Lanfranco archiepiscopo, et Roberto de Oileio, et omnibus baronibus et fidelibus suis, Francis et Anglis, in Warewicensi comitatu, salutem. Sciatis me firmiter et in perpetuum concessisse Adelelmo^ abbati et ecclesie Abbendonensi ut in dominio habeant, absque ulla calumpnia, unam hidam in Cestretuna et duas in Hylle, sicut Turkillus de Eardene eidem ecclesie in elemosina dedit. [ii. 9] 10. De Niweham.” Dissimile autem quid huic prouectui post accidit. Nam alius nobilium, Leowinus, quandam uillam Niweham de suo patrimonio, trans flumen Tamisie e regione monasterii Abbendonie sitam, ipsi abbati

pretio accepto distraxit.”° In qua distractione et calix pregrandis, magnifici operis argenti aurique, Siwardi pontificis et olim huius loci

abbatis, expensus est; cuius uice alterum, sequenti tempore, satis approbandum abbas ipse restituit. Dum hoc fieret, rex Normannie degebat, et Odo frater eius, Baiocensis quidem episcopus, regnum Anglie illo uice regis gubernabat. Cui abbas conquisite rei summam retulit, et apud eum quod egerat licitum sibi fore optinuit. Sed cum tantum odii et discordii inter regem et eundem episcopum non multo post serperet, ut eum in captionem, fauente consultu archiepiscopi Lanfranci, poneret," cuncti qui eius ope se auxiliari rebantur, offensum potius regis quam gratiam merentur. Vnde cum negotium, cuius hic mentio est, illius episcopi concessu actitatum fuisse sciuisset, adeo indignanter rem accepit, ut eandem abbati terram

direptam alteri donaret.” Ita hanc abbas iacturam perpeti coactus est. 11. De profectione abbatis ad Scotiam? Rex Scotie Malcholmus subesse regi Willelmo eo tempore detrectaB fo. 122"

bat.*' Quare, coacto in unum exercitu,’ rex filium suum | Robertum maiorem natu Scotiam sua uice transmisit, cum quo et plures Anglie ^ Adellelmo B

^ Hylle B

^ excercitu B

4 Regesta, ed. Bates, no. 5, dating to 1071 x 1083.

?^5 Oxon.

?* Leofwine was not a land-holder of Thorkell’s stature; for his holdings, see Williams, The English and the Norman Conquest, pp. 117—18. De abbatibus states that Adelelm bought Nuneham Courtenay from the king; CMA n. 284. 7 Siward was abbot 1030-44, and then assistant bishop of Canterbury until illness forced him to resign in 1048, and return to Abingdon, where he died late that year; Heads of Religious Houses, p. 24, N. P. Brooks, The Early History of the Church of Canterbury (Leicester, 1984), pp. 299-300; see also Bk. i. cc. 112-22 (CMA i. 434-62). 28 Odo of Bayeux fell from power in 1082; see D. R. Bates, ‘The character and career of Odo, bishop of Bayeux (1049/50—1097)', Speculum, | (1975), 1—20, at pp. 15-16.

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9. Charter of the king concerning the same land.** William king of the English to Archbishop Lanfranc, and Robert d'Oilly, and all his barons and faithful men, French and English, in Warwickshire, greeting. Know that I have firmly and forever granted to Abbot Adelelm and the church of Abingdon that they may have in demesne, without any challenge, one hide in Chesterton and two in Hill, as Thorkell of Arden gave to this church in alms.

10. Concerning Nuneham Courtenay.” However, a later event was quite different from this beneficial one. Another of the nobles, Leofwine, in return for payment, sold to this abbot.a village from his patrimony, called Nuneham and situated across the river Thames from the locality of the monastery of

Abingdon.” On this sale was expended a very large chalice of magnificent silver and gold work which had belonged to Bishop

Siward, once abbot of this monastery." The abbot later replaced it with another quite acceptable one. While this was happening, the king was in Normandy and in his place his brother Odo, bishop of Bayeux, was governing the kingdom of England. The abbot reported to Odo the price of the acquisition, and in his presence obtained approval for his action. But not long after, such great hatred and discord grew up between the king and the bishop that the king, backed by the advice of

Archbishop Lanfranc, placed Odo in captivity." Everyone who had supposed themselves helped by Odo's power received the king's displeasure rather than favour. Therefore, when William learnt that the aforementioned business had been transacted with the bishop's agreement, he was so indignant that he seized the land from the

abbot, and gave it to another.” In such a way the abbot was compelled to suffer this loss. 11. Concerning the abbot's departure to Scotland. te At that time Malcolm king of Scotland was refusing to be subject to King William.*’ Therefore King William gathered an army, and sent his eldest son Robert in his place to Scotland, along with many of the ? DB i, fo. 159", reveals the beneficiary to have been Richard de Courcy; the entry makes no mention of Abingdon’s tenure. See also below, p. 78. 30 This chapter refers to Robert Curthose’s expedition to Scotland in 1080; see also A. O. Anderson, Scottish Annals from English Chroniclers A.D. 500 to 1286 (London, 1908), p. 104 and n. 1. The Abingdon writer’s version of the settlement may well impart a later twelfth-century colouring. 31 Malcolm III. (Canmore) was king of Scotland 1058-93; Handbook of British Chronology, p. 57.

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primates, quorum unus abbas Adelelmus^ fuit, precipiens eis pacem armaue offerre—pacem si obtemperantia sibi spondeatur, sin aliter arma. Verum rex ille, Lodonis occurrens cum suis, pacisci potius C fo. 137" quam preliari delegit. Perinde ut | regno Anglie principatus Scotie [ii. 10] subactus foret, obsides tribuit. Quo pacto inito, regis filius cum exercitu ad patrem hilaris repedauit, a quo sue perfunctionis premio ipse ceterique secum comitantes, ut quorumlibet dignitatem decuerat, donatur.

Iterum ad Walos exercitus dirigitur. Quo etiam milites huius pene omnes ecclesie proficisci iubentur, abbate domi remanente. Cuius itineris causa pro uoto regis peracto, ipse Normanniam adiit.?? 12. De preposito de Suttune.** Cum interea prepositus quidam regie uille Suttune uicine huic ecclesie, Alfsi dictus, frequenter contra antiqua ecclesie iura, planis et nemorosis locis, rusticorum uallatus manu, barbare sese inferendo, homines et animalia ita passim exagitabat, ut ab eis regalibus uectationibus summagia fieri exigeret, de nemoribus Bachelea^ et

Cumenore‘ uirgulta quantum uolebat recidi iuberet.? Cuius ausum adeo uiua manu tum abbas cohercuit, ut ab eo tempore illius uiri deinceps alter sectator non uenerit. Nam primo, quadam uice dum plumbum regio usui exquisitum, iunctis ecclesie bobus, prepositus idem in curiam regis Suttune carreitare faceret, ipse baculo, quem abbas forte tenebat, non sine dedecore cesus; plumbum disiectum, boues reducti. Secundo, cum de silua Bachelea^ honustis progrederetur redis, eadem* honera abbas capiens, ipsum equo fugitantem prope molendinum contiguum ponti fluminis Eoche transuadare, ad collum

usque humectatum, compulit, uitato timore abbatis ponte.*° Sed cum ab eo, qui cesus fuerat, penes reginam, per hos dies Wildesore constitutam, querimonia de illata sibi iniuria moueretur, que regis uice Normannie degentis iusticiam rerum ingruentium impendebat, ^ Apelelmus B ^ headem B

^ Bacheleia B

^ Cumenora B

^ Bacheleia B

?? This probably refers to the Welsh expedition of 1081, on which see R. R. Davies, The Age of Conquest: Wales 1063-1415 (Oxford, 1991), p. 33. 9 Regesta, ed. Bates, p. 81, suggests that William crossed to Normandy in autumn 1081. * English Lamsuits, no. 12. The dispute must have occurred between 1072 and 1083, probably during the king’s absence in Normandy in 1081-2. ?* Both Berks. The Domesday entry for Cumnor, DB i, fo. 58", does not mention woods. © Hennor Mill, next to Ock Bridge; sce below, p. 94. The most direct route from Bagley Wood to Sutton Courtenay was via Abingdon and Culham, but the reeve would

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leading men of England, including Abbot Adelelm. He ordered them to offer peace or armed conflict—peace if obedience were promised him, otherwise conflict. But King Malcolm came into Lothian with his men and chose to make an agreement rather than fight. Accordingly, he gave hostages that the principality of Scotland would be subject to the kingdom of England. Following this agreement, the king's son joyfully marched back with his army to his father, by whom he was rewarded in recompense for his achievement, as were his companions, as befitted their rank.

Also, an army was sent against the Welsh.*” Almost all the knights of this church were ordered to set out for there, although the abbot remained at home. When the king’s desire regarding the aims of the

expedition had been fulfilled, he went to Normandy.? 12. Concerning the reeve of Sutton.** Meanwhile, protected by a band of peasants, a certain reeve, called /Elfsige, of the royal village of Sutton neighbouring this church, frequently and barbarously infringed the church's ancient rights in fields and woods. He harassed men and animals here and there, that he might exact carrying services from them for royal journeys, and ordered that as much brushwood be cut from the woods of Bagley and Cumnor as he wished. The abbot then punished his audacity so firmly that no one thereafter has ever followed the reeve's practice. On a first occasion, when that reeve yoked the church's oxen to cart lead (which he had demanded for royal use) to the king's court at Sutton, to his dishonour he was hit with a staff that the abbot happened to be holding. The lead was scattered, the oxen taken back. On a second occasion, when the reeve set out from Bagley Wood with heavily laden carts, the abbot seized the loads and forced the reeve to flee on horseback. Up to his neck in water, he had to wade across the river Ock, near the mill by the bridge over the river, avoiding that bridge in fear of the abbot.'^ But the man who had been struck brought before the queen a complaint about the injury done him. She was then at Windsor and was doing justice concerning pressing matters, in place of the king who was in Normandy. The abbot did obviously have wanted to avoid passing so close to the abbey. He therefore presumably was intending to travel via Drayton, which would have involved passing over the Ock Bridge. The present Ock Bridge incorporates the remains of a stone bridge from this period; see J. M. Steane, ‘Abingdon Ock Bridge’, Council for British Archaeology Group 9 Newsletter, x

(1980), 99.

[ii. 11]

B fo. 122”

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abbas nil moratus regium inde preuenit examen, et pecunia exoluit quicquid in regis officiali fuerat commissum. Preterea uniuersis tyrannicum^ excussit exactum prefectorum posteris, nam in contione illa regia, et ratiotinatione^ et plurimorum testimonio sapientum, peroratum est nequaquam debere ecclesiam Abbendonensem huiusmodi sufferre exactum, quin libertate potiri perpetua. Ea itaque libertas tunc preconata, hodie usque celebris libere defenditur. 13. De aduentu Danorum." Dein fama percrebuit Danos classem qua Angliam oppugnarent parasse. Quare militibus, quos soli|darios^ uocant, undecumque collectis ubique locorum, et in episcopiis et abbatis, tamdiu administrari uictualia regis imperio iubetur, quoad rei ueritas indice uero predicetur. Cumque plurimum hac in expectatione anni tempus uolueretur, nullaque Danorum impeticio solida certitudine affutura sciretur, solidarii, remunerati regio donatiuo, ad propria remeare sinuntur. 14. De morte Adelelmi abbatis. Inde rixarum et inquietudinum cause per Anglie regnum depresse, pacis quies indulta est. Vnde abbas a forinsecis mentem auertens negotiis, ecclesiasticis intendit studiis, et nunc litterarum suos subditos documentis excolens, nunc mores religionis indens, ornamentis quoque ecclesiam adaugens, disponere queque suis profutura forent sollerter satagebat, preterea a fundamentis ecclesiam renouare, paratis in id exequendum sat copiose sumptibus. Cum itaque huiusmodi instaret exercitiis, inopinata quarto iduum Septembri

mensis morte ab hac uita preripitur.?? C fo. 138" [ii. 12]

15. De Henrico filio regis. | Adueniente eiusdem anni Paschali festo, regis filius Henricus, tunc quidem adolescens, suis in Normannia cum patre fratribus? constitutis, Abbendonie his sollempnibus,’ uti rex ipse mandauerat, mansit diebus, domno Osmundo Saresbiriensi episcopo, cum Milone de e

a tirannicum B solempnibus B

: rationatione B

* soli|lidarios 5

" fratribus rep. B

*” This chapter probably refers to events of 1085; if so, it should have appeared after, not before, the death of Abbot Adelelm. 3* See above, p. xli, for De abbatibus on Adelelm's view of the tenth-century church, and

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not delay, but forestalled a royal trial concerning this affair, paying compensation for what had been done to the king’s official. But he shook off forever the tyrannical oppression of reeves, for in that royal assembly, by reasoned pleading and the testimony of many wise men it was concluded that the church of Abingdon ought never suffer this type of exaction, but rather enjoy perpetual liberty. So that famed liberty, proclaimed at that time, is freely defended to this day. 13. Concerning the coming of the Danes." Then rumour spread that the Danes had prepared a fleet to attack England. Therefore soldiers whom people call mercenaries were gathered from all about. It was ordered by the king's command that provisions be assembled everywhere, in bishoprics and abbacies, until the truth of the matter be known for certain. And when much of the year had passed in such expectation, and no Danish assault was known to be at hand with absolute certainty, the mercenaries were paid by royal gift and allowed to return home. 14. Concerning the death of Abbot Adelelm. When the causes of contentions and disturbances had been suppressed throughout the kingdom of England, the repose of peace was granted. So the abbot turned his attention from the business of the outside world and concentrated on ecclesiastical pursuits. He strove adroitly to arrange everything for the future good of his men, now tending his charges with literary instruction, now setting in place practices of the religious life, and also improving the church with ornaments. In addition, he was to rebuild the church from its foundations, and sufficient resources had been assigned to do this. When he was pressing on with such business, he was snatched from this life by unexpected death on

10 September [1083].?? 15. Concerning Henry, the king 's son. With Easter that year approaching [31 Mar. 1084], the king's son Henry, then a youth, spent these holy days at Abingdon, as the king ordered; his brothers were in Normandy with their father. Lord Osmund bishop of Salisbury, and Miles of Wallingford, surnamed on his death. His death is also mentioned in the Abingdon chronicle; John of Worcester, Chronicle, iii. 307.

copies of the Worcester

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Walingaford cognomento Crispin sibi coherentibus; rerum copiam Roberto de Oileio non tantum regalium, sed etiam monasterii huius familie mensis administrante." Que sollempnitas ab incarnatione Dominica celebrata est millesimo octogesimo quarto anno, indictione septima, epacta undecima.^*! B fo. 123"

16. De Rainaldo abbate.

[ii. 15] Transacta uero Pentecostes festiuitate, die natalicii sanctorum martirum Geruasii et Prothasii, regimen loci istius a rege Rothomagum^ constituto Rainaldo, ipsius regis olim capellano, tunc uero Gemmeticensis cenobii monacho, donatur. Qui et Walchelino Wintoniensi episcopo transmittitur, et ut ad locum ipsum perducat ei precipitur, et ecclesiastico more in cura illius designet Dominicum gregem.* Fit quod imperatur, et die quinto decimo kalendarum Augustarum, anno solari primo cicli? in abbatia," uictualium affluentia illo referta, recipitur." Et proxima Assumptionis sancte Marie domine nostre et celi regine celebratione, per Osmundum Seresbiriensem episcopum apud eandem pontificalem sedem abbas consecratur. 17. De hospicio abbatis apud Lundoniam. Secundo hinc anno, per Gillebertum* de Gant mansio quedam super [ii. 16] flumen Tamisie sita uia qua Westmonasterium a Lundonia ciuitate itur, ecclesie Abbendonie donatur, cum capella memorie sanctorum Innocentum/ dicata, eiusdem mansionis preforibus condita. Idem etiam donum antecessoris huius abbatis tempore Adelelmi4 iste uir ^ B follows this with an account of a miracle involving Robert d'Oilly; see below, p. 326. Above the first word of the inserted section is a little ‘b’; above the first word of the following chapter (De Rainaldo), a little ‘a’; and above the first word of the next chapter (De hospicio) a little *c^. It is thus indicated that the inserted section should follow that on Abbot Reginald, but

precede that on the abbot’s house at London. For another such rearrangement, see above, p. 2

^ Rotomagum B ^ [Innocentium B

* cidi B * Apelelmi B

^ habatia B

* Gilebertum B

? Henry at this time was 15 years old. Osmund was bishop of Salisbury 1078-99; Handbook of British Chronology, p. 270. For the possibility that he acted as a tutor to Henry, see C. W. Hollister, Henry J (New Haven and London, 2001), pp. 36—7. Miles Crispin was Domesday lord of Wallingford. He married Maud/Matilda, daughter of Robert d'Oilly, and died in 1107; Sanders, Baronies, p. 93, K. Keats-Rohan, ‘The devolution of the Honour of Wallingford, 1066—1148', Oxoniensia, liv (1989), 311—18. *? This sentence could also read ‘Robert d'Oilly administered an abundance not only of royal goods but also from the tables of the community of the monastery'. However, the History does not elsewhere use familia in this way; cf. below, p. 362, for use of familia in an administrative document within the continuation of the History in MS B. *' In MS B there follows a section concerning Robert d’Oilly, below, p. 326. For dating by indiction and by epact, see Handbook ofDates for Students of English History, ed. C. R. Cheney (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 2-3, 8.

THE

HISTORY

THE

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ABINGDON

Crispin, were attached to Henry.” At the tables of this household, Robert d'Oilly administered an abundance not only of royal goods but also those of the monastery." This solemn feast was celebrated in the year of our Lord 1084, in the seventh indiction and the eleventh

epact.*! 16. Concerning Abbot Reginald. After the festival of Pentecost [19 May 1084], on the birthday of the holy martyrs Gervasius and Protasius [19 Jun.], the king, at Rouen, gave control of this monastery to Reginald, formerly his chaplain but at that time a monk of the house of Jumiéges. Reginald was sent to Bishop Walkelin of Winchester, who was ordered to lead him to Abingdon and assign the Lord's flock to his care, according to

ecclesiastical custom.* These orders were followed, and on 18 July in the first solar year of the cycle he was received in the abbey, which

was filled with an abundance of provisions for him. And on the next festival of the Assumption of St Mary our Lady and Queen of Heaven [15 Aug.] he was consecrated abbot by Osmund bishop of Salisbury, at his episcopal see. 17. Concerning the abbot's residence at London. In the following year a house, situated on the river Thames, on the road running from London to Westminster, was given to the church of Abingdon by Gilbert de Gant.** With it, established at the doors of the house, was a chapel dedicated to the memory of the Holy Innocents. Gilbert had made this gift in the time of the abbot's predecessor, Adelelm, but took it back when he learnt of his death. ? Walkelin was bishop of Winchester 1070-98; Handbook of British Chronology, p. 2776. Reginald's succession is also mentioned in the Abingdon copies of the Worcester chronicle; John of Worcester, Chronicle, iti. 307. 5 For dating by solar year, see Handbook of Dates, p. 8: “The years of the cycle are numbered from I to XIX in direct series and the number for each year is known as the Golden Number. The cycle is computed from the year 1 B.C. and is usually held to begin 1 January in that year. To find the golden number of the year of grace, add 1 to the year of grace and divide by 19. The remainder is the golden number, unless the remainder is 0, when the golden number is XIX.’ By my calculation, the History has got the solar year wrong, since 1084 plus one and divided by 19 leaves a remainder of 2. 44 Gilbert was a Fleming, from the area of Ghent, as his name suggests. He may have been present at Hastings, and certainly was rewarded with a large fee in Lincolnshire, and lands in Yorkshire and a dozen other counties. He died in or around 1095; see Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. W. Farrer et al. (12 vols., i-iii, Edinburgh, 1914-16, iv—xii, Yorkshire Arch. Soc. Rec. Ser. Extra Ser., 1935-65), ii. 431-3. The house was on the south side of the Strand, cither on the road itself or possibly on a lane running southwards from the Strand to the river Thames; the latter may be the meaning of ‘South Street’, below, p. 112. I would like to thank Dr Derek Keene for his help on this point.

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

contulerat, sed, ipsius obitu cognito, sibi reusurpauit. At modo resipiscens, sub interminatione anathematis, perpetuam possessionem retinendum eidem ecclesie deuote idem restituit. Cui attestationi interfuere Rodulfus eiusdem Géilleberti dapifer, et Robertus de

Candos cum Roberto de Armenteres," Hermerus de Ridie^ cum Roberto filio Osberni, Radulfus et frater illius Hamericus Roberti, et plures alii.

nepotes

18. De morte Willelmi regis senioris. Quarto autem aduentus istius abbatis in abbatiam anno, rex apud castellum Madatensium egritudinem incurrens, quinto iduum Septembri mensis diem clausit ultimum, anno Dominice incarnationis

millesimo octogesimo septimo, indictione decima.*® Cui succedens B fo. 124° [ii. 17]

loco, filius eius Willelmus apud Michaelis | festum coronatur."

Westmonasterium

circa

sancti

19. Confirmatio carte Eadwardi regis et de hundredo."* Willelmus rex Anglorum^ uicecomitibus suis in quorum uicecomitatibus abbatia de Abbendona^ terras habet, salutem. Precipio ut tota terra abbatie de Abbendona‘ ita bene et pleniter habeat sacham suam et socham et omnes consuetudines suas, sicut melius habuit et plenius tempore regis Eadwardi et patris mei, et defendo ne aliquis inde^ iniuriam faciat. Teste Eudone dapifero, per Radulfum de Langue-

tot." Apud Legam. Et hundredum de Hornimere similiter sicuti tunc temporis habuit. Testibus predictis. 20. De ductu aque apud. Botelea 5? Huius regis regni anno secundo, quando ciuitas Rouecestra ab eodem obsidebatur contra tenente ipsam Odone Baiocensi episcopo, eiusdem regis patruo, ductum aque, quem uulgo ‘Lacche’ appellant, apud C fs. 138" Boteleam uiri de Suuecurda^ illicito ausu | fregerunt. Quibus tunc

temporis Anskillus dominabatur.! Sed eadem in questionem res ^ B reads either Riderie or Ridie, it being impossible to distinguish whether the third character is an Old English character, or a d with an abbreviation mark standing for er ^ illustration of William Rufus B ^ Anglie B ^ Abbandona B * Abbandona

^ om. B

* Boteleia B

^ Seuecurda B

5 DB i, fo. 56" records that Robert held one house in Wallingford. A Robert— possibly the witness to this charter—or perhaps more than one Robert had various holdings from Gilbert de Gant; DB i, fos. 62", 159°, 227", 354°, 356". The Cartae of 1166 record that David de *Armere' held ten knights of old enfeoffment of honour of Gant; Red Book, i. 383. ** Mantes is in the Vexin (Dept. Seine-et-Oise). " Michaelmas is 29 Sept. Rufus was in fact crowned on Sunday 26 Sept.; see Barlow, William Rufus, p. 57 and n. 18.

THE

HISTORY

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ABINGDON

But now he repented and, under threat of anathema, devoutly restored it to this church to be held as a perpetual possession. Present as witnesses were Rodulf (Gilbert’s steward), Robert de Candos with

Robert d'Armentiéres,? Hermer de Ridie with Robert son of Osbern, Ralph and his brother Hameric others.

(nephews of Robert), and many

18. Concerning the death of King William the elder. In the fourth year of Reginald’s abbacy, the king fell ill at the castle of Mantes, and passed away on g September in the year of our Lord 1087, in the tenth indiction.* In his place succeeded his son William, who was crowned at Westminster around the feast of St Michael." 19. Confirmation of the charter of King Edward and concerning the hundred. William king of the English to all his sheriffs in whose counties the abbey of Abingdon has lands, greeting. I order that all the land of the abbey of Abingdon have its sake and soke and all its customs, as well and fully as it best and most fully had in the time of King Edward and of my father, and I forbid that anyone do harm concerning this.

Witness: Eudo the steward, through Ralph de Langetot.*? At Lega. And similarly the hundred of Hormer, as the abbey had it at that time. With the same witnesses. 20. Concerning the watercourse at Botley.” In the second year of this king’s reign, when he was besieging the city of Rochester which was held against him by his uncle Odo of Bayeux, the men of Seacourt, with improper audacity, broke the watercourse

at Botley, commonly called ‘the Lake’. Anskill then was their lord.*! 48 RRAN i, no. 289. The position of the writ in the text suggests that it is from early in William Rufus’s reign. #9 For this phrase, see Royal Writs, ed. van Caenegem, pp. 149-51. A Ralph de Langetot was a tenant of Abingdon in the early twelfth century, below, p. 387; see also Anglo-Norman Families, p. 53. °° Berks. English Lawsuits, no. 133. 5! DB i, fo. 58”: of the fifty hides of Cumnor, ‘Anskill holds five hides. Norman held them in the time of King Edward as one manor, called Seacourt’; see also Domesday Geography of South-East England, p. 244 n. 4, M. Biddle, "The deserted medieval village of Seacourt, Berkshire’, Oxoniensia, xxvi/xxvii (1961-2), 70-201, on the later decline of Seacourt. Dr John Blair points out to me that in Oxfordshire dialect Old English /acu/ lace, meaning stream or pond, normally ends up as ‘lake’. The watercourse in this section was later known partly as the Shire Lake Ditch, partly as Seacourt River; it ran southwards from Seacourt to Botley and formed the shire boundary there; see also J. Blair, “Thornbury, Binsey: a probable defensive enclosure associated with St Frideswide’, Oxoniensia, liii [See p. 22 for n. 51 cont.]

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

postea in abbatis presentia posita, non debere fracturam^ illam eo quo facta est modo fieri ratiotinatione sancitur’ publica. Vnde ille Anskillus apud abbatem hoc commissum decem pependit solidis. Egit tamen ut tunc indiceretur molendinario loci illius quatinus sibi singulis ab eo redderetur annis duarum summa‘ orarum.?

[ii. 18] 21. De capella apud Wiscelea.^? In uilla que Wiscelea appellatur Adelelmi* abbatis primordii tempore deerat ecclesia, nam parrochie presbiteri de Sunningis/ adiacet. Sed quia illic indigenis hieme uadis transitis graue constabat ad Sunningas ecclesiastica^ audiendi officia conuenire, preterea et abbate eodem hospitandi gratia in illis diuertente partibus locus ipse missarum carebat celebratione capella, tunc primum lignea inibi constituitur, ac per Osmundi episcopi manum in sancti Nicholai memoria dedicatur. Verum, Rainaldo abbate abbatiam gubernante, clericus ecclesie Sunningis^ apud episcopum preiudicium se pati suarum consuetudinum causa capelle de Wiscelee conqueritur. Quare eadem capella inofficiari ab episcopo prohibetur. In proximo uero Quadragesimali instante leiunio, episcopus Abbendoniam uenit, ubi cum episcopo istud de ipsa capella abbas pepigit: 22. Cirographum de eadem capella.** Hec est conuentio habita inter Osmundum episcopum et Rainoldum Abbendonie abbatem super ecclesia de Wisceleie, quam abbas B fo. 124" Adelelmus' construxit et ab eodem episcopo dedica |ri fecit. Habebit in eadem ecclesia abbas Abbendonensis suum clericum, officiorum Dei curas agentem omnesque oblationes que ad ipsam ecclesiam ab quibuslibet oblate’ fuerint recipientem, et ad usum suum deseruiendo ecclesie reseruantem. Pro quo dabit abba episcopo uno quoque anno ad festiuitatem Omnium Sanctorum dimidiam marcam argenti, [ii. 1] habente nec minus ecclesia de Sunninge omnes eas consuetudines quas habebat in diebus Eadwardi regis ex uilla de Wiscelez.’ Facta est ^ facturam B ^ sanctitur B * corr. by erasure from summarum B ^ Wisceleia B * Aóelelmi B ^ Sunnigges B * a word such as causa may have been omitted here ^ Sunninges B ' Adelelmus B Jal cC * oblate B ^ Vuisceleia B

(1988), 3-20, at p. 7 for a map of the area. On the siege of Rochester, see Barlow, William Rufus, pp. 78-81; the siege involving Odo probably lasted from the start of May until midJun. 1088.

The ore, or ora, was a unit of account most common amounted to sixteen pence.

sents

in Scandinavian areas, and

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

But this matter was later investigated in the abbot’s presence, and it was decided by open and reasoned pleading that the breach should not have been made in the way it was. Therefore, in the abbot’s presence, Anskill paid for this deed with 10s. However, he contrived that the obligation of rendering him the sum of two ores a year then be

imposed on the miller of that place.?? 21. Concerning the chapel of Whistley.? When Adelelm was first abbot, there was no church in the village of Whistley, for it is attached to the parish of the priest of Sonning. However, it was known that in winter it was difficult for the inhabitants to cross the fords and to come to Sonning to hear the church offices. In addition, when Abbot Adelelm was travelling in that area and was intent on staying there, mass was not celebrated there. First of all, then, a wooden chapel was built there, and was dedicated by Bishop Osmund's hand in memory of St Nicholas. But during Abbot Reginald's abbacy, the cleric of the church of Sonning complained before the bishop that he was suffering prejudice to his customs because of the chapel of Whistley. Therefore the bishop forbade that the chapel provide liturgical services. However, during the following Lenten fast, the bishop went to Abingdon, where the abbot made the following arrangement with the bishop concerning that chapel: 22. Cirograph concerning that chapel.^* This is the agreement made between Bishop Osmund and Abbot Reginald of Abingdon concerning the church of Whistley which Abbot Adelelm built and had dedicated by Bishop Osmund. The abbot of Abingdon will have his cleric in the said church, performing the duty of the offices of God, receiving all offerings made by whomsoever to that church, and keeping them for his own use in officiating at that church. In return, each year at the feast of All Saints [1 Nov.], the abbot will give the bishop half a mark of silver. The church of Sonning is to have without reduction all those customs from the village of Whistley which it had in King Edward's days. 53 Berks.; DB i, fo. 59: ‘The abbey itself holds Whistley, and always held it.’ Sonning, Berks., neighboured Whistley across the river Loddon. In 1086 it was held by the bishop of Salisbury; DB i, fo. 58'. This is one of the earliest references to the proprietor of a mother church providing an outlying chapel in order to improve pastoral care. Minsters and Parish Churches, ed. Blair, p. 18 n. 57, states that ‘“Whistley” church is either now lost or represented by the present church of Hurst.’ See also Lennard, Rural England, pp. 297-8. ?* Salisbury acta: 1078-1217, ed. Kemp, no. 2.

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

autem hec conuentio regni Willelmi iunioris anno secundo pridie idus Martii, quando ipse episcopus fuit Abbendone in Quadragesima.

Cuius sunt isti testes: ex parte’ episcopi, Robertus archidiaconus," Heldebrandus frater Raimbaldi, Ricardus de Buro; ex parte abbatis,

Walterius’ monachus

Gemm’,’ (G)odricus’ monachus

Abbend’,

Walterius^ Rufus, Willelmus de Aula.

23. De Scipena.”° Viculus est burgo Abbendonensi contiguus Scipena dictus. Hunc de abbatia tempore Eadwardi regis quidam ipsius constabulus nomine Eadnotus tenebat. Cuius uiri terrarum metas postea Hugo Cestrensis comes adeptus." Cum didicisset predictum uiculum huius abbatie iuri pertinere, commonitu Rainaldi abbatis, et baronum suorum consultu, tercio regni Willelmi predicti iunioris regis anno, et pridie kalendarum Aprilium, ipse comes in sanctuario ecclesie istius consistens, toto conuentu fratrum ibi presidente, quicquid in illo loco posse uidebatur habere Deo et eius genitrici id optulit, manu cultellum altari superponendo et ut in perpetuum ratum constet [ii. 20] uerbis illud prosequendo. Affuere illo cum comite Engenulfus et

Willelmus uterque nepos ipsius, Godardus etiam de Boiauilla,? cum Engerardo et alii plures. De hac ut dictum est re determinata cum primo apud eundem comitem oriretur sermo, litteras abbati inde direxit, quarum huiusmodi extitit textus:

C fo. 139°

24. Carta de Scipena./? Hugo Cestrensis comes Rainaldo uenerando abbati et carissimo amico suo, salutem. | Mando tibi quod de terra quam erga me petiisti locutus sum cum uxore mea et cum meis baronibus, et inueni in meo consilio quod concedam eam Deo et sancte ecclesie de qua pastoralis cura super te imposita est, tali pacto, quod dones mihi triginta libras ^ pate C ^ ualterus, with space for initial B * Germ’ B ^ initial om. C; Odricus, with small o in middle of initial B. Such a mistake suggests that B derives from C. The name is almost certainly Godric, perhaps the same Godric as is mentioned above, p. 4 ^ Wualterus B ^ Scipenam B 55 J. Le Neve, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066—1300. 4: Salisbury, comp. D. Greenway (London, 1991), p. 24, gives this as the only mention of Robert the archdeacon. °° Berks. See also DB i, fo. 58": of the sixty hides of Barton, ‘Reginald holds in pledge from the abbot one manor, Shippon. Eadnoth the staller held it in the time of King Edward and it was not then the abbey’s [i abbatia].’ On the dating of these events within the period c. 1086—90, see Hudson, ‘Abbey of Abingdon’, p. 190. De abbatibus states simply that Reginald bought Shippon from Hugh earl of Chester; CMA ii. 285, and above, p. xliv. J. H. Round, in VCH, Berkshire, i. 295, suggested that before 1066 Eadnoth may have encroached on Abingdon's land at Shippon, with Earl Harold's encouragement.

THE

HISTORY

THE

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ABINGDON

This agreement was made on 14 March in the second year of the reign of William the younger, when Bishop Osmund was at Abingdon during Lent. These are the witnesses of this: from the bishop’s side, Robert the archdeacon,? Heldebrand brother of Raimbald, Richard de Buro; from the abbot’s side, Walter monk of Jumiéges, Godric monk of Abingdon, Walter Rufus, William de Aula.

23. Concerning Shippon.*® Next to the borough of Abingdon is a hamlet called Shippon. In King Edward’s time, a constable of his named Eadnoth held it from the abbey. Afterwards, Earl Hugh of Chester acquired the extent of this man's lands." When he learnt that the aforesaid hamlet belonged to this abbey’s property, at Abbot Reginald's urging and advised by his own barons, on 31 March in the third year of King William the younger's reign, the earl stood in the church's sanctuary, with the whole convent of monks there watching, and offered to God and His Mother whatever it seemed he could have in that place. He placed a knife on the altar by hand, and by words expounded that this offering should remain strong for ever. Present there with the earl were Engenulf and William his nephews, and Godard de Boiauilla,? with Engerard and many others. When discussion first arose in the earl's presence about this matter, which would be settled as above, he sent letters concerning it to the abbot, of which the following text exists: 24. Charter concerning Shippon.” Hugh earl of Chester to Reginald, venerable abbot and his very dear friend, greeting. I inform you that I have spoken with my wife and barons about the land which you sought of me, and I have found in my council that I should grant it to God and to the holy church, the pastoral care of which is placed on you, on the following terms: that you give me £30 of pennies from your money, and that I may be your 57 See C. P. Lewis, ‘The formation of the honor of Chester, 1066—1100', The Earldom of Chester and its Charters, ed. A. T. Thacker (Jl. of Chester Arch. Soc., Ixxi, 1991), pp. 3768, at 48-9, 55, 67-8. Hugh was earl of Chester 1071—1101 and was onc of the largest landholders in England. On Eadnoth the staller, see K. Mack, "The stallers: administrative innovation in the reign of Edward the Confessor’, Journal of Medieval History, xii (1986), 123-34, esp. at p. 129. : 58 ‘Boiauilla’ is probably one of the places named Biville in Normandy. 59 This document is also printed in The Charters ofthe Anglo-Norman Earls of Chester, ¢.1071-1237, ed. G. Barraclough (Rec. Soc. of Lancashire and Cheshire, cxxvi, 1988), no. 2. It differs from most of the charters in Book II of the History in being addressed solely to the abbot. That it was not primarily intended as a public announcement is also

suggested by the absence of a place-name for the land given.

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

et denariorum de tua pecunia, et ut frater uester sim et uxor mea scripti simus ut ita^ et uestris, bus pater meus et mater mea in orationi omnes in Libro Commemorationum, et ut sit factum tale obsequium pro nobis quale debet fieri pro uno fratre de ecclesia, ubicumque

moriamur.” Quicquid itaque pro illa terra exactum est nil fieri relictum, nam et pecunia data et cetera quesita omnino impensa.

B fo. 125"

25. De Cestretuna et Hilla. In comitatus supplementum Henrici Warewicensi comitis, | regis Willelmi iunioris in sui imperii principio dono, patrimonium ter-

rarum Turkilli de Eardene^ adiectum est. Quare idem comes de

[i. 21]

terra diebus Adelelmi* abbatis ecclesie a predicto uiro Turkillo donata uerbum Rainaldo abbati intulit, dicens ut alias possessiones illius uiri ita et illam quam ecclesia’ habebat sui iam iuris esse.” At, ut ipsum comitem abbas sibi ecclesieque beniuolum et muneris Turkilli concessorem et confirmatorem efficeret, eidem marcam auri optulit. Quam gratanter comes suscipiens, coram huius ecclesie sanctuario et monachorum cetu hic cohabitantium, horum quoque suorum baronum presentia quod petebatur sua auctoritate et ipse roborauit: Ricardi filii Osberni, Turstini de Mundford, Herlewini presbiteri, "UE Sorel, Ricardi capellani, Godrici Interpretis, et aliis pluribus.” 26. De Bernero.9*

Mutuande necessitate pecunie cuius constabat summa triginta librarum, abbas Adelelmus^ Roberto de Pirronis terre quantitatem quam quesiuit in uadem posuit. Sed non longe post, abbatis uite finis accidit. Cumque Rainaldus in pastorali succederet cura, et predictus Robertus paruam inde subnecteret moram^ moriendi,* Walchelinus Wintoniensis episcopus Bernerum defuncti nepotem

abbati adducens, hunc iure loco illius contestatur subrogari in his |" om. B ^ Ardene B © Adelelmi B ^ ecclesiam B * Adelelmus B ! poorly corrected to moram, perhaps from curram C; curam B * Cis damaged along the

edge of this column, so mhere necessary the text is completed from B $9 On the Book of Commemorations, see above, p. xix. On burials, see above, p. lxix.

On receipt of confraternity by a secular person, see Lanfranc, Monastic Constitutions, p. 170. 6! Henry was created earl c. 1088, and died in 1119. He was the son of Roger de Beaumont and brother of Robert count of Meulan and earl of Leicester. See Sanders, Barones, p. 93 G Crouch, ‘Influence of earls of Warwick’. 9? See above, pp. 10, 26.

THE

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THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

brother, and my wife and father and mother be in your prayers, and in such a way that we all be written in the Book of Commemorations, and that, wherever we die, there be such a funeral for us as there might for one of the brethren of the church. Whatever was demanded for this land, nothing remained to be done, for the money was given and the other requirements completely

fulfilled. 25. Concerning Chesterton and Hill. The patrimony of the lands of Thorkell of Arden was added as a supplement to the earldom of Henry earl of Warwick, by gift of King William the younger at the start of his dominion. The earl therefore raised with Abbot Reginald the issue of the land given by the aforesaid Thorkell to the church in Abbot Adelelm’s days, saying that Thorkell’s other possessions, and the land which the church had,

were now his property. But the abbot offered the earl a mark of gold

to ensure his good will towards himself and the church, and that he grant and confirm Thorkell’s gift. The earl gratefully accepted this, and in the sanctuary of the church, in the presence of a gathering of the monks living here, he reinforced with his own authority what was sought, in the presence of the following of his barons: Richard son of Osbern, Thurstan de Montfort, Herluin the priest, William Sorel,

Richard his chaplain, Godric the interpreter, and many others.9?

26. Concerning Berner.” Needing to borrow money amounting to £30, Abbot Adelelm placed in gage with Robert de Péronne some land which Robert was seeking. But not long after, the abbot’s life came to its end. When long Reginald succeeded to the pastoral care, and Robert died not of thereafter, Walkelin bishop of Winchester brought Berner, nephew right by the deceased, to the abbot, and asserted that Berner should d Reginal when enjoyed he which ons possessi those in succeed Robert William Sorel, see Crouch, 6} On Richard son of Osbern, Thurstan de Montfort, and (personal communicaCrouch Professor 15. n. 16 5, pp. , Warwick’ of earls Influence of the collegiate church of ry prebenda a as occurs also priest tion) points out that Herluin the Ctl. St Mary Warwick, London, of Warwick, with a prebend at Brailes and Coten End; the same Herluin the priest who Public Record Office, E164/22, fo. 8'. He is presumably For a Godric the interpreter 202. p. below, Warwick, of earl Henry, of appears in a charter Century Inquisition of St EleventhAn Ballard, A. sce (Latunarius) holding in Kent, Augustine’s, Canterbury (London, 1920), p. 30.

lxi. 64 On Berner and Robert de Péronne, see above, p.

, ii. 117-19. 65 For the gaging of land, see Pollock and Maitland

[ii. 22]

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

autem hinc quibus cum in abbatiam uenisset fungebatur. Abbas illinc creditum eius qui inortuus erat unde redderet non habens, obniti uam nequaq , intuens tatem auctori is interpellantis se et diligent ut que quesitis funditus quiuit. Sed tamen ad hoc uertit responsum, id se ione releuat sine Nam et. petebatur partim annueret, alia denegar habebat m Culeha uilla de quas non permissurum, nec aliam nisi tres

hidas recepturum, dixit.** Si has abiuraret, cetera sibi remanerent. Ille

osum cum id ab episcopo, cuius presentia patrocinabatur, fructu nolle, erat fixus agendum fore, quia in aliud diuerti animus abbatis per acciperet, remissum unde pulsabatur, fide sua interposita ut nec s ationi se nec per alterum unquam mentio alicuius inde machin in ie moueretur, exsoluit. Dictorum horum et factorum Winton hospicio abbatis extra urbis meridianam portam sito locus fuit.

Vbi interfuerunt Richerus de Andelei,? Rannulfus Baiocis, Robertus Floriaci, Gaufridus conestabulus, deuille, et plures alii.

Droardus,

Robertus

Ermenol-

27. De tribus hidis apud Culeham. Transcursis postea duobus annis, idem Bernerus sue oblitus sponsionis, constitutis episcopo predicto et abbate ipso apud Apelford, discrimen preiudicii sibi illatum pro illa qua carebat terre portione

conqueritur.?^ Super quo abbas non ultra debere quamlibet mouere

B fo. 125"

C fo. 139"

[ii. 23]

causam eundem per testes ostendit idoneos, nec se illi intendere. Qua |re tunc omnino deliberatum est nil causarum inde deinceps | agitari, sed dominicis monachorum reliquo euo usibus terram illam deputari, et merito. Nam adeo pre ceteris possessionibus illa a priscis temporibus libera habetur, ut nemo illic inhabitantium cuiuslibet uicecomitis aut regii officialis iugo in aliquo deprimatur, nec uicecomitatus siue hundredi, sed solius abbatis curie in discutiendis causarum euentibus subiciatur." Bernerus uero de portione sibi remanente militis et dimidii seruitium consuetudinaliter prosequatur. Et hic interfuere Robertus de Rosel, Robertus nepos 66 Oxon, Culham is not named in Domesday Book.

67 Identification of this house is difficult. The Winchester survey of c.1110 does not include the south suburb, and for a lack of completeness in the 1148 survey, see below, p. 164 n. 405. One possibility is that the abbot first had a residence outside the South Gate, and then moved to one outside the North, see below, p. 1640; another is that the abbot—at least for a period—had residences at both gates. (I would like to thank Dr Derek Keene for his help on these points) Note also below, p. 272, for Eugenius III confirming to Abingdon land worth half a mark outside the south gate of Winchester.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

came to the abbacy. Now not only did the abbot lack the wherewithal to repay the dead man’s loan, but also he had regard for the authority of the person attentively interceding with him, and he was quite unable to resist by any means what was sought. However, he resorted to the following answer: he would agree to some requests, reject others. He said that he would not permit this succession without payment of a relief, nor would he accept any relief except

the three hides which Berner had from the village of Culham. If Berner abjured these, the rest would remain to him. Berner learnt from the bishop (whose presence acted as a defence) what it would be fruitful to do, since the abbot’s mind was set and not to be swayed in any way. He made the required concession, pledging his faith that neither he nor anyone else would ever suggest any deceit concerning this. These words and deeds took place in the abbot’s house in Winchester, outside the south gate of the city. Present there were Richer des Andelys,? Ranulf de Bayeux, Robert de Fleury, Geoffrey the constable, Droard, Robert d'Ermenoldeville, and many others. 27. Concerning the three hides at Culham. Two years later, Berner forgot his oath. When Bishop Walkelin and Abbot Reginald were together at Appleford, he complained that the decision was prejudicial to him with regard to the portion of land of which he was deprived.” Concerning this, the abbot showed by suitable witnesses that Berner ought to bring no further case, and that he should not pay attention to him. Therefore it was conclusively and with good cause decided then that no case should henceforth be started concerning this, but the land should be assigned to the demesne uses of the monks for the rest of time. For from ancient times that possession, more than others, is so free that no inhabitant is oppressed in any matter by the yoke of any sheriff or royal official, nor is it subject to the shire or hundred but only to the abbot's court in discussing the outcome of cases." From his remaining portion, Berner would carry out the service of one and a half knights in accordance with custom. Present here were Robert de Rosel, Robert 6 See DB i, fo. 52", for a Richer des Andelys having the customary dues of four houses in Southampton by grant of King William; this is his sole appearance under this name in Domesday Book. Note also Keats-Rohan, Domesday People, p. 368. $ Berks. DB i, fo. 59', states that ‘the abbey itself holds Appleford in demesne’. 7 See above, p. xcvi:

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

Gotmundi,^ Rannulfus Flambard, et frater eius Osbernus, et plures alii. .*

Miles quidam Walterus, cognomen habens de Ripario, et terram que Bedena dicitur tenens, ea tempestate obiit, cui paruulus relictus est

filius eiusdem nominis." Hac pro re istius patruus pueri, Godcelinus

nomine, predictam adipisci ambiens possessionem, in regis curia apud Becceleam tunc constituta argumentari inde exorsus est.? Sed Rainaldo abbate puerum manutenente,’ et contra illum ratiocinante,” suo frustratus est conatu. Tunc desistente obnisu, supplicatur quatinus, quoad puer maioris foret etatis, sue manui eadem possessio permitta-

tur; daturus fidem nil se interim malitie in eo ad opus ipsius

quesiturum, preterea et trium militum exhibiturum,’ qui inde exiguntur, suo in loco more solito seruitium. Fit ei quod petiit, se cuncta integre seruaturum ut spopondit fidem abbati dedit. Sed tamen isdem puer cum adoleuisset, in his que sibi ratiocinatu competebantur publico nequiuit admitti, nisi prius diuersis inde habitis questionibus." 28. De renouatione huius ecclesie. Interea, dum prospera sibi succederent,

oratorium [ii. 24]

amplificare

disposuit. ^Iactoque

ueteris

ecclesie

fundamento

operis,

abbas

dum turri ueteri quod nouiter operabantur incautius quam expediebat unire pararent a parte orientali, qua disiecta porticus innixa

fuerat, undique fundamento ipsius terebrato et conuulso," anno ab

incarnato Verbo millesimo nonagesimo primo, die Veneris quarte ebdomade Quadragesime, indictione quarta decima, fratribus uigiliis ^ Godmundi B

^ manu tenente B

^ rationante B

4 exibiturum B

7! Tt is uncertain how, if at all, Robert de Rosel was related to the Ralph de Roscl, mentioned below, p. 46. Ranulf Flambard was the leading administrator of William II and then bishop of Durham 1099-1128; see R. W. Southern, Medieval Humanism and Other Studies (Oxford, 1970), pp. 183-205; J. O. Prestwich, "The career of Ranulf Flambard’, Anglo-Norman Durham 1093-1193, ed. D. Rollason, M. Harvey, M. Prestwich (Woodbridge, 1994), pp. 299-310.

72 Beedon, Berks. DB i, fo. 58", states that ‘Walter de Rivers holds Beedon from the abbot’, and that ‘the same Walter holds two hides in Benham’ from Abingdon. On the Rivers family, see also below, p. 157, and Keats-Rohan, Domesday People, pp. 236, 453; she suggests that their toponym may derive from La Riviére-Thibouville (Eure), but I adopt the practice for such toponyms of using the modern English Rivers. This section appears in English Lawsuits, no. 145; it is discussed in S. F. C. Milsom, ‘The origin of prerogative wardship’, Law and Government in Medieval England and Normandy, ed. G. S. Garnett and J. G. H. Hudson (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 223-44, at 235. The section has no heading in

THE

HISTORY

THE

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ABINGDON

nephew of Gotmund, Ranulf Flambard and his brother Osbern, and

many others.”! A certain knight, Walter, surnamed de Rivers, who held the land called Beedon, died at that time, leaving a very young son of the same

name.”” Because of this, the boy's uncle, named Jocelin, who desired to acquire that possession, appeared in the king's court, then meeting at Beckley, to argue his case concerning this.? But he was frustrated in his attempt by Abbot Reginald who supported the boy and pleaded against Jocelin. Then Jocelin abandoned this effort and begged that he be allowed to take that possession into his own hand until the boy was older.^* He would pledge his faith that he would not in the mean time seek anything maliciously for his own benefit in this, but in Walter's place would do the service of the three knights who are demanded therefrom, in the customary way. He was granted what he sought, and gave his word to the abbot that he would maintain everything entirely as he promised. But when Walter grew up, he could not gain admission to these possessions which belonged to him by this public plea, until various proceedings had been held on the

matter.^ 28. Concerning the rebuilding of this church. Meanwhile, as good times continued, the abbot decided to enlarge the old church.”° The foundations of the work were laid and they were preparing, with less than proper caution, to join the new work to the old tower from the eastern side, where a porticus chapel had once been attached but since demolished. Then its foundations were cut through and violently displaced on all sides," and in the year 1091 from the Incarnation of the Word, on the Wednesday of the fourth week of Lent, in the fourteenth indiction [26 Mar. 1091], while the MS C, and therefore I have not provided it with a distinct number; MS B provides just a line of red pen-strokes. 73 Beckley, Oxon., about five miles north-east of Oxford; in 1086 it was held by Roger d'Ivry, DB i, fo. 158”. 74 Presumably until he reached the legal age of majority; for legal development on this matter, see Pollock and Maitland, ii. 438-9.

75 See also below, p. 157. 76 Om this section, note Biddle et aL, ‘Early history’, p. 45. 'Oratorium ecclesie

probably does not refer to a specific part of the church building; see also below, pp. 66, 92. 77 The statement that the foundations were cut through on all sides is not obviously the reconciled with the previous emphasis on the new work being from the eastern side of tower. Perhaps what happened was that the base [fundamentum| of the tower was weakened from the east, but the result was a violent displacement and then collapse on all sides.

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

nocturnalibus^ instantibus ac responsorio tercie lectionis terminato, loco quo capitulum tenebatur, casum mirabilem eadem turris

dedit." Nam cum ad easdem celebrandas in ecclesia conueniretur

B fo. 126°

uigilias, et diuino mentem inspiratus prior instinctu conuentui inde abscedere, et capitulum turri proximum subire, innueret, subito ruens tam densissimam de fragmentis cementi nebulam sparsit, ut luminaria ubi fratres psallebant ardentia cuncta extinguerentur. Sonitu et nebula presentes turbati, nil nisi mortem opperientes, terre quique prosternuntur. Sed euanescente | paulatim nebula, et reaccensis luminaribus, alter ab altero requisitus, nemo lesus reperitur, cum quibusdam in locis obdormitantibus seruientibus, caput pene supra pregrandes corruissent lapides, nil tamen quislibet eorum mali passus. Recollectis inde in unum monachis, matutinale inceptum officium in claustro peragitur, non enim tum diuerti alias liberius posse inueniebatur. Ab incepto ergo opere oratorii tunc desitum, et aliud post Paschale festum exordiri coactum. Et hec fuit causa qua monasterii edificationem, a sancto patre et antistite JEthelwoldo* olim constructam, renouari contigit."

29. De Roberto de Oili./ Cum itaque operi instaretur, Robertus de Oileio in egritudinem incidit, in qua integro decubuit anno. Qui adeo huius ecclesie | suorum ope C fo. 140° renouationi intendit tunc, ut eam toto illo anno [ii. 25] sumptuum fabricantes ulla sine penuria accelerarent. Decem uero librarum reditum,’ quas /Edelelmi^ abbatis illuc usque dono exegerat, omnino remittens, contestatur suarum post se rerum possessores, ne inde quicquam exactionis ultra quereretur; simul et amplius quam centum librarum summam, suorum pro emendatione preteritorum commissorum, pro iuuanda quoque monasterii reedificatione istic confert. Sed de prato extra urbis Oxenefordis murum sito, collato sibi dudum ut cetera tanquam regis constabulus tueretur, nichil actum.?? Preterea et de tribus hidis, quorum una apud Sandford' ultra b d ^ pocturnialibus B terminata B C ^ frangmentis B manachis C * Aócluuoldo B / in B, the beginning and end of this section have respectively the letters ua and cat in the margin in red in the main hand. The section was thus to be cancelled, because of the presence of the earlier extended section on Robert d'Oilly which is peculiar to this manuscript; below, p. 326 * redditum B ^ Aüclelmi B ' Samford B

78 This prior cannot be identified. It could be Warenger who is later referred to as prior since Abbot Reginald's time, below, p. 224; see also above, p. lvii. 7 See above, p. cii, for interpretation of the rebuilding.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

brethren were devoting themselves to the night vigils in the place where the chapter was held, and the responsory of the third reading had been completed, in wondrous fashion the tower collapsed. For though it was appropriate to celebrate these vigils in the church, the prior, inspired by divine prompting, beckoned the convent to leave there and go into the chapter next to the tower.’”* The tower suddenly crashed down and scattered so very thick a cloud of fragments of mortar that all the lights, burning where the brethren were chanting the psalms, were extinguished. Disturbed by the sound and the cloud, those present threw themselves to the ground, awaiting nothing save death. But as the cloud dispersed little by little, and the lamps were lit again, each inquired after the other, and no one was found to have been harmed. The largest stones fell almost on top of the heads of some servants falling asleep in their places, but no one suffered any ill. The monks regathered, and the morning’s service, already begun, was completed in the cloister, as the most freely accessible place. The work begun on the church therefore was then abandoned, and after Easter new work had to be begun. And this was the reason why the monastery which had been constructed by the holy father and bishop

ZEthelwold was rebuilt.” 29. Concerning Robert d’Oilly.” When this work was under way, Robert d’Oilly fell ill and was bedridden for an entire year. He was then so enthusiastic about the rebuilding of this church that with the assistance of his expenditure throughout that year the builders were able to speed up the work without any shortages. He entirely remitted the £10 rent which until then he had demanded by gift of Abbot Adelelm, and solemnly declared that those possessing his property after him would hence-

forth seek no exaction therefrom.*! At the same time he also conferred

a sum of over £100 to emend for his past misdeeds, and to help rebuilding of the monastery. But nothing was done concerning meadow situated outside the wall of the town of Oxford, conferred him some time before, like the others, on the grounds that as

the the on the

king's constable he might provide protection." Also he was then

silent about the three hides granted to him and Roger d’Ivry by the

30 Cf. the version in MS B, below, p. 326. For caution about the abruptness of Robert's conversion to a more holy life, see Lennard, Rural England, p. 71; Robert's change of attitude seems more specifically to have concerned Abingdon. 3! For the £10 rent, see above, p. 1o. 82 Tt is possible that this is King's Mead, mentioned below, p. 96.

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

Tamisiam, due uero in Earnicote habentur, a predicto Adelelmo* abbate sibi et Rogero de Iureio concessis, tunc tacitum.? Iste ille est cuius studio pons Oxenefordis factus est. Qui mense Septembrio

obiens, hic’ in loco sepulturam accepit.?? Considerans autem abbas grande opus grandibus oportere sumptibus iuuari, et, quia ubique locorum in episcopiis et monasteriis ea tempestate noua conderentur edificia, ideoque quosque uicinorum auxilio niti tunc et ipse huiusmodi in suis commentatur opificum,^ pro lege per abbatie" loca rusticis deputabatur, ut quislibet eorum, cui uel inuidia uel cupiditas alterius adipisci rem inerat, prepositi impleta manu mercature beneficio, posset alium de sua mansione expellere. Item et aliud plebeiorum incommodum: cum aliquis filios et uxorem habens, et agrorum fortunatus frugiferorum, domino suo iura inoffense persolueret, et is^ debito fine quiesceret, nulla filis aut uxori eius gratia rependebatur, sed illis eiectis in defuncti lucrationibus extraneus, data pecunia, inducebatur. His diebus raro a quoquam decima messium, ut lege precipitur, in abbatia ipsa dabatur, sed aut [ii. 26] de hidagio quadraginta manipuli, quos uulgo garbas uocant, aut decima sue culture acra porrigebantur." Vnde de uicis singulis ^ Adelelmo B 4 abatie B

* follomed by rubricated heading of minims B

^ om. B * his B C

33 Both in Oxfordshire; see also DB i, fo. 156", which states that in Sandford ‘Robert and Roger hold one hide from the abbot’ and that ‘Robert d'Oilly and Roger d'Ivry hold .. . Arncott from the abbot, from the fee of the church. There are two hides here.’ This

section of the History is distinguishing Berkshire.

De abbatibus

includes

Sandford-on-Thames

Sandford,

Arncott,

a meadow

from Dry Sandford next

to Oxford,

in and

Whitchurch, amongst the possessions Abbot Adelelm granted to his kinsmen, and which the abbey still lacked at the time of writing; CMA ii. 283-4. Apart from Arncott’s appearance in the papal confirmation below, p. 266, there is no other evidence for Abingdon lordship there in the twelfth century or afterwards. The land was probably given by Robert d'Oilly and Roger d'Ivry to the church of St George in Oxford Castle. St George's held Arncott and Sandford when Henry I confirmed the church's possessions, probably in the mid-1120s, and both estates then passed to Oseney Abbey in c.1149; see RRAN ii, no. 1468, VCH, Oxfordshire, v. 19, 268-9. See also above, pp. lxx, 10, on Tadmarton. On Whitchurch, Oxon., see Bk. i, c. 138 (CMA i. 477-8), DB i, fo. 159°, where the 1086 tenant was Miles Crispin. Roger d'Ivry was William I’s butler and a close associate and ‘sworn brother’ of Robert d'Oilly: see The Domesday Monachorum of Christ Church Canterbury, ed. D. C. Douglas (London, 1944), pp. 56-7; Keats-Rohan, Domesday People, pp. 403-4; Oseney Cartulary, iv. 1. For his widow giving land at Fencott to Abingdon, see below, p. 106. 5* See Lennard, Rural England, p. 71 n. 2: "The Magnus Pons was evidently Folly Bridge and the causeways leading to it, as the name “Grandpont” was in the Middle Ages “often used of the part of Oxford between South Gate and Folly Bridge", citing Salter, Medieval Oxford, p. 15. For more recent archaeological and other investigation, see

THE

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aforesaid Abbot Adelelm, one at Sandford beyond the Thames and two in Arncott. He was the man by whose efforts Oxford bridge was

built. He died in September, and received burial here.? Moreover, the abbot then was considering that great work must be helped by great expenditure and (since at this time new buildings were everywhere being constructed in bishoprics and monasteries) that these expenditures must therefore be supported by the aid of neighbours.*? So, regarding his own business of this sort, he thought about the aid of those who work. It used to be considered as law for peasants throughout the abbey's estates that any of them, into whom entered envy or desire of acquiring another's possession, could expel the other from his holding, after filling the reeve's hand with a gift of goods. Likewise, another hardship of the ordinary people: when anyone who had sons and a wife, who prospered with fertile fields, and who paid his dues to his lord without any offence, found rest in his due end, no grace used to be allowed to his sons and wife, but they were expelled and an outsider, who paid money, was inserted into the profitable possessions of the dead man. In these days, rarely did anyone in that abbey's lands give the tithe of the harvest, as the law orders, but from each hide were offered either forty bundles— commonly called sheaves—or the tenth acre of his cultivated land.?/ In this connection, the abbot summoned the inhabitants of B. Durham et al., ‘The Thames crossing at Oxford: archaeological studies 1979-82, Oxoniensia, xlix (1984), 57—100, at pp. 87-95. 85 Robert's building of the bridge, his gift of £100, and his burial in the chapter of Abingdon are also recorded in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 284. 86 This whole section is somewhat obscure, and perhaps for that reason has drawn surprisingly little comment by historians of tithe or of land law. Within the text of the History it is peculiar in certain ways. For example, it lacks a rubricated heading, despite being only linked most tenuously, if at all, to the previous chapter on Robert d'Oilly. Likewise some of the vocabulary, for example ‘opificum’ and ‘plebeiorum’, appears only in this section; see also next note. The essence of the section seems to be that, in return for the proper payment of tithe, Reginald instituted security of peasant tenure and inheritance, replacing tenancy and inheritance at the will of the reeve. 87 This presumably means that the produce of every tenth acre was offered. As DMLBS, fasc. iv, s.v. hidagium, points out, the meaning of hidagium in this sentence 1s rather unusual and perhaps obscure. On tithe, see also Leges Edwardi Confessoris, cc. 7-8, in B. O’Brien, God's Peace and King’s Peace: the Laws of Edward the Confessor (Philadelphia, 1999), p. 164. A parallel passage concerning forty sheaves from each hide occurs in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 284—5. The sheaves presumably were church-scot, which here appears to be presented, very unusually, as an alternative to tithe; see also below, pp. 78, 208. Cf. the payment of forty-eight sheaves per hide ‘scrifcorn’ to Leominster; B. R. Kemp, ‘Some aspects of the parochia of Leominster’, in Minsters and Parish Churches, ed.

Blair, pp. 83-95, at 87-8.

HISTORIA

36 B fo. 126"

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

incolas abbas | aduocat, seruilitatis iam dicte graue eis assuetum imponi iugum compatiendi modo proponit, inde libertatis remedium

promittit, dum modo

rectas suarum

messium

decimas

in operis

restaurande ecclesie auxilium donarent. Illi talibus allecti promissis parent; quisque dum meteret decimam quesitam donat. Multum eren ab hoc tempore operibus fabricandis ipsa affabilitas abbatis oratioque"

prestitit. 30. De ecclesia de Suttuna. = Ecclesia uille regalis Suttune per hos dies regis dominio constabat soli subdita. Hanc ipse rex Willelmus iunior, a Rainaldo petitus abbate, ecclesie Abbendone concessit, istas ad comitatum Berchescire inde litteras dirigens: 31. Carta de "ecclesia eadem. a Willelmus rex Anglorum Géilleberto de Britteuilla,’ et Qoid fidelibus suis, Francigenis et Angligenis, de Berchescira,’ salutem. Sciatis me dedisse sancte Marie Abbendonensis ecclesie, et abbati Rainaldo, et monachis eius, ecclesiam de Suttuna, cum terris et decimis et consuetudinibus, sicut predicta ecclesia eas melius habuit tempore patris mei. Testibus Roberto* filio Haimonis;/ et Roberto*

cancellario, et Croco^ uenatore. [ii. 27]

C fo. 140"

Vt autem id concederetur, ex abbatie pecunia, summa uiginti librarum publice monete in regio thesauro appensa est. Nec’ longe post abbati alias litteras misit rex, precipiens ut clericus ecclesie Suttune, Alwinus nomine, ita honorifice ab eo tractaretur uti’ ei constiterat dum proprie sub rege deguerat."! Erat enim legibus des optime institutus, et preter illius sue ecclesie iura de abbatia unam* 2d eadem uilla hidam ad illud usque tempus | tenuerat. His causis, is’ pro mandato acceptius suscipitur. 32. Cirographum de ecclesia Suttune." Tempore nobilissimi Anglorum regis Eadwardi et antecessorum suorum habuit abbas ecclesie sancte Marie Abbendonensis duas ^ oratio B C ^* eadem ecclesia B ^ Brittewilla B ^ Berkascira B * initial om. C ^ Hamonis B * initial om. C ^ Droco, the wrong initial apparently having been added B ' initial om. C J ut B * followed by ut with

expunction marks under it B

! his B

" de Suttun B

35 The gift is also recorded in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 284. 8° RRAN i, no. 359; Lyell, no. 78; the writ dates from the chancellorship of Robert

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

each village, made a proposal to show his compassion concerning their customary and burdensome yoke of servility, and promised the remedy of liberty therefrom, provided they gave the correct tithes of their harvests to help the work of rebuilding the church. Enticed by such promises, they obeyed; each gave the requisite tithe when harvesting. From this time, then, the abbot's affability and prayer did much for the building works.

30. Concerning the church of Sutton. At that time the church of the royal village of Sutton was accepted to be subject only to the king's lordship. At Abbot Reginald's request, King William the younger granted it to the church of Abingdon, sending these letters concerning it to the county court of Berkshire: 31. Charter concerning this church.? William king of the English to Gilbert de Bretteville and all his faithful men, French and English, of Berkshire, greeting.?? Know that I have given to the church of St Mary of Abingdon, and to Abbot Reginald, and to his monks the church of Sutton, with lands, and tithes, and customs, as the aforesaid church best had them in my father's time. Witnesses: Robert son of Hamo, and Robert the chancellor, and Croc the huntsman. Moreover, the sum of £20 of the abbey's money, in public coin, was paid to the royal treasury that this might be granted. Not long afterwards, the king sent the abbot further letters, ordering that the cleric of the church of Sutton, named /Elfwig, be treated by him as honourably as had been established when he lived directly under the king.?' For he was very well informed on the laws of the land, and, besides the rights of his own church, had hitherto held one hide in that village from the abbey. For these reasons, /Elfwig was received more cordially, as ordered.

32. Cirograph concerning the church ofSutton. In the time of the most noble king of England Edward and his ancestors, the abbot of the church of St Mary of Abingdon held two Bloet, who was in office by Jan. 1091 and ceased to act around Feb. 1094: Barlow, William Rufus, p. 147. % Gilbert was probably sheriff of Berkshire in the period 1090 x 1094: Green, Sheriffs, p. 26, although the sole evidence cited there is this Abingdon writ. He was a tenant-inchief in Berkshire, DB i, fos. 61’—62", and also held lands in Hampshire, Oxfordshire, and Wiltshire. 9?! These further letters do not survive. On /Elfwig, see also above, p. 4.

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

portiones decime cuiusdam uille regis que uocatur Suttun, et unam hidam terre in eadem uilla, quam sub abbate presbiter eiusdem uille tenebat, sibi uidelicet inde seruiendo.? Hec omnia similiter in diebus Willelmi regis, successoris Eadwardi, possedit abbas prefati monasterii. Willelmus autem rex iunior, filius Willelmi regis senioris, cum post obitum patris successisset in regnum, dedit ecclesie sancte Marie Abbendonensis et Rainaldo abbati omnibusque fratribus in eodem loco Deo seruientibus, ecclesiam scilicet suprascripte uille Suttune, cum omnibus que eidem ecclesie adiacebant. In illis diebus, tenebat eandem ecclesiam sub rege presbiter quidam Alfwi nuncupatus, cui rex concessit ut quamdiu uiueret de abbate et fratribus Abbendonensis loci illam ecclesiam teneret, eodem modo quo de se ante illud [ii. 28] tempus tenuerat; et iussit ut post eius decessum in commune abbatis et fratrum rediret. Cum rex hec ita precepisset, uenit prefatus presbiter ad abbatem Rainaldum et requisiuit^ ab eo et a fratribus fo. 127° eiusdem loci monasterium suum, ut sicut rex pre|ceperat ab eis monasterium suum habere posset. Post hec autem iterum rogauit idem presbiter abbatem, uidelicet Rainaldum, et fratres prescripte congregationis, ut ecclesiam illam quam de eis tenebat filio suo tunc puero concederent, quatinus eam et ipse quamdiu uiueret habere

posset.) Cuius petitioni abbas Rainaldus et omnes fratres, quia fidelis

eis extiterat, libenter assensum dederunt, eumque in capitulum cum filio suo iusserunt uenire; ibique sibi omnia que petebat concesserunt, scilicet ut, sicut ipsam predictam ecclesiam cum omnibus ad eam pertinentibus et queque alia de abbate et fratribus Abbendonie ante tenuerat, ita puer quamdiu uiueret eadem omnia haberet, extra capellam Middeltunz^ et que ad eam pertinent? quam in manu abbatis idem presbiter dimisit pro concessu quem fecit filio eius de ecclesia Suttune ceterisque rebus ad eam pertinentibus. Necnon quinque libras denariorum dedit presbiter abbati, quibus quandam situlam argenteam deuadimonizauit que inuadimoniata fuerat pro centum solidis. Et quia nulli finis uite sue agnitus est, talem conuentionem abbas cum presbitero fecit: scilicet ut si puer ante a

requiuit C

^ Middeltune B

?? The retention of two thirds of the tithe would appear to be in line with II Edgar 2, which laid down that a thegn who had on his bookland a church with a graveyard, was to pay it a third of his demesne tithe; Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, ed. F. Liebermann (3 vols., Halle, 1903—16), i. 196. Sutton would here be the equivalent of the thegn's church—even though it is referred to below as a monasterium—and Abingdon would be the mother church.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

parts of the tithe of a royal village called Sutton, and one hide of land in the same village, which the village priest held under the abbot, by doing service to him for it.” The abbot of the aforementioned monastery possessed all these in similar fashion in the days of King William, Edward’s successor. But when King William the younger, son of King William the elder, had succeeded to the kingdom after his father’s death, he gave to the church of St Mary of Abingdon and to Abbot Reginald and to all the brethren serving God in that monastery, the church of the above village of Sutton with everything pertaining to that church. In those days, a priest called /Elfwig held that church under the king, and the king granted him that, as long as he might live, he would hold that church from the abbot and brethren of the monastery of Abingdon, in the same way as /Elfwig had previously held from the king. He ordered that after /Elfwig's death, it would return to the common property of the abbot and brethren. When the king had given these orders, the aforementioned priest came to Abbot Reginald and sought his minster from him and the monks of Abingdon, as the king had ordered he could have his minster from them.? Next, moreover, the priest asked Abbot Reginald and the brethren of the above congregation that they grant the church he was holding from them to his son, who was

then a boy, that he could have it as long as he lived.”* Abbot Reginald and all the brethren willingly assented to his request, as he had remained faithful to them, and ordered him to come with his son into the chapter. There they granted him everything he sought; that is, that just as he had previously held the aforesaid church, with everything pertaining to it, and anything else from the abbot and brethren of Abingdon, so his son, as long as he lived, would have all

these things, except the chapel of Milton and its appurtenances.”°

These latter /Elfwig surrendered into the hand of the abbot, because of the grant which the abbot made to his son of the church of Sutton and the other things pertaining to it. And the priest gave the abbot £5 in coin, with which he redeemed from pledge a silver vessel which he had pledged for 1oos. And since no one knows when his life will end, the abbot made the following agreement with the priest: if the son ?3 In the eleventh century, monasterium and mynster ‘could be used for any kind of religious establishment with a church’; Minsters and Parish Churches, ed. Blair, p. 1. ** On sons succeeding to benefices, see e.g. B. R. Kemp, ‘Hereditary benefices in the medieval English Church: a Herefordshire example’, BJHR xliii (1970), 1—15. °° Milton, Berks. DB i, fo. 59', states that “The abbey itself holds Milton, and always held it’, but makes no mention of the chapel.

[ii. 29]

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

patrem moreretur, pater quamdiu uiueret monasterium suum haberet; si uero puer superuiueret patrem, haberet et ipse sui patris monasterium sicut superius scriptum est; et post eiusdem pueri decessum, in abbatis et fratrum manu esset cui et quomodo eandem ecclesiam locarent. Hec autem facta sunt coram his testibus: ex parte abbatis Rainaldi, totus conuentus, de laicis Ricardus filius Rainfridi^? et multi alii; ex parte presbiteri Alwini, Siwardus nepos eius, cum pluribus’ aliis. 33. De dimidia hida apud Winekefeld." Operis renouande ecclesie structura capiente augmentum, episcopus Osmundus dedicandi in memoriam apostolorum Petri et Pauli altaris gratia, ab abbate Abbendoniam rogatus uenit. Dies quarte ebdomade Quadragesime erat tunc Dominicus. Cum ecce, inter benedictionum sacra pontificalium, legati a Waltero filio Oteri missi in presentia eiusdem episcopi et abbatis assunt, contestantes quod dimidiam hidam apud Winekefeld,’ ab eodem diu possessam ecclesie et abbati nunc relictam, promiserit reliquo deinceps euo se suosque heredes inde nunquam intromittere uelle, ideoque eam perpetualiter reddiderit illis liberam.

C fo. 141°

[ii. 30]

B fo. 127"

34- De Winekefeld. | Predicte autem uille Winekefeld^ regis forestarii plurimum infesti fiebant. Quod cum ipsi regi abbatis ex parte deferretur, illorum molestiam huiusmodi cohercuit mandato, Waltero eidem taliter scribens:

35. De silua apud Winekefeld.?? Willelmus rex Anglorum Waltero Oteri filio, salutem. Mando tibi et precipio ut abbati Abbendone permittas habere suam terram et suam siluam omnino | liberam, preter‘ siluestrem siluam, et pascua suorum hominum habeat in predicta silua." Et uide ne amplius de hac silua uel uilla iniuriam abbati facias.

^ multis B ^ Winkefeld B * Winkefeld B * erased in C, in an attempt to conceal this restriction to the grant

^ Winkefeld B

% A Richard son of Reinfrid was a man of Miles Crispin according to Regesta, ed. Bates, no. 167; see also Keats-Rohan, Domesday People, p. 364. On the day he died, he gave two hides at Wroxton to Abingdon; below, p. 158.

THE

HISTORY

THE

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ABINGDON

died before the father, the father would have his minster as long as he lived; but if the son outlived the father, he would have his father's minster as described above; and after the son's death, it would be up to the abbot and brethren whom they would appoint to that church, and in what way. This took place in the presence of the following witnesses: from Abbot Reginald's side, the whole convent, and from

the laymen Richard son of Reinfrid?? and many others; from /Elfwig the priest's side, Siward his nephew, with very many others. 33. Concerning half a hide at Winkfield.”’ With the rebuilding of the church advancing, Bishop Osmund came to Abingdon at the abbot’s request to dedicate an altar in memory of the apostles Peter and Paul. It was the Sunday of the fourth week of Lent. Then behold! Present with the bishop and abbot in the middle of the sacred rituals of the pontifical blessings was a deputation sent by Walter son of Other. They testified that Walter promised for ever more that neither he nor his heirs would ever wish to interfere concerning half a hide at Winkfield, which Walter had long possessed but had now been left to the church and abbot, and that thus he gave it back to them free in perpetuity.

34. Concerning Winkfield. However, the king’s foresters were growing extremely hostile to the aforesaid village of Winkfield. When the king was informed of this on behalf of the abbot, he checked their harassment with a writ of the following sort, writing to Walter thus: 35. Concerning the wood at Winkfield.”* William king of the English to Walter son of Other, greeting. I instruct and order you that you allow the abbot of Abingdon to have his land and his wood completely free, except for the tree-covered woodland, and let him have his men’s pastures in the aforesaid wood.” And see that you do no further harm to the abbot concerning this wood or village. ?7 See also above, p. 8.

31. ?5 RRAN i, no. 391, dating to 1087 x 1097; Royal Writs, ed. van Caenegem, no. ?? The translation of ‘siluestrem siluam" is uncertain. I follow Royal Writs, ed. van king preserved Caenegem, p. 428, who suggests that it would be in such woodland that the his hunting rights.

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

36. De ecclesia de Kingestuna.? Ecclesie de Wrda,^ tempore Eadwardi regis, parrochiani erant qui in uilla Kingestuna degebant. At Osmundo apud Saresbiriam pontificali fungente infula, eiusdem loci domini, Adelelmus et Radulfus cognomento Bachepuiz, ibidem capellam constituentes, dedicari cum

cimiterio illam per predictum fecerunt episcopum, "' promittentes

[ii. 31]

omnem se amputaturos inde apud rectorem Abbendonensis loci et fratres, insuper apud clericum eorum ecclesie de Wrde,’ querelam, ut non nisi unita de eis deinceps predicaretur concordia. Quare postea Abbendoniam expetunt, singulis annis duas oras* (id est triginta duos denarios) monachorum usibus sese impensuros promittunt, et terminum reddendi Pentecosten ponunt. Clerico quoque de Wrda^ duas acras, duos porcos, et duos caseos annuatim constituunt, de hoc toto istius considerata ratione diuisionis, ut medietatem unus, reliquam uero alter persolueret. Hec res hucusque deducta Rainaldi abbatis diebus, sequens Faritii eiusdem successoris constitit peracta. Defuncto ergo Radulfo de Bachepuiz, Henricus filius eius heres illi et successor extitit rerum, sed nequaquam morum, quandoquidem uotum, quo se pater obstrinxerat ecclesiastice respectui unitatis, filius iste conseruare neglexit. Sed illo post paruo tempore defuncto, frater eius Robertus ei successit. Qui fraterni euentus timidus ad abbatiam currit, pro defuncti commisso^ intercedit, se uero quoad uixerit paterni pacti redditorem non defore promittit. Quod tercio decimo regni Henrici regis anno, et diebus Quadragesimalibus accidit, in

presentia horum: Nigelli de Oileio,"^ Ricardi de Ledecumba, et

multorum aliorum.

37. De ecclesia de Pesimara.? Item, in Pesimaro capella cum cimiterio, per prefatum Osmundum episcopum dedicata, eo tenore extitit: ne ecclesia que apud Ciueleam ^ Wróa B

^ Wróe B

^ horas B

^ Wrüa B

* commissio B

100 See VCH, Berkshire, iv. 352—3; sce also below, pp. 176-8, and above, p. xxxv. For Abingdon's possession of Longworth, Berks., and its church, see DB i, fo. 59°*; for Kingston Bagpuize, Berks., see DB i, fo. 60" (Ralph's holding from Henry de Ferrers) and fo. 61" (Adelelm’s holding from William son of Ansculf). VCH, Berkshire, iv. 350, takes the former to be the southern part, the latter the northern.

1! For Ralph's family, see J. H. Round, ‘A Bachepuz charter’, The Ancestor, xii (1905), 152-5; Anglo-Norman Families, p. 10; Facsimiles of Royal and other Charters in the British Museum, i. William I—Richard I, ed. G. F. Warner and H. J. Ellis (London, 1903), no. 49. In 1166 the Carta of William de Ferrers records Robert de Bagpuize holding three knights’ fees; Red Book, i. 337. On Adelelm's successors at Kingston in the thirteenth century and

THE

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THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

36. Concerning the church of Kingston.? In King Edward’s time there were parishioners of the church of Longworth who lived in the village of Kingston. But when Osmund was enjoying the episcopal symbols of office at Salisbury, the lords of Kingston, Adelelm and Ralph, surnamed Bagpuize, set up a chapel there, and had it dedicated, with a cemetery, by that bishop.'°! They promised they would remove any complaint concerning this in the presence of the ruler of the monastery of Abingdon and the brethren, and in addition of the cleric of their church of Longworth, so that a wholly unanimous agreement about these matters might thereafter be announced. Therefore, they afterwards went to Abingdon and promised to pay each year to the monks’ use two ores (that is 32d.), setting the time for this payment at Pentecost. Also, they assigned to the cleric of Longworth two acres, two pigs, and two cheeses a year. They decided upon the following division of all these payments, that each would pay half. Thus far this affair took place in Abbot Reginald’s time, but the following conclusion was reached in that of his successor, Faritius. When Ralph de Bagpuize died, his son Henry was his heir and successor with regard to his possessions but not his standards of conduct, in that the son neglected to preserve the vow whereby his father had bound himself in respect of ecclesiastical unity. But a short while later he died, and his brother Robert succeeded him. Fearing for his brother’s fate, he rushed to the abbot and interceded concerning the dead man’s misdeed. He promised that indeed as long as he lived he would not fail in fulfilling his father’s agreement. This happened in Lent in the thirteenth year of King Henry's reign [19 Feb.-5 Apr. 1113], in the presence of these men: Nigel d’Oilly,’” Richard of Letcombe, and many others. 37. Concerning the church of Peasemore. ? Similarly in Peasemore a chapel with a cemetery, dedicated by the aforesaid Bishop Osmund, existed on the following terms: that the beyond, see VCH, Berkshire, iv. 351. Note how the History refers to Adelelm and Ralph as the lords of Kingston, despite Domesday recording them as holding from tenants-in-chief. 102 Heir of Robert d'Oilly, although their relationship is not certain. He succeeded possibly c. 1093, and died possibly c.1115; see Sanders, Baronies, p. 54, Green, Government, p. 265 n. 326. He may have been ‘a local justiciar in Oxfordshire; see the writ addresses below, pp. 114, 134103 See also below, p. 176, and above, p. xxxv. DB i, fo. 62", records Richard as holding Peasemore, Berks., from Gilbert de Bretteville. Note also the other entries relating to Peasemore, DB i, fos. 60', 62%; also VCH, Berkshire, iv. 81. Despite the chronicler’s presentation of the outcome as a success for the abbey, Peasemore was afterwards a parish, and the advowson appears to have remained in Richard's family; //iCH, Berkshire, iv. 84.

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

sita est in aliquo consuetudinibus

B fo. 128"

ABBENDONENSIS

sibi debitis priuaretur.^ Ab

antiquo enim tempore, ille de Pesimaro locus ecclesie de Ciuelea* iuri obnoxius" fuit. Sed dedicatione peracta, Ricardus, eiusdem tunc dominus uille, parum duxit mandatis sibi intendere. Ita ad quintum regis Henrici annum sub abbate Faritio a dedicate capelle termino sub abbatis Rainaldi^ regimine habite, uir ille tali in obstinatione perdurans, sed tunc in sese reuertens, presentie ipsius abbatis et monachorum Abbendone sistitur, tenacitatis hactenus sue huiusmodi penitens, hanc spondet correctionem: quod quoto deinceps anno ecclesie Abbendonensis altari duos solidos, et clerico qui ecclesie de Ciuelea deseruit duas | annone acras, unam triticeam, alteram

auenaceam, persolueret."? Causa dilate tamdiu huius deliberationis

et modo exhibite^ bifaria^ fuit: quia Saresbiriensis sedis auctoritas, super hoc requisita, sanciuit/ ut illa capella ab officio suspenderetur [ii. 32] diuino, nisi se matri olim ecclesie reconciliando coaptaret, et quia idem iam debilis uite petebat occasum, fractus senio. His ratiociniis in medium,’ hec talis tunc prolata sententia. Que a filio eiusdem, Felice C fo. 141" | dicto, illa hora approbata, et inde ab utroque indeficienter tenenda promissa; coram his testibus: Gaufrido" filio Haimonis, Bernero,

Raimboldo/ et multis aliis.'°°

38. De decima de Westlakinga.* '°’ Viuente predicto Rainaldo abbate, trium! decimationum ecclesie huic facta est. Vna ab Huberto de uilla sua Lakinz appellata, Henrici de Ferrariis milite, scilicet frugum, agnorum, caseorum, uitulorum, et porcellorum. Quod et Robertus filius eiusdem, post patris mortem, confirmans, concedente domino suo predicto Henrico, Abbendoniam uenit, pro patris et sui suorumque salute, prefatam" hic decimationem perpetualiter tradidit sibi, fratribus suis germanis Huberto et Stephano in his fauentibus, etiam istis amicis suis uidentibus: Quirio ^ Ciueleia B

^ obnoxia B C

^ Reinaldi B

^ exibite B

* bafaria

BG ^ sancciuit B * a word appears to have been om. ^ initial om. B ' Hamonis B J Raimbaldo B * West Lakinga B ! a word such as donatio may have been om. in this sentence " prephatam C

!* Chieveley, Berks. DB i, fo. 58", states that ‘the abbey itself holds Chieveley and always held it’.

105 As above, p. 35, this presumably means the produce of two acres.

THE

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ABINGDON

church situated at Chieveley would not in any way lose customs owed it. For Peasemore had from long ago been subject to the authority of the church of Chieveley. But after the dedication, Richard, then lord of that village, paid insufficient attention to his obligations. He persisted in such obstinacy from the time of the dedication of the chapel under the rule of Abbot Reginald to the fifth year of King Henry under Abbot Faritius [5 Aug. 1104-4 Aug. 1105]. But then coming to his senses, he presented himself before the abbot and monks of Abingdon, repented of his previous stubbornness, and promised the following way of righting his wrong: that henceforth he would pay 2s. annually to the altar of the church of Abingdon, and two acres of arable (one of wheat, the

other of oats) to the cleric officiating at the church of Chieveley.’” The cause of his decision, long delayed, but now granted, was twofold: the authority of the see of Salisbury, which had been sought on this matter, ordained that the chapel would be suspended from divine office unless it complied in being reconciled to its former mother church; and, broken by old age, he was now moving towards the end of feeble life. Following these proceedings, this decision was then pronounced in public. His son, called Felix, approved it at this time, and both of them promised to keep it unfailingly; in the presence of these witnesses: Geoffrey son of Hamo, Berner, Rainbald, and many others.'” 38. Concerning the tithe of West Lockinge. When Abbot Reginald was alive, gifts of three tithes were made to this church. One was by Hubert, a knight of Henry de Ferrers, from his village called Lockinge, consisting of crops, lambs, cheeses, calves, and piglets. After his death, his son Robert confirmed this, and, with the consent of his lord Henry de Ferrers, came to Abingdon and here handed over the aforesaid tithe in perpetuity, for the salvation of his father, himself, and his relatives. His brothers Hubert and Stephen approved this, and the following friends of his also looked on: Quirius 106 A Geoffrey son of Hamo also witnessed Abbot Faritius's receipt of seisin of Aubrey de Ver's gifts to Colne; below, p. 88. For Berner and Rainbald, see above, pp. lxi, lxi. 107 DB i fo. 60%, records that Henry de Ferrers held West Lockinge, Berks., and Hubert held it from him. Hubert is the ancestor of the Curzon family; his sons were Robert, Hubert, and Stephen. Next came Giralmus, who is mentioned below, p. 282. See Red Book, i. 338, for the 1166 Carta of William, carl of Ferrers, which shows Hubert de Curzon having held three knights’ fees and Stephen, his grandson, holding two. See VCH, Berkshire, i. 289, iv. 308; Anglo-Norman Families, p. 37. Income from the tithe of Lockinge was devoted to the monks’ wood supply and the sacristy; below, pp. 394, 397-

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ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

de Moenais, et fratre eius Hugone, Betretuna. 9?

et Roberto

filio Aldulfi^ de

39. De decima Hüldeslee.^ ? Altra’ a Seswalo de uilla sua Hildeslea, caseorum scilicet et uellerum suarum ouium. Quod et heres et filius eius Frogerus post eum deuote confirmauit.? Que utreque decimationes luminaribus et ministeriis altaris sancte Marie ab eo die specialiter delegate, hucusque in hoc expenduntur. [ii. 33]

40. De decima de Henreda.*'? 'Tercia/ a Roberto, cuius erat cognomen Marmion, et a filio ipsius Helto de uilla sua Henreda,’ frugum omnium sue proprie lucrationis. Sed et post illos a Radulfo, cognomento Rosel, idem concessum, cuius littere suis tunc hominibus ab ipso illuc transmisse hunc continuere modum:

41. Carta de eadem decima de Henreda." Ego Radulfus, agnomento Rosellus, concedo, uolo, atque precipio seruientibus meis ut segetes meas de Henreth' deciment ad hostium grancie mee, que ibidem habetur, et ipsam decimam recte et fideliter seruienti sancte Marie deliberent.

B fo. 128"

Hec iccirco recitauimus, ut noscatur ubi eadem decima et quomodo debeat decimari, eorum consideratione qui ab initio illam Deo contulerunt. Que sub elemosinarii cura, pauperum susceptioni et officio, collata est. Vnde uideant utrum melius locari qui ipsa istic concesserunt potuerint, quandoquidem pars solius Dei, pars egenorum usibus deputate sunt. Ideoque ad quorum dominatum ipsorum amodo pertinuerit locorum dispositio, augere Deo donata potius studeant quam diminuere. Potest enim ipse omnium distributor sibi largita augmentantibus illis multa superaddere beneficia, et minuentibus suorum | merita diminutionum rependere. ^ Addulfi B ! Teria B

^ Hildesleia B * Henreda B

* Altera B ^ Henripa B

^ firmauit B ' Henreóe B

* Henripa B J tibi B

"5 Betterton is in the parish of Lockinge, Berks. (VCH, Berkshire, iv. 307). DB i, fo. 57’, mentions a Robert as a tenant in the king’s holding at Betterton.

109 DB i, fo. 62", records Seswal as holding Ilsley, Berks., from Geoffrey de Mandeville. Seswal was ancestor of the Osevill family: note Rotuli Chartarum in Turri Londinensi Asservati, 1199-1216, ed. T. D. Hardy (Record Commission, 1837), p. 16; also Testa de

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de Moenais and his brother Hugh, and Robert son of Ealdulf of Betterton.'” 39. Concerning the tithe of Ilsley.'” A second tithe was given by Seswal from his village of Ilsley, consisting of cheeses and the fleeces of his sheep. After him, his son and heir Froger devotedly confirmed this. Both these tithes were from that day specifically delegated to the lights and liturgical furnishings of the altar of St Mary, and are still spent on it.

40. Concerning the tithe of Hendred.'"° The third tithe, of all the crops of their harvest, was given by Robert, surnamed Marmion, and his son Helto from their village of Hendred. After them it was also granted by Ralph surnamed Rosel, whose letter, which he then sent his men concerning this, contained this message: 41. Charter concerning the same tithe of Hendred. I, Ralph, surnamed Rosel, grant, wish, and order my servants that they pay the tithe of my fields of Hendred at the door of my barn there, and that they deliver this tithe rightly and faithfully to the servant of St Mary. We have related this, therefore, so it may be known where and how that tithe should be paid, by the decision of those who first conferred it on God. The tithe was conferred to the almoner’s care, for the reception and service of the poor. Whence let those who granted these things here see whether they could have been better assigned, since part were granted to the profit of God alone, part to that of the poor. Therefore, let those to whose lordship pertains henceforth the disposal of these places, be eager to increase rather than diminish what has been given to God. For the Distributor of all things can add many benefits for those who increase gifts bestowed on Him, but for those who reduce them, He can weigh out just deserts for their

reductions. |"! Nevill, e.g. i. 298. The list of rents of the altar in MS C in the same hand as the History, below, p. 397, does not include this tithe. 10 East Hendred, Berks. This is the manor known as Framptons, because it later passed

to the abbey of Caen's cell at Frampton, Devon; 1 CH, Berkshire, iv. 299. The history and lands of the Marmion family only become clearer from the time of Roger Marmion, who certainly held Lincolnshire lands in 1115-18. Roger may have been Robert's successor. On the Marmion family, see Sanders, Baronies, p. 145, Complete Peerage, viii. 505—22.

!! See above, p. Ixxxv.

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

[ii. 34] 42. De eadem decima.

Tempore itaque Danorum, fuit quidam eorum qui possidens septem hidas in Henreda,^ propter uicinitatem Abbendonie et amorem sancte Marie uirginis et aliorum sanctorum qui inibi digniter coluntur, dedit decimam de dominio eiusdem terre ecclesie sancte Marie Abbendonensi in elemosinam pauperum, hoc est de quatuor hidis. Quam terram Helto Marmiun’ Deo et sancto Stephano Cadomi dedit; ecclesie uero Abbendonensi decima de dominio predicto in euum

permansit.!? 43. De Gersendona.? Dono abbatis Adelelmi^ apud Gersendunam Gillebertus, qui cognominabatur Latemer (id est Interpres), septem hidas et dimidiam

habuit.!!* Hic filiis carebat, filiabus uero tribus potitus, quas maritis

tradidit, data portionis tantumdem? de eadem Gersenduna eisdem, quantum locus ipse patiebatur. Earum maritorum primus Radulfus Percehai, alter Picotus, tercius Willelmus appellabantur.!? Regente* autem abbatiam Rainaldo abbate, unus iam dictorum, Radulfus, | deinde ad hoc C fo. 142° moritur. Quem et ipse socer eius Gillebertus cum quibus et Willelmus, et Picotus subsequitur. Quo defuncto; terrarum adeunt, abbatem Gilleberti, filiaum uiduata uiro una hereditario iure sibi liceat ut fuerant uxorati portionibus quibus perfrui expetunt, astipulantes secum ita sic fuisse compactum cum

earum conubio inducerentur.!* Abbas dum ignorasse econtra se que

fatentur respondet, quandoquidem Gillebertus dum uiueret nec [ii. 35] unum sibi uerbum super his fecisset, nil ideo modo eorum requisitioni uelle satisfacere; illi instare, precari, ut quoad uiuerent petitis saltem fruerentur. His talibus orationibus abbas tum benignius flexus, Picotum in hominem, id est homagium suscepit,* eo tenore ut militis unius seruitium ab eo ubique ecclesie debitum inde exhiberet," scilicet ceteris Willelmo et uxore Radulfi defuncti de suis portionibus ^ Henreóa B ^ Marmium B ^ Adelelmi B ^ tantunden C * initial om. B, although a small v in the main ink mas included for the rubricator / defucto B * succepit B ^ exiberet B "2 Henry I’s general confirmation to Caen, RRAN ii, no. 1575, included 7 hides in East Hendred. See DB i, fo. 63", for the seven hide holding in East Hendred in 1066. Book I of the History does not record the grant of tithe ‘in the time of the Danes’, and the phrase is sufficiently vague to raise suspicion about a very unusual reference to a pre-Conquest grant of tithe away from their local destination.

!5 DB i, fo. 156", states that ‘Gilbert holds seven and a half hides from the abbot in Garsington’, Oxon.; see also below, p. 324.

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42. Concerning the same tithe. In the time of the Danes, one of them (who possessed seven hides in Hendred) gave the tithe from the demesne of that land, that is from four hides, to the church of St Mary of Abingdon in alms for the poor, because of its proximity to Abingdon and because of his love of the holy Virgin Mary and the other saints who are worthily venerated there. Helto Marmion gave this land to God and to St Etienne of Caen, but the tithe from that demesne has remained to the church of

Abingdon for ever.'” 43. Concerning Garsington.? By gift of Abbot Adelelm, Gilbert, surnamed Latimer (that is, Interpreter), had seven and a half hides at Garsington.' He had no sons but three daughters, whom he handed in marriage to husbands, giving to each as large a portion of Garsington as the place permitted. The first of the husbands was named Ralph Percehat,

the second Picot, the third William.

However,

when

Abbot

Reginald was ruling the abbey, one of them, Ralph, died. Then his father-in-law, Gilbert, followed him. After Gilbert's death, Picot and William, and with them the widowed daughter of Gilbert, went to the abbot and sought permission to enjoy by hereditary right the portions of land with which they had been endowed at marriage, asserting that this had been agreed when they were brought into marriage with the daughters.''® The abbot answered to the contrary that he was ignorant of what they said, since Gilbert had in his lifetime spoken to him not one word concerning this. He was therefore totally unwilling to meet their request now. They pressed on, begging that they might enjoy at least for life what they sought. These prayers made the abbot look more kindly on the situation, and he received Picot as his man, that is received his homage, on the terms that he should do anywhere the service of one knight owed therefrom by him to the church; William and the widow of Ralph were to help him from 14 On interpreters, see C. Bullock-Davies, Professional Interpreters and the Matter of Britain (Cardiff, 1966), pp. 8-10. !5 Ralph may be the same man whom DB i, fo. 56", records holding seven sites in Wallingford. William is presumably the William of Botendon mentioned below, p. 258. Botendon cannot be identified with certainty; ‘Botendone’ is the Domesday form for Boddington, Northants., DB i, fo. 224", 224’. However, the toponym could refer to other places with similar names, for example Boddington in Glos.

"6 See above, p. xc.

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

suam opem illi conferentibus.'!” Super id, ut morientibus eisdem siue uiris siue feminis, de aliqua predicte terre portione nulla eorum progenies quid proprii sibi in posterum uendicaret. Quibus tunc propositionibus iidem^ fide et sacramento consensum prebuere. His testibus in presentia constitutis: Rainaldo^ de Sancta Helena, Gois-

frido Rogeri presbiteri filio, et multis aliis."

44. De Dumeltona.'””

Habebat Rainaldus abbas nepotem forinsecorum studiorum prudentem, Robertum nomine. Cui, cum nullam terrarum uauassorum hereditarie dandam repperisset, ad uillam que Dumeltun uocatur, bene sibi tunc uisus agere, suum transtulit consultum, et eidem illam

donauit." Nec tamen multo post grauiter penituit talia se fecisse,

nam hactenus inscius/ extiterat, quis donatiui auctor illius terre ad B fo. 129° hunc locum fuerit. | At postquam scripto coram se recitato, quod in huius ecclesie scrinio continetur, Alfricum archiepiscopum et deuotum Deo famulum largitorem, et ne ab usu monachorum proprio aliquorsum transponeretur interdictorem uehementem perpendit, ^! predictum suum nepotem aduocat, precatur sibi ab eo misereri, [ii. 36] restituendo loco quod inconsulte ipsemet ei dederat, ne tante auctoritatis uiri maledictionibus uterque subiacerent. Cumque plurimum temporis in hoc supplicando abbas inaniter consumeret, ac nepotis in nullo assensum sibi inclinare potuisset, ad ultimum apud regni principem cum oblationibus orationum, etiam pecunie mercede, adeo institit, ut imperiali decreto terra eadem ecclesie libertati redderetur. Summa uero eiusdem pecunie computata est quinquaginta librarum monete publice fuisse, cum duobus equis regiis usibus aptis. Sed Roberto triginta postea regi ut rehaberet terram que sibi auferebatur offerente, hac necessitate abbas compulsus, ad supradic-

tam a se datam summam uiginti libras adiecit.'7” Nec tamen uir ille a ^ hiidem B

^ initial om. B

* incius B, mhich involves a correction

!7 Cf Ranulf de Glanvill’, Tractatus de legibus et consuetudinibus regni Anglie, bk. vii, c. 3, ed. G. D. G. Hall (NMT, 1965), p. 76: ‘Younger daughters or their husbands are . . . bound to do their service for their tenements to the chief lord by the hand of the eldest daughter or her husband." !5 On Reginald, and the St Helen family, see above, p. lxv. For the later history of Garsington, see below, pp. 130, 258. 79. English Lawsuits, no. 146. DB i, fo. 166', records that ‘St Mary's church of Abingdon holds Dumbleton’, Glos.; in addition, various men held lands in ‘Littleton’ in Dumbleton; fos. 167" William Breakwold, 168" Ralph holds of Durand of Gloucester; see also below, p. 149, on William Goizenboded. For the suggestion that this dispute may provide the

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

their portions.''’ In addition, when these husbands or wives died, none of their offspring were thereafter to claim for themselves any ownership concerning any portion of the aforesaid land. They then consented to these proposals with a statement of good faith and an oath. With these witnesses present: Reginald of St Helen, Geoffrey

son of Roger the priest, and many others.''® 44. Concerning Dumbleton.''° ; Abbot Reginald had a nephew named Robert who had a good understanding of studies external to the cloister. Since the abbot found no vavassours’ land to give him hereditarily, he shifted his plan to the village called Dumbleton, which at the time seemed to him a wise move, and gave it to Robert.'?? But not long afterwards the abbot gravely repented of his decisions, for until then he had not known who was the originator of the gift of that land to this monastery. But afterwards, a text, kept in the church chest, was read out in his presence, and he understood that /Elfric, archbishop and devout servant of God, was the benefactor and had vehemently forbidden

that the land be transferred anywhere from the monks’ own use.'?! He summoned his nephew and implored that he take pity on him by restoring the place which Reginald had unadvisedly given Robert, lest they both suffer the curses of a man of such authority. After spending much time unprofitably in this beseeching, and quite unable to persuade his nephew to agree, in the end the abbot so pressed his case before the prince of the realm, with offers of prayers and also payment of money, that by imperial decree the land was returned to the liberty of the church. The amount of this payment was calculated at £50 of public money, together with two horses suited for royal use. But afterwards Robert offered the king £30 that he might have back the land which had been taken from him, so the abbot was forced to

add £20 to the amount he had given.^ However, Robert was not

context for the reworking of earlier documentation concerning Dumbleton, see Charters of Abingdon Abbey, p. 99. 79 On the phrase ‘vavassours’ land’, see above, p. lix. 7! See also above, pp. xviii, xliii. /Elfric had been a monk of Abingdon before rising to be archbishop of Canterbury. He was consecrated in 991, transferred from Ramsbury in 995, and died in roos; Handbook of British Chronology, pp. 214, 220. 'The relevant document is /Elfric's will, Bk. i, c. 105 (CMA i. 416-19), Charters of Abingdon Abbey, no. 133, Sawyer, no. 1488, EHD i, no. 126. 122° The financial arithmetic is unclear. It may be that Robert offered the king £70, rather than £30; the slip would be easy to make in Roman numerals, ‘xxx’ being written

instead of ‘Ixx’.

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

sua intentione deflecti uoluit, donec graui adeo molestia paralisis" inuaderetur, ut totius^ careret corporis conamine, priuatus etiam lingue officio. In cuius incommodi detentione in se reuersus, nutibus quibus poterat ecclesie et in ea cohabitantium indulgentiam deuote multum atque suspiriis expetiit. Cui et deuotius commissa fratres indulgentes, eum infra monasterii septa, dato sibi sacri habitus indumento receperunt Deo gratias referentem, et quamdiu post hec uixit sincera uoluntate illi seruientem. Ex illo autem tempore eadem Dumeltuna libere dominio fratrum remansit. 45. De Anskillo milite huius ecclesie. ? Optimatum huius loci ea tempestate uirorum Anskillus erat unus, cuius iuri pertinebant Suuecurda et Speresholt et Baiewrda* partim,

et apud Merceham C fo. 142”

[ii. 37]

osorum,

hida una."* Hunc contra, suorum

delatione

| ita regis exarsit iracundia ut uinculis artatum carcerali

preciperet custodie macerandum.'? Vbi insolito rigore deficiens, post dies paucos interiit. Ad cuius mox uillam, que Spereshot^ dicitur, rex

manum

immittens,

suo dispensatori Turstino

ipsam donauit."

Quam et ille quamdiu uixit, et deinde filius eius Hugo ad regimen usque abbatis Faritii tenuere,’ retracto inde ecclesie in hoc temporis spacio seruitii omni genere. Sed et reliquam portionem terre eiusdem uiri ipse rex distraxisset, ni maturius abbas Rainaldus, datis ei sexaginta libris, impetrasset ne a loci usu ea aliena haberentur. Cum hec agerentur, uxore Anskilli iam defuncti domo exclusa, filio

uero eius, nomine Willelmo, a rebus paternis funditus eliminato,"

eadem mulier fratrem regis Henricum (tunc suffragiorum suis incommodis gratia frequentans, filium pariens Ricardum uocauit. Quamobrem B fo. 129" tronio/ Baieiwrdam,’ qua dotata fuerat, recipiens, e

^ paralis B. C tenure B

— ^ tucius B / patrocinio B

* Baigeuurda B * Beiewrdam B

quidem comitem) ex eo concepit, et ipsius comitis padeinceps | secure ^ Speresholt B

73 See below, p. 182, for further mention of this incident in the context of Sparsholt; also above, p. lxii.

'24 All were in Berkshire. See above, p. 21, for Seacourt; DB i, fo. 58", states that *Anskill and Gilbert hold ten hides from the abbot in Bayworth’, and that ‘Anskill holds one hide’ from Abingdon at Marcham. DB i, fo. 59', names as Fawler his holding which the History describes as Sparsholt; ‘Anskill holds Fawler from the abbot.’ Fawler was one of the three manors in the pre-Conquest estate of Sparsholt, the others being Sparsholt and Kingston Lisle, EPNS, Berkshire, ii. 372—3. See above, p. xliii, for a Seacourt family tree; also below, p. 322, for another statement of his holding. 75 See above, p. lxvi, on royal anger.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

willing to be diverted from his purpose until he was afflicted by such serious paralysis that he lacked the power to move any of his body and was deprived even of use of his tongue. In the grip of this affliction, he came to his senses and with such bowing of his head as he could manage and with sighs he very devoutly sought the indulgence of the church and those living therein. The monks still more devoutly forgave him his misdeeds, gave him the garment of the sacred habit, and received him within the confines of the monastery, as he gave thanks to God. For as long as he lived thereafter, he served Him with a sincere will. From that time, moreover, Dumbleton has remained freely in the brethren’s demesne. 45. Concerning Anskill, a knight of this church.? At this time, Anskill was one of the leading men hood. Seacourt, Sparsholt, part of Bayworth, and were his property."* Denunciation from those fired the king’s anger towards Anskill that he

of this neighboura hide at Marcham who hated him so ordered him to be

bound in chains and worn down by imprisonment.'? There he was enfeebled by the unaccustomed harshness and died a few days later. Soon the king sent a band of men to the village called Sparsholt, and

gave it to Thurstan, his dispenser.^ Thurstan held it as long as he lived, and then his son Hugh did so until the abbacy of Faritius, and during this period they withheld from the church all types of service therefrom. The king would also have taken away the remainder of Anskill’s land had not Abbot Reginald very quickly given him £60 and sought that the land not be separated from the monastery's use. During these events, Anskill's widow was barred from her home, and indeed his son, named William, was completely banished from his

father's possessions." The widow frequently visited the king’s brother Henry, then a count, for aid in her troubles. She conceived by him and gave birth to a son called Richard. Therefore, by the count’s patronage, she received and henceforth securely possessed 12 On Thurstan and the other dispensers, see above, p. lxxi. 127 Her name was Ansfrida, see below, p. 180; William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum Anglorum, bk. v, c. 419, ed. R. A. B. Mynors, R. M. Thomson, and M. Winterbottom (2 vols., OMT, 1998-9), i. 760, refers to her as a ‘prouincialis femina’. See also G. H. White’s Appendix D to Complete Peerage, xi, * Henry Is illegitimate children’, esp. p. 107, for a brief biography of Richard son of Ansfrida and Henry; p. 110 for Fulk, whom White suggests may have been a son of Ansfrida, on the perhaps not very strong grounds that he witnessed a grant by her and William son of Anskill, below, p. 180; and p. 114 for the suggestion, on still more tenuous evidence, that ‘it is not unlikely’ that Ansfrida was the

mother of a third illegitimate child of Henry, Juliana.

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

possedit. At filius illius Willelmus et ipse sororem Simonis dispensatoris regis et neptem predicti abbatis in uxorem ducens, ad Suuecurdam, que sibi iure hereditario competebatur, et ad hidam de Merceham, libere peruenit, dispensatore eodem deliberationem® sibi inde procurante. Multorum tamen dierum mora ut hec ad istum finem uenirent longa protensa.

46. De Rainbaldo’ milite.'** Alter quoque miles, Raimbaldus appellatus, gener eiusdem abbatis, a rege ratiociniis uehementer oppositis impetitur, carceris ei ergastulum diuturnum inferendum comminatur, nisi quingentas illi libras [ii. 38] reconciliandi se gratia, quo iuberet, expenderet, et inde fideiussores ad medium deduceret. Ille minata preterea et ampliora pertimescens, (nam erga quos infestus erat seuerissimum* se pretendebat), eos qui secum illo accesserant gementis modo flagitabat ne se desererent, fideiussores sui potius de pecunia que exigebatur fierent, se apud amicos et notos sic sollicite procuraturum, ut nullam suspicarentur sibi affore noxam. Subeuntibus ergo abbate et amicis Rainbaldi^ apud regem pro eo fideiussorium, abbas uidelicet trecentarum librarum, amici ducentarum, dum a curia ad sua remeant, ille portum Dorbernensem festinato itinere, nullo sciente, petit, mare transit, Flandrensem comitem adit, se eius tuitioni committit."^ Que res tunc fide susceptoribus illis satis maximum intulit detrimentum, cum ab eis totam sibi pactam pecuniam absque ulla remissione rex exigeret. Vnde plures illorum supremam* id induxit ad penuriam. Tunc abbatie uires pene absumpte adeo ut usque ad presens illud conqueratur infortunium.? Preterea et sequenti anno uectigal quatuor solidorum de hida, patriotis cunctis nimium ferre ponderosum, in augmentum mali, per Angliam illatum;'*' quod de primo restabat forte consumendum miseriarum incendio, id in subsequenti penitus exhausit. Quare infra monasterii limina, uasorum altaris diuersorum argenteorum pro his plurima elata atque confracta; forinsecus uero pecora abducta, pre oculis abbatis et monachorum, ministrorum ui regalium; et ab eis ad libitum cuncta distracta sunt. ^ liberationem B

* adit B

^ Raimbaldo B

7 corr. from ullam C

* seruerissimum C

^ Raimbaldi B

* suppremam, mith second p interlin. B

75 The dispute probably began in 1095, because the reference later in the section to heavy taxation in the following year would fit 1096; below, n. 131. English Lamsutts, no. 147. For Rainbald and his lands, see above, p. lxiii.

'29 Count Robert II, 1093-1111.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

Bayworth, which had been given to her as dower. Also, her son William married the sister of Simon the king’s dispenser, niece of Abbot Reginald. He came into possession of Seacourt, which belonged to him by hereditary right, and of the hide at Marcham; Simon the king’s dispenser obtained livery for him. However, it took a considerable time for these matters to reach such a conclusion.

46. Concerning the knight Rainbald.'** Another knight, named Rainbald, was Abbot Reginald’s son-in-law. He was fiercely assailed with hostile pleas by the king, who threatened to throw him into prison for a long time, unless he paid him £500 for reconciliation, as the king ordered, and in the mean time produced sureties for this. Terrified, in addition, of even greater threats (for the king acted most severely towards the objects of his anger), with groans he begged those who had accompanied him there not to desert him but rather to be his sureties concerning the money demanded. He would attend to his interests so carefully in the presence of his friends and acquaintances that they need not suspect themselves to be risking any harm. The abbot and Rainbald’s friends therefore went to the king as surety for him, the abbot for £300, the friends for £200. As they were returning home from court, unbeknown to anyone Rainbald rushed to the port of Dover, crossed the sea, went to the count of

Flanders, and entrusted himself to the count's protection.'”” This affair, then, very greatly harmed his sureties, for the king demanded from them all the money pledged to him, without any remission, thereby bringing many of them to the worst depths of poverty. The resources of the abbey were then almost completely consumed, so

that people complain of this misfortune to the present day.'?? Adding to the troubles, in the following year an especially heavy tax of 4s. per hide was imposed throughout England, to bear on all

inhabitants.!*! What happened to survive being devoured by the first

fire of miseries was completely consumed in the next. Therefore within the confines of the monastery, very many of the silver altar vessels were taken away and broken up for this. Outside, indeed, royal officials took away livestock by force, before the abbot and monks' very eyes. And the officials disposed of all these things as they pleased. 130 See above, p. xx.

131 ** Let it be known and certain to all, present and future, cleric and lay, that I, Robert d’Aubigny, have granted forever to God and to the church of St Mary of Abingdon the land which my father Henry had freely given to that church, that is one and a half hides and one virgate in Stratton. And by this my writ I have confirmed that it be perpetually unburdened and quit from all demand and service, and free of all things except those which the whole county will do in common, by common summons of the king. Witnesses: Ralph, prior of the church of Cothes, Walter the chamberlain of Abingdon, Cecilia my mother, Nigel my brother, Hugh the chaplain, Robert the chaplain, William son of Nigel, Henry de Broi, John de Charun, Robert of Cothes, Roger of Standene.** This grant and confirmation was made on Easter Thursday at Cainhoe.**° 146. Confirmation of King Henry of the same land.**’ Henry king of the English to Robert bishop of Lincoln, and Hugh of Buckland, and all his faithful men, French and English, of Bedfordshire, greeting. Know that I have granted to the church of St Mary of Abingdon the land which Henry d’Aubigny gave to the aforesaid church, namely one hide of land at Holme and half a virgate of land, and half a hide in Stratton, of the hundred of Biggleswade. Witnesses: Robert bishop of Lincoln, and Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Hamo the steward, and William d'Aubigny, and Nigel d'Aubigny, and Grimbald the physician. At Westminster.

147. Concerning one hide at Dumbleton, which William gave.*** In the eighth year of King Henry's reign [5 Aug. 1107-4 Aug. 1108], with Abbot Faritius and all the monks present in the chapter, William Note also Red Book, i. 324, where Roger de ‘Bray’ shares with two others in owing a knight to Robert d’Aubigny, as does Ranulf de ‘Charun’; Cartulary of the Abbey of Old Wardon, ed. G. H. Fowler (Beds. Hist. Rec. Soc., xiii, 1930), pp. 352-4, and also Fowler’s pedigree no. 9; HKF i. 74. Cothes could be Westcotts, Beds., a holding of Nigel d'Aubigny in 1086; DB i, fo. 214". Red Book, i. 320, mentions a Robert of ‘Cotes’ as a Bedfordshire tenant of Simon de Beauchamp in 1166. Standene may be Stondon, Beds. 356 Beds., head of the Aubigny honour; Sanders, Barones, p. 26. 33 RRAN ii, no. 812; Lyell, no. 119; Chatsworth, no. 318. The writ probably dates to fairly soon after Henry d'Aubigny's gift on 1 May 1107.

358 DB i, fo. 167°: William Goizenboded held one hide there. William also held other lands in Gloucestershire and certain when or how lordship had an English mother and a by a witch’; see A. Williams, a further note on the family,

Wiltshire as a tenant-in-chief; DB i, fos. 167', 177”. It is not of his lands passed to the count of Meulan. William probably Norman father. His second name means 'cursed, or foretold, The Gloucestershire Domesday (London, 1989), pp. 35, 37. For see Crouch, Beaumont Twins, p. 110. Sce also above, p. 50.

HISTORIA

I50 B fo. 144°

[ii. 103]

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

nia, quam de Abbendona unam hidam, | quietam ab omni calump domini sui u concess dedit hoc et una;^ Dumelt habebat in uilla illam hidam feudo et uidelic cuius de , Mellent Roberti, comitis de tenuerat. 148. Carta comitis de Mellent de eadem hida.?? oeth,’ Ego Robertus comes de Mellent rogatus fui a Willelmo Guizenb sancte et Deo rem concede ut meis, et ab amicis suis, et baronibus uilla in est que terre hidam m quanda Marie in Abbendonensi ecclesia ante us Willelm idem quam an, Gretest Dumeltuna, in hundredo de am habend o perpetu na elemosi in me et meos barones dederat quia , concessi ie uoluntar et annui supradicte ecclesie. Quod libenter de feudo meo erat, pro remissione peccatorum meorum et anime mee salute. Hoc denique feci coram subscriptis testibus, et me rogantibus, scilicet eodem Willelmo, et Ricardo^ capellano, et Goisfredo medico, et Nigello de Oileio, et Roberto filio Ansketilli, et Gosfredo* Ridello, et Radulfo uicecomite, et Roberto filio Ercenboldi,/ et Roberto filio Rogeri, et Rodulfo de Furcis, et Rogero* filio Rodulfi nepote Nigelli, Luuello de Peri, et Willelmo nigro homine eiusdem W. Guizenboeth, et Rogero Frangelupum, et aliis multis, et Warino homine abbatis, et

Rainaldo," et Lamberto.'?* Hec omnia acta sunt coram me et per me,

scilicet comitem de Mellent, et ante omnes suprascriptos fecit Willelmus Guizenboeth/ donum istud, pro se et filio et uxore et omnibus heredibus suis, et promisit auctoritatem omnium se esse facturum. 149. Carta regis de eadem hida.>*' Henricus rex Anglorum Samsoni episcopo, et Waltero uicecomiti, et omnibus baronibus suis, Francis et Anglis, de Gloecesterscira,

salutem.?? Sciatis me concessisse Deo et sancte Marie ecclesie

Abbendone hidam terre que est in uilla Dumeltuna in hundredo de Gretestan, quam Willelmus Goizenboeth dedit predicte ecclesie. Et ^ Dumeltona * Goisfredo B om. C

“ initial om. B * helemosina B ^ Guizenboeht B Bo * initial ^ Lainaldo B * Oggero B ^ Ercenbaldo B

/ Goizenboeth B

359 Lyell, no. 246. 360 On Richard the chaplain, see Crouch, Beaumont Twins, pp. 148-9. Robert son of

Ansketel may well be a member of the Harcourt family, on whom see Crouch, Beaumont Twins, pp. 120-7. Geoffrey the physician does not appear in Talbot and Hammond, Medical Practitioners. Geoffrey Ridel was the same man who was a royal justice, mentioned below, p. 170. He was one of four men called ‘justiciars of the whole of England’ by Henry of Huntingdon, De contemptu mundi, c. 17, in Henry, archdeacon of Huntingdon, Historia

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

I5I

Goizenboded gave to St Mary of Abingdon one hide which he had in the village of Dumbleton, quit of all claim. And he gave this by grant of his lord, Robert count of Meulan, from whose fee, that is, he had held that hide. 148. Charter of the count of Meulan concerning that hide? I, Robert count of Meulan, have been asked by William Goizenboded and by his friends and by my barons, that I grant to God and to St Mary in the church of Abingdon a hide of land which is in the village of Dumbleton, in the hundred of Greston, which that same William had given in the presence of me and my barons to the abovementioned church to have perpetually in alms. For the remission of my sins and the salvation of my soul, I gladly agreed to this and willingly granted it since it was of my fee. This, lastly, I did in the presence of the witnesses listed below and at their request, that is, William himself, and Richard the chaplain, and Geoffrey the physician, and Nigel d'Oilly, and Robert son of Ansketel, and Geoffrey Ridel, and Ralph the sheriff, and Robert son of Ercenbold, and Robert son of Roger, and Rolf de Furcis, and Roger son of Rolf nephew of Nigel, Lovell of Perry, and William the black the man of William Goizenboded, and Roger Frangelupum, and many others, and Warin the abbot's man, and Reginald, and Lambert. All these things have been done in my presence and through me, that is the count of Meulan, and before all the above-mentioned William Goizenboded made this gift for himself and his son and his wife and all his heirs, and he promised that he would establish himself as authority of all these things. 149. Charter of the king concerning the same hide. 36 Henry king of the English to Bishop Samson, and Walter the sheriff, and all his barons, French and English, of Gloucestershire, greet-

ing.'€ Know that I have granted to God and to St Mary of the church of Abingdon a hide of land which is in the village of Dumbleton in the hundred of Greston, which William Goizenboded gave to the Anglorum, ed. D. E. Greenway (OMT, 1996), p. 614. He died in the White Ship in 1120; see Green, Government, pp. 169—70. Ralph the sheriff's identity, and the county of which he was sheriff, is uncertain; see Green, Sheriffs, p. 26. 361 RRAN ii, no. 893; Lyell, no. 120. The gift which the writ confirms was given between 5 Aug. 1107 and 4 Aug. 1108; the confirmation may well date from before Henry

crossed the Channel prior to Aug. 1108. 362 Samson was bishop of Worcester 1096—1112; Handbook of British Chronology, p. 278. Walter was sheriff of Gloucestershire c.1093-c.1126; Green, Sheriffs, p. 42.

HISTORIA

152 C to. 155°

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

pace in hoc concedo perpetuo | firmiter habendam, ita quiete et in comite s omnibus sicut habet aliam terram in eadem uilla.?95 "Testibu ^ de Aluredo de Mellent, et Vtuer, et Gosfrido filio" Pagani, et Lincola. Apud Wintoniam.

[ii. 104] 150. De Radulfo filio Walteri fossatarii.>* Radulfus filius Walteri fossatarii tenebat de ecclesia et de abbate Faritio unam hidam in uilla Dumeltuna, quam Willelmus Guizenboeth olim quietam ecclesie et predicto abbati dimiserat. Et contigit ipsum Radulfum furti crimen admittere, propter quod suam legalitatem perdidit, et more iudicii Anglie suis omnibus rebus cum uita

debuit carere. Sed regis Henrici, qui tunc in Normannia erat,

B fo. 144"

misericordia de his requisita, regine etiam, que in Anglia remanserat, Abbendoniam uenit, domni Faritii abbatis similiter pietatem. quesiturus. Cui abbas, pro sua bonitate, et in equi et in denariorum et tritici donatione tanta largitus est, ut non solum terram quam hactenus tenuerat ecclesie dimitteret, sed etiam sacramento super sancta euuangelia confirmaret, quod nunquam a se uel ab aliquo suo herede aliquid calumpnie uel requisitionis super | eam inferretur. Et huic eius sacramento isti interfuerunt: Radulfus cellararius, qui istud sacramentum loco abbatis suscepit, Hubertus prior de Walingaford, Rainboldus, Willelmus de Seuecurda, cum multis aliis, anno tercio

decimo regni Henrici regis."^?

[1i. 105]

151. De hida quam Walterus fossatarius* tenebat. Anno quarto decimo Henrici regis, Walterius fossatarius cum coniuge sua dimisit et clamauit quietam dimidiam hidam apud uillam Dumeltuna^ in manu Faritii abbatis, tam a se quam ab omnibus suis heredibus. Forisfecerat enim eam multis in causis, et ideo se purgare non ualens per singula, consilio sapientum quod tenebat ecclesie et abbati predicto, ut dictum est, dimisit, et abbas dedit ei triginta solidos et quatuor somas segetum pro hac re.99Et hoc factum est coram his testibus: Grimmundo abbate Wincelcumb'; de uicinis ^ filius B

^ Aluered B

* fossarius B

^ Dumeltona B

363 See above, p. 50, for other land in Dumbleton. 364 English Lawsuits, no. 192, dating to between 5 Aug. 1112, the start of the thirteenth year of Henry's reign, and Jul. 1113 when Henry returned from the Continent.

365 See above, p. xcv. 366 On Ralph the cellarer, see above, p. lviii. 367 English Lamsuits, no. 195.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

153

aforesaid church. And this I grant perpetually to be had firmly, as undisturbed and in peace in all things as it has other land in that village. Witnesses: the count of Meulan, and Otuer, and Geoffrey son of Pain, and Alfred of Lincoln. At Winchester. 150. Concerning Ralph son of Walter the ditcher.?9* Ralph son of Walter the ditcher held from the church and from Abbot Faritius one hide in the village of Dumbleton, which William Goizenboded had once surrendered quit to the church and that abbot. And it happened that Ralph committed the crime of theft, because of which he lost his lawfulness, and by the custom of judgment of England he ought to have lost all his possessions

together with his life. But after seeking mercy concerning these matters from King Henry, who was then in Normandy, and also from the queen, who had remained in England, he came to Abingdon to request in similar fashion the compassion of lord Abbot Faritius. Because of his goodness, the abbot bestowed on Ralph such a gift of a horse and of money and wheat, that he not only surrendered to the church the land which he had hitherto held, but also confirmed by oath on the holy Gospels that no claim or suit would ever be brought concerning this by himself or by any of his heirs. And present at this oath were the following: Ralph the cellarer, who received this oath in place of the abbot, Hubert prior of Wallingford, Rainbold, William of Seacourt, together with many others, in the thirteenth year of King Henry's reign [5 Aug.

1112-4 Aug. 1113].9 151. Concerning the hide that Walter the ditcher held.*°’ In King Henry's fourteenth year [5 Aug. 1113-4 Aug. 1114], Walter the ditcher, with his wife, surrendered and quitclaimed in the hand of Abbot Faritius half a hide at the village of Dumbleton, both from himself and from all his heirs. He had forfeited it in many cases, and was unable to clear himself on the individual matters. Therefore he followed the counsel of wise men and surrendered to the church and to the aforesaid abbot what he was holding, as has been said, and the

abbot gave him 30s. and four loads of grain for this possession." This was done in the presence of these witnesses: Grimmund abbot of 368 A soma or seam of corn was a measure usually equivalent to eight bushels; R. E. Zupko, A Dictionary of Weights and Measures for the British Isles: the Middle Ages to the Twentieth Century (American Philosophical Soc., Philadelphia, 1985), pp. 369-71.

I54

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

abbatis Abbendone, Radulfo Basset, Ricardo de Grai; de hominibus

Faritii, Rainbaldo, Radulfo camerario."

152. Regis littere de eadem terra ita se habent? Henricus rex Anglorum Samsoni episcopo Wigornensi, et Waltero et uicecomiti de Gloecesterscira,’ et omnibus baronibus, Francis sancte concedo quod Anglis? de Gloecesterscira, salutem. Sciatis o Marie de Abbendona, et Faritio abbati, et monachis, perpetu Dumeluilla in habet habendam terram Walterii^ fossatarii, quam o tuna. Testibus Roberto episcopo Lincoliensi, et Rannulfo episcop de Nigello et regine, Dunelmensi, et Rogero Bigod, et Dauid fratre . Oili, et Rogero de Oili, et Willelmo de Hoctuna, et Droco uenatore Apud Corneberiam.

[ii. 106]

153. De Leseboimilne.?"! Willelmus filius Aiulfi et uxor eius Mathildis, cum Ricardo filio eorum, in capitulo Abbendonense, in presentia Faritii abbatis et totius conuentus, et^ concesserunt Deo et ecclesie Abbendonensi, communi consensu, molendinum quod Anglice uocatur Leseboie mylne, cum omnibus sibi pertinentibus, tam in aquis quam in agris et pascuis, et omnes domos quas in burgo habebant, perpetuo et hereditario iure in supradicta ecclesia permanere," astantibus his testibus: monachis omnibus, Serlone presbitero, et multis aliis, anno septimo Henrici regis.

154. Carta regis de eodem molendino)? Henricus rex Anglorum Roberto episcopo Linc’, et Nigello de Oili, et Hugoni de Bochelanda, et Willelmo uicecomiti de Oxeneford, et omnibus baronibus suis et fidelibus suis de Oxenefordscira et de

Buchingehamscira, salutem." Sciatis me concessisse Deo et sancte ^ Walteri B ^ Anglss C ^ Glouecesterscira B this word should have been preceded by the verb dederunt

4 it seems probable that * milne B

39 Grimmund, or Girmund, was abbot of Winchcombe 1095-1122; Heads of Religious Houses, p. 79. Richard de Grey may be the same man whom a charter of Henry I, dated to Christmas 1109, records as having granted tithes in Oxfordshire to Eynsham in connection with his son's entry to that monastery, RRAN ii, no. 928. DB i, fo. 161', records an Ansketel holding six hides in Brighthampton, Oxon. This was probably Standlake, to which the Richard de Grey mentioned here succeeded Ansketel, and was in turn succeeded by his own son, also called Ansketel. Richard may, therefore, also be the man who stood surety for Ermenold, below, p. 204. For Ralph the chamberlain, see above, p. 88.

9? RRAN ii, no. 701. The writ must date between 1101, the return of Ranulf Flambard,

and 1107, the death of Roger Bigod; RRAN suggests 18 Oct. 1105. On problems of the relationship between the preceding narrative and this writ, see above, p. xxxvi.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

155

Winchcombe; from the neighbours of Abingdon, Ralph Basset, Richard de Grey; from the men of Abbot Faritius, Rainbald, Ralph the chamberlain. 152. Letters of the king concerning this land are as follows:*”° Henry king of the English to Samson bishop of Worcester, and Walter sheriff of Gloucestershire, and all his barons, French and English, of Gloucestershire, greeting. Know that I grant to St Mary of Abingdon, and to Abbot Faritius, and to the monks to have perpetually the land of Walter the ditcher, which he has in the village of Dumbleton. Witnesses: Robert bishop of Lincoln, and Ranulf bishop of Durham, and Roger Bigod, and David the queen’s brother, and Nigel d'Oilly, and Roger d'Oilly, and William of Houghton, and Drogo the huntsman. At Cornbury.

153. Concerning Boymill.*”' William son of Aiulf and his wife Matilda, with their son Richard, in the chapter of Abingdon in the presence of Abbot Faritius and the whole convent, by common consent granted to God and to the church of Abingdon the mill which in English is called Boymill, with everything pertaining to it, both in waters and in fields and pastures, and all the houses they had in the borough, to remain in the above-

mentioned church perpetually and by hereditary right." With these witnesses present: all the monks, Serlo the priest, and many others, in King Henry’s seventh year [5 Aug. 1106-4 Aug. 1107].

154. Charter of the king concerning the same mill.?? Henry king of the English to Robert bishop of Lincoln, and Nigel d'Oilly, and Hugh of Buckland, and William sheriff of Oxford, and all his barons and faithful men of Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire,

greeting.*’* Know that I have granted to God, and to St Mary of 371 For the location of Boymill, on a side-stream of the Cherwell, south of Magdalen Bridge, see Cartulary of the Monastery of St Frideswide at Oxford, ed. S. R. Wigram (2 vols., Oxford Hist. Soc., xxviii, xxxi, 1895—6), i, map at end. In 1086 it may have been the mill worth 40s. included in Leofwine's holding at Cowley; D i. 160”. It had been acquired by Godstow by 1138, when a papal document states that it had been given by Roger bishop of Salisbury; VCH, Oxfordshire, v. 82. - 3? Note that the royal confirmation below avoids such use of inheritance language and substitutes that of alms; see Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship, p. 9o. The borough mentioned is Oxford. 335 RRAN ii, no. 813; Lyell, no. 122; Chatsworth, no. 317; see above, p. xviii. The writ can be dated to 2 Jun. 1107, after the original gift and before the death of Roger Bigod. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle confirms that Henry was at Westminster at Pentecost 1107.

374 [ yell, no. 122, omits Buckinghamshire from address.

HISTORIA

156

C fo: E55.

B fo. 145°

[ii. 107]

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

Marie de Abbendona et monachis molendinum illud quod uocatur terris Boiemylna,“ cum omnibus rebus sibi pertinentibus, tam in quam in pratis et in aquis, et quinque domos que sunt infra burgum, que Willelmus filius Aiulfi et uxor sua dederunt supradicte s ecclesie perpetuo in elemosina. | Et terram illam quam Robertu et filius Haimonis dedit eidem ecclesie, que est inter Hemmestedam Sancto Merlauam, sicut Gillebertus dapifer eius et Herbertus de Et Quintino et Robertus | Sorus, cum multis aliis diuiserunt.*” quam similiter concedo Alwordum de Suttona^ cum tota terra sua, Milo Crispinus et uxor eius dederunt predicte ecclesie perpetuo in

elemosina." Et similiter concedo terram Roberti filii Heruei de

Writeberia,

quam

regina

elemosina, et Robertus

Mathildis

dedit

predicte

ecclesie

Gernon^ dedit ei. Testibus Willelmo

episcopo Wintonie, et Rogero episcopo Salesbirie, et Eudone dapifero, et Raim’’ dapifero, et Rogero Bigod, et Willelmo de Curci, et Nigello’ de Oili, et Rogero filio Ricardi. Apud Westmoster, in Pentecoste.

155. De duabus* hidis apud Benneham.?? Humfridus de Bohun,^ consistens cum abbate Faritio apud uillam suam, Wochesi nominatam, ecclesie de Abbendona et abbati predicto duas hidas de Benneham ab omni clamore in perpetuum clamauit quietas."? Et precepit Walterio de Ripario, qui easdem hidas de se ante hoc tempus recognouerat et tenuerat, postea de ecclesia Abbendonensi et de abbate recognosceret et in perpetuum teneret, et inde abbati, qui aderat, homagium faceret. Paruo post hoc interposito tempore, isdem Humfridus misit Serlonem capellanum suum cum Willelmo monacho, et per eum de hac sua concessione saisiuit ecclesiam et abbatem de Abbendona. His ita peractis, Walterius de Ripario (de quo superius diximus) Abbendoniam uenit, ibique abbati ^ Suttuna B

^ Boiemilne B Ham’

2, as Chatsworth,

^ Rigello C

^ helemosina B

^ Gernun B

* for

no. 317; the initial in C is in green, and is probably a mistake

* duobus B

^ Boun B

375 See above, p. 140. 376 See above, p. 142. Lyell, no. 122, omits this sentence concerning presumably the scribe's eye slipped to the second use of *Et similiter. 37 See above, p. 142.

Egelward;

378 This is almost certainly Hoe Benham, Berks.; see Charters of Abingdon Abbey, pp. 304-5, on the complex development of land-holding within what must once have been a single land-unit of Benham. Abingdon’s tenure of Benham before the Norman Conquest had been troubled, but for Walter de Rivers holding two hides there from Abingdon in

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

157

Abingdon, and to the monks that mill which is called Boymill, with everything pertaining to it, both in lands and in meadows and in waters, and five houses which are within the borough, which William son of Aiulf and his wife gave to the above-mentioned church perpetually in alms. Also that land which Robert son of Hamo gave to the same church, which is between Ackhamstead and Marlow, as Gilbert his steward and Herbert de Saint-Quentin and Robert Sor, with many others, apportioned it." And likewise I grant Egelward of Sutton with all his land, which Miles Crispin and his wife gave to the

aforesaid church perpetually in alms.?" And likewise I grant the land of Robert son of Hervey of Wraysbury, which Queen Matilda gave to

the aforesaid church in alms, and Robert Gernon gave to her.>” Witnesses: William bishop of Winchester, and Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Eudo the steward, and Hamo the steward, and Roger Bigod, and William de Courcy, and Nigel d'Oilly, and Roger son of Richard. At Westminster, at Pentecost. 155. Concerning two hides at Benham.*”* Humphrey de Bohun, whilst staying at his village of Oaksey with Abbot Faritius, quitclaimed in perpetuity to the church of Abingdon

and to that abbot two hides at Benham, free from all claim.*””? He ordered that Walter de Rivers, who had previously recognized his lordship of these hides and held them from him, hereafter should recognize the lordship of and in perpetuity hold from the church of Abingdon and from the abbot, and do homage concerning this to the abbot, who was present. Shortly after this, Humphrey sent his chaplain Serlo with William the monk, and through him he seised the church and abbot of Abingdon concerning this his grant. After the completion of these matters, Walter de Rivers (about whom we have spoken above) came to Abingdon and there did homage to Abbot 1086 see above, p. 30 n. 72. It would seem that at some point after 1086 Humphrey de Bohun acquired this land, perhaps on the death of the Domesday tenant which resulted in a problematic succession, above, p. 30. The Walter here would seem to be the nephew of the Domesday tenant. It is unclear when Walter son of the Domesday tenant regained control of the land, as is implied above, p. 30. For continuing trouble under Henry II, see below, p. 390. Benham is listed amongst Faritius’s acquisitions in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 288. 379 Humphrey de Bohun was son of Humphrey cum barba who arrived in England with William I. He married Maud, daughter and heiress of Edward of Salisbury, thereby gaining extensive estates. He was dead by the end of the 1120s; Sanders, Baronies, p. 91. Oaksey is in Wiltshire.

158

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

Faritio pro predicta terra homagium fecit, et eam recognoscendam et tenendam suscepit. "?

de ecclesia

156. Carta Henrici regis de eadem terra. P?! de Henricus rex Anglorum Rogero episcopo Salesbirie, et Hugoni de Bochelanda, et omnibus baronibus suis, Francis et Anglis, Abbenin Marie sancte sse concessi me Sciatis salutem. [ii. 108] Berchescira, que donensi ecclesia, et abbati Faritio," et monachis duas hidas terre tenuit Riuera la de i* Gotselin filius s Walteru quas ,’ sunt in Beneham de Vnfrido de Bohun, quas idem Vnfridus tenebat et in presentia mea reddidit predicte ecclesie perpetue remansuras. Et uolo et precipio ut ita bene et honorifice illam terram teneat, sicut melius et honorabilius tenet alias terras ecclesie. Testibus Waltero de Meduana, et Widone

de Clermunt, et Radulfo de Todeneio, et Drocone de Monceio,*™ et Duhello^ de Brielual, et Ricardo de Merei,*** et Willelmo de Albinni,"

et Roberto de Dunestanuilla, et Areto falconario, et Patricio de Cadurcis. Apud Romesiam, in anno quando rex dedit filiam suam imperatori.

B fo. 145"

[ii. 109]

157. De duabus hidis apud Brochestan. ?** Ricardus filius Reinfridi, ad diem mortis perueniens, in die scilicet sancti Leonardi confessoris, dimisit huic ecclesie pro sua anima decem et nouem solidorum redditionem singulis annis, preter illud quod pro anima sue uxoris, prius defuncte et hoc* in loco sepulte, iam dederat, id est sex solidos. Post hec, abbas Faritius de his requisiuit heredem ipsius Ricardi, filium scilicet eiusdem Hugonem" nomine, quatinus alicubi de suis terris prospiceret aliquam | portionem, quam ecclesie huic concederet, ut elemosinam, quam pro sua anima concesserat eius pater, ipsius filius stabilem efficeret, ex illius terre uidelicet persolutione quam eum abbas ecclesie monebat prouidere. Quod et fecit. Nam in loco qui dicitur Brochestan duarum hidarum terram sancte Marie dedit, quam Willelmus Clemens de se tenebat, unde et isdem quindecim solidos sibi singulis annis reddebat. Et hoc fecit consensu domini sui Brientii et domine sue Mathildis, apud Wottesdunam, in horum testium presentia: ? om. B. The abbot's name is included im Lyell, no. 107 and Chatsworth, no. 298 4 Luhello mith the h interlined, probably in * Gotscelini B ^ Benneham B the ink used on this page to provide guidance for the rubricator B * Albini B * corr. from huc C; huc B ^ Brokestal B ^ Hugonem rep. B

39 See above, p. 30.

THE

Faritius

HISTORY

for the aforesaid

THE

CHURCH

land, and undertook

lordship of, and hold it from, the church.?*?

ABINGDON

to recognize

159

the

156. Charter of King Henry concerning the same land.??! Henry king of the English to Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Hugh of Buckland, and all his barons, French and English, of Berkshire, greeting. Know that I have granted to St Mary in the church of Abingdon, and to Abbot Faritius, and to the monks two hides of land which are in Benham, which Walter son of Jocelin de Rivers held from Humphrey de Bohun, which that Humphrey was holding and in my presence gave back to the aforesaid church to remain perpetually. And I wish and order that she [i.e. St Mary] hold that land as well and honourably as she best and most honourably holds the church's other lands. Witnesses: Walter de Mayenne, and Guy de Clermont, and

Ralph de Tosny, and Drogo de Moncei,? and Duhel de Brielval, and Richard de Merei,** and William d'Aubigny, and Robert de Dunstanville, and Aret the falconer and Patrick of Chaworth. At Romsey, in the year when the king gave his daughter to the emperor [1110]. 157. Concerning two hides at Wroxton.*** Richard son of Reinfrid, coming to the day of death, on the day that is of St Leonard the Confessor [6 Nov.], for his soul surrendered to this church an annual rent of 19s., besides what he had already given (that is 6s.) for the soul of his wife, who had died earlier and was buried in this monastery. Concerning these matters, Abbot Faritius afterwards asked Richard's heir, that is his son named Hugh, that he look out for a portion of his lands somewhere which he might grant to this church. From the revenue of the land which the abbot advised him to provide for the church, the son would make stable the alms which his father had granted for his soul. And he did this. For in a place called Wroxton he gave to St Mary land of two hides which William Clemens was holding from him and from which he rendered him 15s. each year. And he did this at Waddesdon, by the consent of his lord Brian and his lady Matilda, in the presence of these witnesses: 381 RRAN ii, no. 956; Lyell, no. 107; Chatsworth, no. 298. 382 «Moncei? cannot be identified ‘with certainty. One possibility may be Moncy (Dept. Orne). It seems likely that the man's first name should be ‘Juhel’, not “Duhel’. 385 «Merei? cannot be identified with certainty. One possibility might be Merri (Dept. Orne). ibn. see VCH, Oxfordshire, ix. 177-8. Wroxton is listed amongst Faritius's acquisitions in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 288. Lyell, no. 320, is a confirmation by Richard son of Reinfrid's grandson.

160

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

s filii Ruellent dapiferi, Gisleberti^ Pipard, Radulfi Foliot, Hugoni

Milonis, et multorum aliorum.???

C fo. 156°

158. Carta Henrici regis | de diuersis rebus quas abbas Faritius adquisiuit.>*° Licet omnia mundi regna sint transitoria, per ea tamen conquiruntur Felix eterna, si eorum diuitie rite tractentur et iuste dispensentur. terrenis pro a, manenti sane commercium ubi pro transitoriis semper um celestia, commutantur. Vnde ego Henricus Dei gratia rex Anglor salute pro auctore) et dux Normannorum—inter cetera que (Deo

anime mee et parentum meorum, uxoris mee et filiorum,**”’ in diuersis

r iam locis feci—consilio baronum meorum, hec que infra leguntu ecclesia nensi Abbendo Deo et sancte genitrici eius concessi, in perpetuo iure manenda. Videlicet quinque hidas terre, quietas omnibus geldis et placitis et aliis rebus mihi pertinentibus, in manerio

eiusdem ecclesie quod dicitur Wrda,’ ad opus elemosine.7? Et

quoddam meum molendinum proprium, cum terris, et aquis, et consuetudinibus, aliisque rebus sibi pertinentibus, quod uocatur Henoura, positum super flumen Eccam in manerio de Suttuna.??? Et duas hidas terre que sunt in Beneham, quas Vnfridus de Bohun, in presentia mea et multorum baronum," reddidit et concessit predicte

[ii. 110]

ecclesie." Et quoddam pratum, nomine Kingesmeda, in feudo firma

perpetuo habendum, pro uiginti solidis reddendis unoquoque (anno)," quod ante reddebat tantum quindecim prepositis meis.?! Et terram quam Algarus tenet in Abbefeld, quam Nigellus de Oilleio reddidit eidem ecclesie in dominio habendam.?? Et unam hidam in Westona, in loco qui dicitur Wdemundesleia, quam Droco de Andeleia dedit ecclesie, et comes Ricardus de Cestra fecit quietam de omni seruitio

suo, pro anima patris sui.??Et ecclesiam de Niweham, cum terra sibi ^ Gilleberti B

^ Wrpa B

* meorum add. B

^ suppl. ed.

385 "Those consenting are presumably Brian fitzCount and Matilda, either daughter or

widow of Miles Crispin; see Keats-Rohan, *Devolution of the Honour of Wallingford". Brian was constable of Henry I and controlled the Honour of Wallingford until late in Stephen's reign; he probably died in the late 1140s. See Green, Government, pp. 247-8. Waddesdon, of which Brian fitzCount was lord, is in Buckinghamshire. See above, p. 142, for Gilbert Pipard being steward of Miles Crispin; the manuscript here, however, definitely intends the word steward to describe Ruellent, not Gilbert. Ralph was a member of the family of Foliot of Chilton, Wilts.; see HKF iii. 234. Hugh son of Miles could, but need not, be an illegitimate son of Miles Crispin. A Hugh son of Miles appears with Richard son of Reinfrid in Regesta, ed. Bates, no. 167, and see accompanying note.

386 RRAN ii, no. 1092; Lyell, no. 123. The charter may well date to the Westminster

Council of 16 Sept. 1115. It must

be after the consecration

of Theulf as bishop of

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

161

Ruellent the steward, Gilbert Pipard, Ralph Foliot, Hugh son of

Miles, and many others.**>

158. Charter of King Henry concerning various things which Abbot Faritius acquired.**° Although all kingdoms of the world are transitory, through them, however, may be acquired eternal kingdoms, if their riches are rightly employed and justly spent. It is a very happy transaction when things ever-lasting are received in return for the transitory, heavenly ones for earthly. Therefore I, Henry, by the grace of God king of the English and duke of the Normans—amongst other things which (with God the author) I have already done in various places, for the

salvation of my soul and my parents, my wife and my children?"— by the mother church quit of

counsel of my barons have granted to God and to his holy these possessions which are listed below to remain in the of Abingdon by perpetual right. Namely, five hides of land, all gelds and pleas and other things pertaining to me, in the

church's manor called Longworth, for the use of alms.?? And a mill of mine, with lands and waters and customs and other things pertaining to it, which is called Hennor, positioned on the river Ock in the manor of Sutton.?? And two hides of land which are in Benham, which Humphrey de Bohun gave back and granted to the

aforesaid church in my presence and that of many barons.*”? And a meadow named King's Mead to have perpetually in fee farm for 20s. to be rendered annually, which previously only rendered 15s. to my reeves.?! And the land which /Elfgar holds in Abbefeld, which Nigel d'Oilly gave back to this church to have in demesne.*”” And one hide in Weston in the place called Wormsley, which Drogo des Andelys gave to the church, and Earl Richard of Chester made quit of all his

service, for the soul of his father.*?* And the church of Nuneham, Worcester on 27 Jun. 1115 (Handbook of British Chronology, p. 278), whilst William bishop of Exeter was sent to Rome after that council. For the form of the charter, see above, p. xviii n. 8. The proem expresses sentiments often found in Anglo-Saxon charters, including those of Abingdon, but is not based on any surviving Abingdon example. More generally for such sentiments, see S. D. White, Custom, Kinship, and Gifts to Saints: the Laudatio Parentum in Western France, 1050-1150 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1988). 387 The meaning of ‘filiorum’ may be either ‘children’ or ‘sons’; certainly in the latter case Henry would be including his illegitimate sons as well as his legitimate son and heir, William. ‘Filiorum’ does appear in other charters of Henry I in this context; see e.g. RRAN ii, no. 1347.

388 See below, p. 160. 3° See above, p. 158.

59 See above, p. 96. 9! See above, p. 98.

9? See above, p. 110.

953 See above, p. 98.

162

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

rebus pertinente, et decimam eiusdem uille, et unam piscariam cum dedit ecclesie e predict Curceio de us Willelm sicut sibi pertinentibus,

in elemosina. Et unam hidam in Feincotam^ cum pratis et pascuis,

in et omnibus sibi pertinentibus, sicut Adelina de Iureio dedit ecclesie filius elemosina, et Adeliza filia concessit.??Et sartum quod Robertus ede, Hamest et am Merlau inter est quod , ecclesie Haimonis dedit

sicut designatum

fuit per barones ipsius Roberti.?? Et terram

Alwardi de Suttuna, iuxta Colebroc, quam Milo Crispinus et uxor B fo. 146°

eius Mathildis dederunt ecclesie in elemosina." Et | terram Roberti

filii Heruei, cum consuetudinibus quibus eam tenebat a Roberto et Gernone domino suo, qui eam dedit regine Mathildi uxori mee,

ipsa cum eo iam dicte ecclesie dedit in elemosina.?? Et unam hidam

cum dimidia uirgata in uilla que dicitur Holm, et dimidiam hidam in

Estratona,’ sicut Henricus de Albinneio concessit ecclesie.?? Et

[ii. x11]

unam hidam in uilla Dumeltune, quam Willelmus Goizenboeth" dedit ecclesie, et comes Robertus de Mellent ex cuius feudo erat ante me auctorizauit.* Et in eadem uilla, dimidiam hidam quam ego ipse concessi ecclesie in elemosina.?! Et in uilla Chinsuetona* ecclesiam et duas hidas de^ duodenis uiginti acris, et unam uirgatam, quas Albricus* de Ver et uxor eius Beatrix et filii eius dederunt

ecclesie, pro anima Gaufridi filii sui."^ Et hospicia sua que sunt

Lundonie in Westminsterstret." ? Et terram quam Ricardus filius Reinfredi dedit ecclesie, et Willelmus Clemens ab eo tenebat, quam

Brientius et /Mathildis uxor eius/ concesserunt ecclesie."' Signum

regis Henrici +/ Signum regine Mathildis +. Signum Willelmi filii regis. Signum Radulfi archiepiscopi Cantuariensis *. Signum Turstani archiepiscopi Eboracensis +. Signum Willelmi episcopi Wintonie +. Signum Willelmi episcopi Exonie* +. Signum Teoldi’ episcopi Wirecestrie +. Signum Rogeri abbatis Fiscanni +. Signum Rannulfi cancellarii Henrici regis +. |

C fo. 156"

159. De hospicio abbatis apud Wintoniam.^ Anno quinto decimo Henrici regis, Willelmus Wintoniensis episcopus, dum ecclesiam apud Clares dedicaret, concessit ecclesie sancte ^ Goinzenboeth B * Albineio B 3 Estratuna B ^ Feincote B ^ Westminster stret B * Abbericus B ! erased B * Kinsuetona B J crosses om. in B. The cross for the king’s son was ™ uxor eius Macthildis 5

accidentally omitted in C 394 See above, p. 78. 397 See above, p. 142. 400 See above, pp. 148—50.

* Oxonie B

! Theoldi B

95 See above, p. 106. 38 See above, p. 142. ^" See above, p. 154.

996 See above, p. 140. See above, pp. 146-8. *? See above, p. 82.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

163

with the land pertaining to it, and the tithe of that village, and one fishery, with the things pertaining to it, as William de Courcy gave to the aforesaid church in alms.?* And one hide in Fencott, with meadows and pastures and everything pertaining to it, as Adelina d’Ivry gave to the church in alms, and Adeliza her daughter granted.?? And the assart between Marlow and Ackhamstead which Robert son of Hamo gave to the church, as specified by

Robert’s barons." And the land of Egelward of Sutton, next to Colnbrook, which Miles Crispin and his wife Matilda gave to the

church in alms.*”” And the land of Robert son of Hervey, with the customs with which he used to hold it from Robert Gernon his lord, who gave it to Queen Matilda my wife, and she with him gave it to the

aforesaid church in alms.??* And one hide with half a virgate in the village which is called Holme, and half a hide in Stratton, as Henry

d'Aubigny granted to the church.*” And one hide in the village of Dumbleton, which William Goizenboded gave to the church, and Count Robert of Meulan, of whose fee it was, authorized before

me.*” And in the same village, half a hide which I myself granted to the church in alms.'' And in the village of Kensington the church and two hides of 240 acres, and one virgate, which Aubrey de Ver and his wife Beatrice and his sons gave to the church for the soul of Geoffrey their son."? And their houses which are in London, on Westminster street."? And the land which Richard son of Reinfrid gave to the church, and William Clemens held from him, which Brian

and Matilda his wife granted to the church.** Mark of King Henry +. Mark of Queen Matilda +. Mark of William the king’s son. Mark of Ralph, archbishop of Canterbury +. Mark of Thurstan archbishop of York +. Mark of William bishop of Winchester + . Mark of William bishop of Exeter +. Mark of Theulf bishop of Worcester +. Mark of Roger abbot of Fécamp +. Mark of Ranulf, chancellor of King Henry +. 159. Concerning the abbot’s house at Winchester.” In King Henry’s fifteenth year [5 Aug. 1114-4 Aug. 1115], while he was dedicating a church at Kingsclere, William bishop of Winchester granted to the church of St Mary of Abingdon, and to Abbot Faritius, 905 See above, p. 112. 404 See above, p. 158. *5 See Winchester in the Early Middle Ages, ed. M. Biddle (Oxford, 1976), p. 389. The property is not mentioned in the Winchester surveys of c.1110 and 1148. In the first case, this is probably because the grant came after the survey, although it is not absolutely certain that the present text indicates a new gift rather than a confirmation and [.See p. 164 for n. 405 cont.]

HISTORIA

164

[ii. 112]

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

oribus eius Marie Abbendonie, et abbati Faritio et omnibus success i quod est hospici sui locum , post eum, et monachis ipsius ecclesie trionaseptem scilicet portam extra murum ciuitatis Wintonie, iuxta ^ in omnino tudine consue et lem eiusdem^ urbis, ab omni questu ad qui orum, denari im duodec perpetuum quietum, preter redditum sunt ciuitate eadem in i episcop festum sancti Michaelis officiali ipsius

reddendi." Huic conuentioni affuit prior monachorum de episco-

is patu domnus Gaufridus, cum Antonio suo monacho, et concess in iussit quo et reciper tum fauit, ita ut libenter episcopi precep

capitulo monachis suis hec ab ipso referri et confirmari." Hii

testes interfuerunt: Henricus archidiaconus eiusdem episcopi, Stephanus’ archidiaconus, Richerus et Alfricus archidiaconi, et multi alii, 160. Carta de eodem hospicio apud Wintoniam.*” Henricus rex Anglorum Willelmo de Pontearcharum et preposito et collectoribus Wintonie, salutem.* Volo et precipio quod domus Faritii abbatis de Abbendona, quam habet in Wintonia, sit quieta ab omnibus geldis, scottis, et auxiliis, et omnibus rebus. Teste Waltero de Gloecestria.

161. Carta de hospicio apud Windlesores.*"' Henricus rex Anglorum^ Waltero filio Walteri de Windresore, salutem. Sciatis quod concedo Faritio abbati et ecclesie Abbendone B fo. 146” terram illam et | domum de Windresores que fuit Alberti, sicut Rainerius eam sibi concessit." Teste Rogero Bigod. Apud Londoniam." ^ ejudem B

: omnio B

* initial om.

^ Anglie B

* Lundoniam B

exemption. One possible reason for the omission in the 1148 survey is that Henry Ts writ, which follows this entry in the History, freed the property of all dues, including the rent to the bishop. For the approximate location of the abbot's house, see D. Keene, Survey of Medieval Winchester (2 vols., Oxford, 1985), i. 71 (fig. 3), where the bishop's soke corresponds approximately to his lands there in the twelfth century, and hence to the area from which the house was granted to Abbot Faritius. (I would like to thank Dr Keene for his help on these points. Houses in London and Winchester for himself and his successors are listed amongst Faritius's acquisitions in De abbatibus; CMA ii. 288. 406 Kingsclere is in Hampshire. 07 Geoffrey was prior 1111-26; J. Le Neve, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066—1300. 2: Monastic Cathedrals, comp. D. Greenway (London, 1971), p. 88.

408 On Henry, Stephen, and Richer, see Fasti: Monastic Cathedrals, pp. 91—2; Winchester acta: 1070-1204, ed. Franklin, pp. lv-lvii. Winchester diocese probably at this time, as

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

165

and to all his successors after him, and to the monks of that church, the site of his house which is outside the wall of the city of Winchester, next to the northern gate of that town, completely quit in perpetuity of all levy and custom, except a rent of 12d. to be rendered at Michaelmas [29 Sept.] to that bishop’s official in the

city.*° Lord Geoffrey, prior of the monks of the bishopric, with Anthony his monk, was present at this agreement, and approved these grants, so that he willingly received the bishop’s order whereby the bishop instructed that these matters were to be related and confirmed

by him [i.e. Geoffrey] to his monks in the chapter.*°” These witnesses were present: Henry the bishop’s archdeacon,

Stephen the arch-

deacon, Richer and /Elfric the archdeacons, and many others.*?? 160.. Charter concerning this house at Winchester.^? Henry king of the English to William de Pont de l'Arche and the

reeve and collectors of Winchester, greeting.*'? I wish and order that the house of Abbot Faritius of Abingdon, which he has in Winchester, be quit of all gelds, scots, and aids, and all things. Witness: Walter of Gloucester. 161. Charter concerning a house at Windsor.™' Henry king of the English to Walter son of Walter of Windsor, greeting. Know that I grant to Abbot Faritius and to the church of Abingdon that land and house of Windsor which was Albert's, as

Rainer granted it to them.*!* Witness: Roger Bigod. At London. later, had only two archdeaconries. Richer and perhaps also /Elfric may have been assistant archdeacons, of the kind who would later be called ‘sub-archdeacons’ or 'vice-archdeacons’. This distinction would fit with the presentation of Richer and /Elfric as a distinct pair. Richer went on to become a full archdeacon, but if /Elfric did not do so it would explain why I have been unable to discover more about him. I would like to thank Professor Brian Kemp for his help on this point. 409 RRAN ii, no. 1110; the writ can be dated to 1114 x 1116, between the making of the gift and Henry's last departure from England before the death of Faritius. The absence of a place date at the end of the writ is quite, although not very, unusual at this time.

^! William

was

probably

addressed

as sheriff of Hampshire.

Prominent

as an

administrator of Henry I, he became a tenant of Abingdon for lands in Weston, following the death of Robert Mauduit later in Henry ls reign; see Green, Government, pp. 267—9.

^! RRAN ii, no. 858, dating to 1f00 x 1107, the terminus ante quem being the death of Roger Bigod. ^ DB i, fo. 56", has an Albert clericus holding one and a half hides in Windsor from the king; J. H. Round, The Commune of London (Westminster, 1899), pp. 36-8, suggests that the Domesday Albert can be identified with Albert of Lotharingia. For Walter, and the possibility that the reading should be William, see Round, ‘Origins of FitzGeralds', p. 126. This may be the source of the rent later attributed to the kitchen, below, p. 395.

166 [ii. 113]

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

413 162. De quinque hidis apud Wrda. io, et Henricus rex Anglorum Roberto episcopo, et Herberto camerar quinque quietas clamo quod Sciatis salutem. Hugoni de Bochelanda, de hidas abbatis Faritii de Abbendona de elemosina de Wróa^ mihi barones quod auxilio isto de im omnibus rebus, et nominat dederunt; et hoc, dico, sicut clamaui quietas eas per aliud breue meum in omni tempore."^ Testibus Eudone dapifero, et Hamone dapifero, et Willelmo de Curci, et Nigello^ de Oili.^ Apud Corneberiam.

163. De Bacgelea." Siluas de Bachelea^ et Cumenora iste abbas Faritius a regis forestariorum causationibus funditus quietas, et in eis capreorum uenationem, regio optinuit decreto.

[ii. 114]

164. Carta de siluis Bacgelea! et Cumenora.*? Henricus rex Anglorum Rogero episcopo Salesbirie, et Hugoni de Bochelanda, et omnibus baronibus, Francis et Anglis, de Berchescira* salutem. Sciatis quod concedo ecclesie sancte Marie de Abbendona, et Faritio abbati, et monachis, perpetuo in custodia eorum habendam siluam de Cumenora et Bagelega,’ et omnes capreolos quos ibi inuenire poterint accipiant. Et ceruos et ceruas non accipiant, nisi mea licentia, et ego nemini licentiam dabo ibi uenandi nisi illis. Et omnes foresfacturas sartorum condono’ eis. Testibus Roberto Linc episcopo, et Rannulfo’ episcopo Dunelm', et Rogero Bigod, et Nigello de Oili^ et Dauid fratre regine, et Rogero de Oili,’ et Gosfrido" Ridel, et Droco uenatore, et W. de Hoctona. Apud Corneberiam.

165. De "hundreto Hornimere." ^ Comitatus Anglie ubique per centenos, quos hundred uocamus, determinatur. Hec autem ecclesia unum hundred in Sandford’ adeo libere antiquitus continet, ut nulli alteri, nisi soli abbati, sit obno-

xium.*" Cui regis homines de Suttuna iuxta Abbendonam semper infensi, multociens

^ Wrpa B / Baggelea B * Oilli B

sue potestati illud subdere,

^ initial om. B * Bercscira B ‘ Oilli B

* Oil B ^ Baggeleia B " Goisfr B

sunt, sed abbatis

* Bacchleia B ^ Baggeleia B J Rannulf B ' concedo 5 ^? hundredo Hornimera B

^ Samford B

413, RRAN ii, no. 959; the writ may well be referring to the aid granted for the marriage of the king’s daughter in 1110. On the identification of the place, see above, p. 137. Lyell, no. 105, gives Hubert, not Herbert, as the name of the second addressee.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

167

162. Concerning five hides at Longworth.*? Henry king of the English to Bishop Robert, and Herbert the chamberlain, and Hugh of Buckland, greeting. Know that I quitclaim from all things Abbot Faritius of Abingdon’s five hides of alms at Longworth, and namely from that aid which my barons have given me. And this, I say, as I quitclaimed them for all time by another writ of mine.*!* Witnesses: Eudo the steward, and Hamo the steward, and William de Courcy, and Nigel d'Oilly. At Cornbury. 163. Concerning Bagley. Abbot Faritius obtained by royal decree the woods of Bagley and Cumnor, absolutely quit of accusations by the king's foresters, and the hunting of roe deer in them.

164. Charter concerning the woods of Bagley and Cumnor.^^ Henry king of the English to Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Hugh of Buckland, and all barons, French and English, of Berkshire, greeting. Know that I grant to the church of St Mary of Abingdon, and to Abbot Faritius, and to the monks to have perpetually in their custody the wood of Cumnor and Bagley, and they may take all the roe deer which they can find there. And they are not to take red deer stags and hinds, except by my permission, and I shall give no one except them permission to hunt there. And I pardon them all forfeitures concerning assarts. Witnesses: Robert bishop of Lincoln, and Ranulf bishop of Durham, and Roger Bigod, and Nigel d’Oilly, and David the queen’s brother, and Roger d’Oilly, and Geoffrey Ridel, and Drogo the huntsman, and William of Houghton. At Cornbury. 165. Concerning the hundred of Hormer.*'® The county in England is everywhere divided into ‘centeni’, which we call ‘hundreds’. Moreover, this church from of old holds one hundred in Sandford, so freely that it is subject to no one but the

abbot.*!” The king’s men of Sutton, next to Abingdon, were always threatening this, frequently attempting to subject it to their own ^^ Presumably RRAN ii, no. 722, above, p. 136. 55 RRAN ii, no. 703; Lyell, no. 76; the writ must date to between r10r, the return of Ranulf Flambard, and 1107, the death of Roger Bigod; RRAN suggests 18 Oct. 1105 for this and other writs issued at Cornbury. Lyra 416 “The liberties of the hundred of Hormer’ are listed amongst Faritius's acquisitions in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 288. 417 ie, Dry Sandford, in Hormer hundred. It is unclear why the hundred is referred to in this way.

HISTORIA

168

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

, assidue prudentia, nunc regiis litteris, nunc qualibet alia cautela cunctos contra hodie usque id libere obuia in manu propria

defendit.*'? [ii. 115]

C fo. 157°

166. Carta regis de eodem hundreto." ^? Hugoni | Henricus rex Anglorum Rogero Salesbiriensi episcopo, et de Anglis, et de Bochelanda, et omnibus baronibus suis, Francis ut o precipi et Berchescira, salutem. Sciatis quod uolo et concedo et habeant , abbatia de Abbendona, et Faritius abbas, et monachi dum hundre uum teneant ita firmiter et honorifice et quiete in perpet e de Hornimera, sicut melius habuerunt et tenuerunt in tempor s Testibu mei. Eadwardi regis et Willelmi patris et Willelmi fratris

Roberto filio Haimonis et Rogero Bigod. Apud Legam."^

B fo. 147

[ii. 116]

167. Carta de hundredo Hornimere.™' Henricus rex Anglorum Hugoni de Bochelanda, et justiciariis suis, et omnibus baronibus suis, Francis et Anglis, de Berchescira, salutem. Precipio quod abbas de Abbendona habeat hundredum suum de Hornimera | bene et in pace et honorifice, sicut unquam antecessores sui melius habuerunt tempore patris mei, et fratris mei, et meo. Et nominatim placitum de equa, unde Osbertus calumpniatus fuit. Teste cancellario. Apud Wintoniam. 168. De Leuechenora.*” Homines de hundredo Peritune moliebantur manerium huius ecclesie Leueconore’ appellatum suo iuri mancipari, sed is’ abbas, in castello Wincestre, coram episcopis Rogero Salesbiriense,^ et Roberto Lincoliense/ et Ricardo Lundoniense, et multis regis baronibus, ratiocinando ostendit declamationem eorum iniustam esse. Quare, iusticiariorum regis iudicio, optinuit ut illud manerium nulli alteri

hundredo, nisi proprio, debeat in aliquo fieri obnoxium." Sed quia rex tunc in Normannia erat, regina, que tunc presens aderat, taliter hoc sigillo suo confirmauit: ^ obuius 2 C

^ hundredo B

* Saresbiriense B

^ Lincolniense B

^ Leuecenore B

“his B

418 De abbatibus states that Faritius unsuccessfully sought to buy Sutton from Henry I; CMA ii. 289-90.

^? RRAN ii, no. 728; Lyell, no. 88; Chatsworth, no. 345. The writ must date to 1102 X 5, between Roger becoming bishop of Salisbury and Robert son of Hamo's loss of his senses, or at the latest his death in 1107.

?? Berks., now Oxon.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

169

power. But the abbot, in his prudence, assiduously confronted them, now with royal letters, now with some other precaution, and maintained this hundred in his own hand freely against all to this day.*!? 166. Charter of the king concerning this hundred.^? Henry king of the English to Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Hugh of Buckland, and all his barons, French and English, of Berkshire, greeting. Know that I wish, and grant, and order that the abbey of Abingdon, and Abbot Faritius, and the monks have and hold in perpetuity the hundred of Hormer, as firmly and honourably and undisturbed as they best had and held it in the time of King Edward and William my father and William my brother. Witnesses: Robert son of Hamo and Roger Bigod. At Bessels Leigh.'??

167. Charter concerning the hundred of Hormer.*”' Henry king of the English to Hugh of Buckland, and his justiciars, and all his barons, French and English, of Berkshire, greeting. I order that the abbot of Abingdon have his hundred of Hormer well and in peace and honourably, as best as his predecessors ever had it in the time of my father, my brother, and myself. And namely the plea concerning a mare, wherein Osbert was accused. Witness: the chancellor. At Winchester. 168. Concerning Lewknor.*” The men of the hundred of Pyrton were striving to subject to their authority this church's manor called Lewknor, but in the castle of Winchester, in the presence of Bishops Roger of Salisbury, Robert of Lincoln, and Richard of London, and many of the king's barons,

Abbot Faritius showed by pleading that their claim was unjust.'? Therefore, by judgment of the king’s justiciars he obtained that that manor ought not be subject in anything to any hundred except its own.*** But since the king was currently in Normandy, the queen, who was then present, confirmed this with her seal thus: #21 RRAN ii, no. 1111; Lyell, no. 89; Royal Writs, ed. van Caenegem, no. 8; English Lawsuits, no. 199; the writ must date:to 1100 x 16, and before Hugh ceased to be sheriff of Berkshire. #2 Oxon. English Lamsuits, no. 189; trans. EHD ii, no. 201. Lewknor is listed amongst Faritius's acquisitions in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 288. 95 Note Biddle, Winchester in the Early Middle Ages, pp. 304—5, on the location of the treasury in the castle at Winchester.

424 ie, the hundred of Lewknor.

HISTORIA

170

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

169. Carta regine de Luuechenora.^ *? et Thome de Mathildis Anglorum regina Roberto episcopo Lincoln’, Anglis, de et Francis bus, baroni Sancto Iohanne, et omnibus ona, Abbend de abbas s Faritiu quod Oxenefordscira, salutem. Sciatis ante o, thesaur in niam Winto apud in curia domini mei et mea, Linpum episco um Robert et em, Rogerum episcopum Salesbiriens Will^ de colniensem, et Ricardum episcopum Lundoniensem, et o de Walter et ano, capell no Tursti Curceio, et Adam de Porto, et ’ et Oileto, de lmum Wille et rium, Gloecestria, et Herebertum^ camera Goisfr’ et Basset, o Radulf et Enesi, de Gosfr’ filium Herberti, et Will’ Oxenede Magnauilla, et Goisfr’ Ridel, et Waltero archidiacono de nora Leueca quod t ocinaui disrati ro ford, et per Librum de Thesau na^ Perito de do hundre in debet manerium suum nichil omnino

facere.26 Sed omnia que debet facere, tantummodo in hundredo de

Leuecanoraf [ii. 117]

facere

debet,

in quo

hundredo

habet

ecclesia

Abbendona decem et septem hidas."/ Testibus Rogero episcopo Salesb’, et Willelmo de Curci, et Adam de Porto. Apud Wincestram.

170. De Culeham.** Anno decimo regni Henrici regis, apud Suttunam residente plenarie scira, et maxime pro causa que sequitur, disrationauit domnus abbas Faritius et monachi de Abbendona terram de Culeham, solidam et quietam de omnibus consuetudinibus et de omnibus hominibus, ad opus ecclesie Abbendonensis, et maxime de quadam uiolentia^ quam homines de supradicto manerio Suttune inferebant illi terre, scilicet in accipiendis glebis illius terre ad opus molendini et piscarie regis. Vnde, sicut antecessor illius Adelelmus abbas ^ Leuechenora B €

erleio C

^ Willelmo B

/ Perituna B

^ Herbertum B * cappellano B ^ uioilentia C

* Leuacanora B

*5 RRAN ii, no. 1000; Lyell, no. 127, which omits the 11 names after William de

Courcy. The charter dates to Henry’s absence between Aug. 1111 and Jul. 1113; RRAN suggests the Michaelmas meeting of the exchequer in 1111.

#26 Adam de Port was a royal steward; see Green, Government p. 39. Thurstan the

chaplain was elected archbishop of York in mid-August 1114; Handbook of British Chronology, p. 281. Walter of Gloucester was a royal constable, with responsibilities in Wales. He may have died by 1126; see Green, Government, pp. 53, 257. William d'Anisy was a royal dispenser; see Green, Government, p. 228, Anglo-Norman Families, p. 4. William d'Oilly and Geoffrey son of Herbert do not appear elsewhere in the surviving charters of Henry I. Geoffrey de Mandeville was probably of the Mandeville family of Marshwood, Dorset. He witnessed various of Henry I’s charters early in his reign, and was probably sheriff of Devon; RRAN ii, no. 769n., Green, Sheriffs, p. 35. J. Le Neve, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066-1300. 3: Lincoln, comp. D. Greenway (London, 1977), p. 35 states that this is Walter archdeacon of Oxford’s first appearance as archdeacon. Unless

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

I7I

169. Charter of the queen concerning Lewknor.*?> Matilda queen of the English to Robert bishop of Lincoln, and Thomas of St John, and all the barons, French and English, of Oxfordshire, greeting. Know that Abbot Faritius of Abingdon, in the court of my lord and myself in the treasury at Winchester, before Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Robert bishop of Lincoln, and Richard bishop of London, and William de Courcy, and Adam de Port, and Thurstan the chaplain, and Walter of Gloucester, and Herbert the chamberlain, and William d’Oilly, and Geoffrey son of Herbert, and William d’Anisy, and Ralph Basset, and Geoffrey de Mandeville, and Geoffrey Ridel, and Walter archdeacon of Oxford, by the Book of the Treasury proved that his manor of Lewknor ought

to do nothing at all in the hundred of Pyrton.*”° But everything which it ought to do, it ought to do only in the hundred of Lewknor, in

which hundred the church of Abingdon has seventeen hides.*?” Witnesses: Roger bishop of Salisbury, and William de Courcy, and Adam de Port. At Winchester.

170. Concerning Culham.*? In the tenth year of King Henry’s reign [5 Aug. 1109-4 Aug. 1110], the shire was fully present and sitting at Sutton, primarily for the case which follows. Lord Abbot Faritius and the monks of Abingdon deraigned the land of Culham for the use of the church of Abingdon, firm and quit of all customs, and of all men, and especially of certain violence which the men of the above-mentioned manor of Sutton were inflicting on that land, that is taking turfs from that land for the use of the king's mill and fishery. Therefore, just as his predecessor perhaps there were two successive and indistinguishable archdeacons called Walter, he died before 6 Feb. 1152. He is most famous as the man who presented Geoffrey of Monmouth with his ‘old book’; see The Historia Regum Britannie of Geoffrey of Monmouth, i. Bern Burgerbibliothek, MS. 568, ed. N. Wright (Cambridge, 1985), p. 1. The ‘Book of the Treasury’ is usually taken to be Domesday Book, but Harvey, ‘Domesday Book and AngloNorman governance’, p. 179 argues that it must be some other treasury document, ‘for information on hundreds is absent from the relevant section! of Domesday. See also above, p. xxiv, and below, p. 378, for an Abingdon list based on Domesday Book which supplies the names of the hundreds containing its Oxfordshire lands. ?7 A figure confirmed by Domesday Book, above, p. 110 n. 257. The abbey held no other lands in that hundred. : 95 RRAN ii, no. 952; English Lamsuits, no. 185. The mention of Adelelm's defence of Culham is not entirely clear, although it may well refer to his firm actions against the reeve of Sutton, above, p. 14. Froger was sheriff of Berkshire 1066x 86, probably soon after 1066; Green, Sheriffs, p. 26, and see above, Bk. i, c. 144 (CMA i. 486) for his oppressions. ‘A portion of Culham’ is listed amongst Faritius’s acquisitions in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 288.

HISTORIA

172

C fo. 157"

[ii. 118]

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

i uicecomitis tempore Willelmi senioris regis et tempore Frogeri it, sic et iste quietau ia uiolent tali a m terram supradicte uille Culeha est quietauit ictum suprad quo e abbas Faritius eo die et eo tempor in presentia bus, tudini consue s eam a supradicta uiolentia et omnibu non solum qui uiri, is sapient Hugonis uicecomitis, probi et omes—adeo uicec preerat sciris Berchescire^ sed etiam aliis septem multorum ia present in t regi—e erat nominatus uir et carus | ntium. hominum trium scirarum ibi assiste Post istam disratiocinationem, cum in eorum non fuisset ausum" hominum quod pridem egerant iam publico in conspectu iterare, clanculo id repetunt. De qua re cum certi nuncii relatio abbati esset perlata, uicecomitatum tunc Berchescire regenti, Hugoni de Bochelande eandem retulit, cuius et iussu in hundredo ipsi, Suttune predicte regis uille adiacenti, rectum de hac iniusticia ecclesie et abbati, per iudicium eiusdem hundredi, huiusmodi persolutum fuit. Erat eo tempore molendinarius molendini quod situm est super flumen Tamisie ad orientalem partem predicte uille regis, nomine Gamel, qui horis, ex altera parte fluminis de terra uille Culeham pertinenti glebas clam effodiens pro reficiendo molendino, nocturnis, cuius curam habebat, exportare solebat. Et cum, de hac sua temeritate in hundredo ipso interpellatus, negare nequiuisset, et pro hoc iure legis subactus esset, decreuerunt iusticiarii hundreti debere eum abbati et ecclesie emendationem quinque mancusarum denariorum

exsoluere.7? Quod et fecit. Sed cum

eedem

mancuse

ab ipso

molendinario exhibite^ abbatis presentie fuissent, de singulis mancusis unum denarium solummodo accipiens, pro sua clementia ceteros illi remisit, testibus omnibus qui in hundredo erant. Predictos autem quinque denarios iussit abbas, pro memoria huius emendatio-

nis, in ecclesie scriniis reseruandos locari. 171. De clausura apud Cudesdunam.?' Homines episcopi Lincolniensis Roberti de uilla Middeltuna fregerant pro suis pratis clausuram molendini abbatie apud uillam suam

Cuthesduna,/ duabus uicibus, per diuersa tamen tempora.*” Sed, ^ Berchescirz B

^ for ausu ?

* exibite B

^ Cudesduna B

*?9 An Old English unit of account, worth 3od.

430 For later events relating to this mill, see

VCH, Oxfordshire, vii. 32; Curia Regis Rolls,

vil. 390-1.

5! DB i. fo. 156”, states that ‘the abbey holds Cuddesdon [Oxon.]. . . . a mill and two

fisheries, twelve shillings’. ‘The mill of Cuddesdon’ is listed amongst Faritius’s acquisitions in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 288.

THE

HISTORY

THE

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ABINGDON

173

Abbot Adelelm had freed from such violence that land of the village of Culham in the time of King William the elder and of Froger the sheriff, so too did Abbot Faritius free it from the above-mentioned violence and all customs, on the day and at the time mentioned above. He did so in the presence of Hugh the sheriff, a virtuous and wise man, who was sheriff not only of Berkshire but of seven other shires as well—he was so renowned a man and so close to the king—, and in the presence of many men of the three shires who were attending there. After that court victory, the men of Sutton dared not repeat their previous deed in public view, so they returned to it in secret. When a trustworthy messenger's report concerning this reached the abbot, he conveyed it to Hugh of Buckland, then ruling the shrievalty of Berkshire. At Hugh's order, in the hundred pertaining to the king's village of Sutton, justice was done by judgment of that hundred to the church and abbot concerning this wrong, as follows. There was at this time a miller of the mill situated on the river Thames to the east of the king's aforesaid village, and he was named Gamel. During the hours of darkness he was accustomed secretly to dig up turfs from the land belonging to the village of Culham on the other side of the river, and to remove them for repairing the mill of which he had care. When he was accused in the hundred court of Sutton concerning this reckless deed of his, he could not deny it and was convicted of this by right of law. The justiciars of the hundred decreed that he ought to pay the abbot and church an emendation of five mancuses of pennies."? And he did this. But when the miller produced these mancuses 1n the abbot's presence, the abbot only took one penny from each mancus, and by his clemency remitted the rest to the miller, with everyone in the hundred court witnessing. Moreover, the abbot ordered the aforesaid five pennies to be placed for safe-keeping in the church chests, in memory of this emendation.*?

171. Concerning the enclosure at Cuddesdon." Bishop Robert of Lincoln's men from the village of Milton on two different occasions broke the dam of the abbey's mill in its village of

Cuddesdon, for the benefit of their meadows.* But since this is ^? Great Milton, Oxon., which DB i, fo. 155"

", confirms was a possession of the bishop

of Lincoln in 1086. Given the sense of the passage, I have translated ‘clausura’ as dam, and see the men of Milton as trying to flood their water-meadows. However, DMLBS, fasc. ii, s.v. clausura, gives *(enclosing) fence, hedge, wall, ditch or sim.’ as the meaning for this passage; see also Local Maps and Plans from Medieval England, ed. R. A. Skelton and P. D. A. Harvey (Oxford, 1986), p. 204, for the use of ‘clausum’ in a fifteenth-century map; and cf. ‘exclusa’ in Curia Regis Rolls, vi. 390.

HISTORIA

174

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

ipse, ratione et quia contra legem consuetudinariam id est, episcopus hominibus de suis eisdem ab e, ecclesi amore istius abbatis et ram, milclausu nt fregera quam Middeltuna fecit reficere eandem centeimo milles uero us posteri , primum lesimo centesimo ^quinto anno. ca Domini simo^ octauo ab incarnatione

: 48 172. De consuetudine nauum. ut de Consuetudo huius ecclesie est a tempore domni Ordrici abbatis aquam per fecerit um transit unaquaque naui Oxeneforde ciuitatis que 'Tamisie prope curiam Abbendonensem, uersus australem scilicet more partem diffluentem, cellarario centum allecia omni anno nauium ut ita ,*** pretium debito reddantur, aut pro eis condignum remiges, non interrogati, eadem cellarario deferant, a tempore si uidelicet Purificationis sancte Marie usque ad Pascha. Quod huiusfuerit, s inuentu sse eorum aliquis hanc consuetudinem detinui modi nauem cellararius, ne per aquam transeat ecclesie, iure detinet, donec sibi rectum faciat. Hanc ecclesie consuetudinem, tempore domni Faritii abbatis, naute predicte ciuitatis moliti sunt ecclesie abripere, sed cito eos ab hac temeritate disratiocinatione iusta idem abbas repressit, ita ut eadem regi Henrico allegaret, et rex per sua OxenefordB fo. 148" breuia iusticiariis suis et | uicecomitibus Berchesire^ et ne ecclesia , facerent inde am scire preciperet, quatinus rectam iustici [ii. 119]

ultra huiusmodi consuetudine sua careret. Itaque, eodem rege

regnante, anno imperii sui undecimo, et Thoma de Sancto Iohanne ac Ricardo de Monte Oxenefordscire uicecomitibus constitutis, apud C fo. 158" eandem Oxeneford | ciuitatem in domo Hardingi presbiteri, de hac re placitum habitum est;"^ et maiorum eiusdem loci communi iudicatum est decreto Abbendonensem/ ecclesiam iustam rem“ exigere, et [ii. 120] eam a ciuitatis totius nauigio debere omni anno persolui. Sequenti quoque post hoc anno, Radulfus cellararius, eisdem* coadunatis Oxeneforde primoribus, questus est quod de quibusdam eorum nautis necdum iam decretam consuetudinem habuisset. Quibus ilico accersitis, precipitur manibus" eiusdem cellararii debitum idem‘ ecclesie coram reddere. Et ita factum est, cunctis qui aderant testibus. ^4

om. B, an omission which suggests that B derives from C

* persoluere B C 4 corr. from rex C B * Abbendunensem : : : ! : h ' ei dem, involving erasure B * nauibus B * ejusdem B

^ Berchescire

/ sequente B C

433 English Lawsuits, no. 191. ‘One hundred herrings from the boats which cross through the fish-garth’, that is an enclosure on a river for preserving or taking fish, are

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

175

against customary law, Bishop Robert, with good reason and from love of that abbot and church, made his men of Milton repair the enclosure which they had broken, first in the year of our Lord 1105, later indeed in the year of our Lord 1108. 172. Concerning the custom of boats.*? From the time of lord Abbot Ordric [1052-66], it has been the custom of this church that one hundred herrings—or a suitable price for them—be paid each year to the cellarer, in due fashion, from each boat of the city of Oxford which travels southwards by the water of the Thames flowing next to the court of Abingdon.*** The oarsmen of the boats render them to the cellarer, without being asked, specifically from the time of the Purification of St Mary [2 Feb.] until Easter. If any of them is found to have withheld this custom, the cellarer by right prevents their boat from crossing through the church's water until justice has been done to him. In the time of lord Abbot Faritius, the sailors of Oxford were striving to take this custom away from the church, but the abbot swiftly stopped them from this reckless act by bringing a just plea. He cited their attempts to King Henry, and the king by his writs ordered his justiciars and sheriffs of Berkshire and Oxfordshire that they do proper justice concerning this, so that the

church no longer be deprived of its customs of this sort.**° Therefore with Henry reigning in the eleventh year of his dominion [5 Aug. 1110-4 Aug. 1111] and with Thomas of St John and Richard de Monte as sheriffs of Oxfordshire, a plea concerning this matter was

held at Oxford in the house of Harding the priest." ^It was judged by common decree of the greater men of Oxford that the church of Abingdon's demand was just, and that it ought to be paid each year by the shipping of all the city. In the following year, when the same leading men of Oxford had gathered, Ralph the cellarer complained that he did not yet have from some of their boatmen the custom as adjudged. These men were summoned immediately and ordered to render publicly into the cellarer's hands what was due to the church. And this was done, with all present acting as witnesses. At this plea listed amongst Faritius’s acquisitions'in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 288. See also above, Bk. i, c. 141 (CMA 1. 481). 434 For the area of the monastic precinct known as the court, see Plan, p. cv.

85 See above, p. 138. 436 Eynsham, i, no. 7, records a man called Harding as having houses at Oxford, but he was dead by 1109, having died at Jerusalem. Nevertheless, it is possible that after his death his property could still have been referred to as ‘the house of Harding the priest’.

HISTORIA

176

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

us de Monte Ad hanc disratiotionem fuerunt hi^ presentes: Ricard alii. multi et s, iaconu archid tunc uicecomes, Walterus . 437 173. De ecclesia Pesimare. habent in Ricardus et filius eius Philippus de Pesimari ecclesiam domnum eadem uilla, quam dedicare" et cimiterium illic benedici per abbatis. Sed Osmundum episcopum fecerunt, tempore Rainaldi pertinet. eiusdem uille parrochia iuri* ecclesie de Ciuelea^ antiquitus Ciuelea,’ Et quanquam abesset capituli Abbendonie et presbitero de postea dedicatio tamen illa concelebrata est/ Quare, istius abbatis huius tempore, inde questione mota, pater cum filio, qui facti anno ^ auctores extiterant, pro emendatione duos solidos quoque emonachis Abbendonie, et ecclesie de Ciuelea duas acras, se promis runt reddere.

[ii. 121]

174. De ecclesia Kingestuna." *** Ecclesia de Kingestuna' subest parrochiali ecclesie de Wrde, et hoc ab antiquo iure. Iccirco cum ecclesia ipsa de Kingestuna dedicaretur cum cimiterio per domnum Osmundum episcopum, duo ex monachis nostris, Alfricus scilicet quondam prior et Motbertus,/' illic ceterorum fratrum loco consistentes, episcopo calumpniati sunt consuetudines

matris ecclesie que est apud Wrdam.’*” Quo tempore Rainaldus"

B fo. 148"

preerat ecclesie abbatis regimine. Itaque huiuscemodi imposita calumpnia, postea a primis predicte uille senioribus consultum est, uidelicet Radulfo de Bachepuz" et Athelelmo,’ quatinus annuatim ecclesie Abbendonie ad Pentecosten ab eis utrisque donarentur sexdecim denarii, id est due ore, et ad ecclesiam de Wrda^ similiter a singulis una acra," unus porcus, et unus caseus. Sed mortuo Radulfo, cum eius filius Henricus sibi succederet, predictam persoluere pactionem neglexit. Verum eo tempore non multo post improuisa morte sublato ex hac uita, frater eius Robertus heres illi factus est suarum rerum. Qui tempore Quadragesimali Abbendoniam ueniens, regnante tunc Henrico rege et domno Fa|ritio existente abbate, promisit coram multis testibus ab illo deinceps se redditurum predictam pactionem. |" his

^ fecit add. B

^ uiri B

^ Ciuileia B

/ although the meaning of this sentence is clear, at least one word appears to have been omitted, ^ de * possibly corr. ta quoquo C and there may also be grammatical mistakes * Modbertus B J Wrpe B ! Kingestona B Kingestuna B ? Wrpa B ^ Adellelmo B " Bakepuz B " Rainnaldus B ' Wrpam B 437 See above, p. 42.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

177

were present Richard de Monte, then sheriff, Walter the archdeacon, and many others. 173. Concerning the church of Peasemore.**’ Richard and his son Philip of Peasemore had a church in that village, which they had dedicated and the cemetery there blessed by lord Bishop Osmund in the time of Abbot Reginald [1084x97]. But of old the parochial obligations of this village belonged to the jurisdiction of the church of Chieveley. And although [no representative] of the chapter of Abingdon nor the priest of Chieveley was present, that dedication was still celebrated. Therefore, after Abbot Reginald’s time, a complaint was raised concerning this. The father and son, who were responsible for this deed, promised that in emendation they would render 2s. annually to the monks of Abingdon, and two acres to the church of Chieveley. 174. Concerning the church of Kingston.*** The church of Kingston is subject to the parish church of Longworth, and this by ancient right. Therefore, when that church of Kingston, with its cemetery, was dedicated by lord Bishop Osmund, two of our monks, namely /Elfric (once the prior) and Modbert, who were present there representing all the other brethren, put a claim to the bishop for the customs of the mother church at Longworth.*? At that time Reginald controlled the church in the office of abbot. After the claim had been brought, the foremost lords of Kingston, namely Ralph de Bagpuize and Adelelm, decided that at Pentecost every year 16d. should be given by each of them to the church of Abingdon (that is two ores), and similarly by each one acre," one pig, and one cheese to the church of Longworth. But when Ralph died, his son Henry succeeded him and failed to fulfil that agreement. However, he was soon after taken from this life by unforeseen death, and his brother Robert was made heir of his possessions. While King Henry was reigning and lord Faritius was abbot, Robert came to Abingdon at Lent, and in the presence of many witnesses promised that henceforth he would restore the aforesaid agreement. 538 Cf above, p. 42. This account, compared with the earlier one, makes Robert's restoration seem rather less voluntary. ^9? /Elfric may be specified as ex-prior because there were two monks of that name; below, p. 200. Modbert may well be the monk who held the church as guardian between 1097 and 1100. ^9 Presumably the produce of one acre.

HISTORIA

178

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

175. Littere episcopi de ecclesia Kingestuna.* a et Roberto de Rogerus episcopus Salesbirie^ Adelelmo de Kingestuna e de Abbenecclesi s reddati quod uobis Bacepuiz, salutem. Precipio

tuna. Et dona rectitudines quas illi debetis de ecclesia uestra de Kinges m apud officiu m diuinu cat interdi s nisi feceritis, Ilbertus decanu

Kingestona.^ Apud Westmoster.

[ii. 122]

176. De quadam mortua. parroContigit etiam per hos* dies, ut presbiter de manerio Pesi^ am ecclesi suam apud m mortua m quanda Wrda* de chianam ecclesie illicite sepeliret.!? Sed per hunc abbatem, in capitulo presbiterorum decreapud Abbendonam tunc constituto, proposita declamatione, ac Pesi, de ero presbit a effodiri m sepultu iam corpus tum datur idem quod nto sacrame debere, endum sepeli Wrda^ de am referri ad ecclesi

idem esset de quo agebatur ab eodem premisso." Quod et factum

est, anno uidelicet quarto decimo regni Henrici regis.

177. De Walchelino Visus lupi. ^^* Walchelinus quoque, cognomento Visus lupi, terram de rege tenet iuxta Boxore,/ cuius terre redditus ecclesiasticus attinet ad parrochiam que est in predicto loco. Quem redditum cum idem uir retraheret,’ | rectis auditis, consensum attribuit, et C fo. 158” abbatis huius rationibus omnia que contra tenuerat Deo, et sancte Marie, et abbati predicto in perpetuum quieta clamauit, et ut ecclesia de Boxore omnes suas consuetudines de suo tenore ab illo die in reliquum tempus haberet, sicut unquam melius habuit, promisit, uidelicet de gildis, de cera, de unctione et uisitatione infirmorum, de corporibus omnium mortuorum de sua terra sepeliendorum," et singulis de aliis quibusque

consuetudinibus ecclesie pertinentibus." ^ de Kingestun B

* os B J retraeret B

^ Saresbirie B

* Wrpa B ! Pesie B * sepeliendum B

* Bachepuz B

^ Wrpa B

^ Kingestuna B

* Boxora B

441 See Salisbury acta: 1078-1217, ed. Kemp, no. 5, which dates the document to *prob. Lent 1113 or shortly before’; Kealey, Roger of Salisbury, pp. 230-1. Kealey says that nothing else is known of Ilbert, but he was probably a rural dean in Berkshire.

42 Pusey was in Berkshire, although now Oxon. DB i, fos. 59" (Gilbert holds Pusey

from the abbot), 60", 62", show lordship of Pusey to have been divided between Abingdon,

Saint-Pierre-sur-Dives, Henry de Ferrers, and Roger d'Ivry; only the last entry mentions a church.

^55 See above, p. xcix.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

179

175. Letters of the bishop concerning the church of Kingston.“ Roger bishop of Salisbury to Adelelm of Kingston and Robert de Bagpuize, greeting. I order you that you give back to the church of Abingdon the rights which you owe it from your church of Kingston. And if you do not, Ilbert the dean is to prohibit divine office at Kingston. At Westminster. 176. Concerning a certain dead woman. Also at that time it happened that the priest of the manor of Pusey wrongly buried at his church a dead woman, a parishioner of the

church of Longworth.*” But in the priests’ chapter which was then gathered at Abingdon a claim was brought by Abbot Faritius, and the following decision was given: that the body which had already been buried should be dug up by the priest of Pusey and returned to the church of Longworth for burial, with the priest giving an oath that it was the body under dispute.* And this was done, in the fourteenth year of King Henry's reign [5 Aug. 1113-4 Aug. 1114].

177. Concerning Walkelin Visdelou.^* Also Walkelin, surnamed Visdelou, held land from the king next to Boxford, its ecclesiastical dues belonging to the parish which is in that place [1.e. Boxford]. Walkelin withheld these dues, but after hearing just reasons from Faritius, he granted his consent and quitclaimed in perpetuity to God, and to St Mary, and to the aforesaid abbot everything which he had withheld, and promised that the church of Boxford would have all its customs on its own terms from that day forth for the rest of time as best it ever had them, that is concerning guilds, candle-wax, unction and visitation of the sick, bodies of all dead people from its land to be buried, and each and every other

custom pertaining to the church.*^? ^* DB i, fo. 63', shows Humphrey Visdelou holding Boxford, Berks., in chief of the king; fo. 58" states that ‘Berner [holds] two hides in Boxford’ from Abingdon; VCH, Berkshire, iv. 45, identifies Humphrey’s holding as Westbrook. VCH, Berkshire, iv. 47, suggests that Walkelin, Humphrey’s son, was seeking to give the dues to the church of Speen, in which parish were most of his lands. Walkelin later killed a knight, and forfeited a significant part of his fee. See further HKF i. 54-60, on the lordship of Visdelou; also VCH, Berkshire, iv. 103-4. Abingdon claimed Boxford as part of its early endowment, Bk. i, c. 11, CMA i. 26, Charters of Abingdon Abbey, no. 9; however, certainly by the later tenth century it was out of the abbey’s control. 445 See Brett, English Church, p. 227 on burial dues; J. R. H. Moorman, Church Life in England in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge, 1945), p. 129 on candle-wax; also C. R. Cheney, From Becket to Langton (Manchester. 1956), pp. 152-3.

180

[ii. 123]

B fo. 149°

[ii. 124]

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

178. De molendino" de Langeford.* ^6 loco rex ipse Circa idem tempus defuncta Ansfrida, qua concubine Ricardum filium, chiam monar Henricus usus ante suscepti imperii tumuest us fratrib a ura sepult nomine, genuit, ac per hoc celebri marito o Anskill de^ quem m, eiusde lata.^^* Quare Willelmus filius molendisuo, ante regis predicti filii partum iam mortuo, pepererat, triginta erat, pertinu iuris m fundu num de Langeford, quod sui um, habend usui horum monac solidorum persolutorium, proprio us hacten quod m, positu ord concessit, apud pontem Oxenef inperut Et ntibus. pertine sibi s Baiewrde^ adiacuerat, cum omnibu sancte petuum firmum istud staret, idem Willelmus super altare Faritio domno us Testib posuit. Marie donum huius concessionis go, abbate et toto conuentu, et Fulcone filio* regis, et Ricardo pedago * et multorum aliorum testimonio.* /Post obitum uero abbatis Faritii, |conquestus est idem Willelmus regi, tunc in Normannia posito, de supradicto molendino, quia uidelicet ui potestatis predicti abbatis potius quam sue proprie uoluntatis ecclesia habebat :**? Quare regis mandato saisitus est inde. Sed postea legatione monachorum per Walterum, capellanum Willelmi de Bochelande, ueritatem rex cognoscens, precepit resaisiri” ecclesiam. Qua propter postea Willelmus ipse de Seuecurda suam iniusticiam recognoscens, correxit quod egerat, ita ut in capitulo in perpetuum omnem calumpniam de ipso molendino clamaret quietam, et in ecclesia super altare donum per baculum illic impositum confirmaret.? 179. De terra de Stoches.! Gaufridus/ de Malchenceio, cum uxore sua Ermentrude," in capitulo coram Faritio abbate et toto conuentu, concessit huic ecclesie in elemosina unam hidam in uilla sua Stoches,’ ita libere in perpetuum habendum ab omni negotio et suo seruitio, preter solum regis

gildum," sicut unquam ipsemet liberius eam habuerat." Ex suo

^ uidelicet in claustro ante hostium ecclesie ubi fratres intrant in “ molendina B / De * filius B ^ Baiewrde B * om. B ecclesiam et exeunt add. B

morte Faritii abbatis rubricated heading add. in B

* Stokes B

J Galfridus B

* Ermentrude B

* habeat B

! Stokes B

^ resaisiari B

™ geldum B

^6 Salter, Medieval Oxford, p. 15 states that this was also known as Weirs Mill, close to the Abingdon Road at Hinksey, one mile from Folly Bridge. VCH, Berkshire, iv. 408, distinguishes between Weirs Mill and Langford Mill. “The mill of Langford’ is listed amongst Faritius’s acquisitions in De abbatibus, CMA 1i. 288.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

181

178. Concerning the mill of Langford.**° Around that time died Ansfrida, by whom, his concubine, King Henry had produced a son named Richard, before he exercised the monarchy of the dominion he acquired. As a result, she was interred by the brethren in a renowned tomb.*” Therefore William, her son by Anskill her husband (who was already dead before the birth of the king's aforesaid son), granted the mill of Langford, which had been his property, situated at the bridge of Oxford, and until then belonging to Bayworth. Paying 30s., it was to be held for the monks' own use, with everything pertaining to it. So that this might stand firm in perpetuity, William placed the gift of this grant on the altar of St Mary. Witnesses: lord Abbot Faritius and all the convent, and Fulk the king's son, and Richard the schoolmaster, and by witness of many others.**® After the death of Abbot Faritius, however, William complained about this mill to the king, who was then in Normandy, specifically that the church held it through Faritius’s power rather than William’s

wishes.*#? Therefore he was seised of it by the king’s order. But afterwards the king learnt the truth by an embassy of the monks through Walter, chaplain of William of Buckland, and ordered the church to be reseised. William of Seacourt himself afterwards recognized his unjust act and made good what he had done, thus that in the chapter he quitclaimed in perpetuity all claim concerning this mill, and in the church confirmed the gift on the altar by a staff placed there.*° 179. Concerning the land of Stoke.**' In the chapter in the presence of Abbot Faritius and the whole convent, Geoffrey de Mauquenchy, with his wife Ermentrude, granted to this church in alms one hide in his village of Stoke, to have in perpetuity as free from all obligations and from his service as

he himself had ever most freely had it, except only the king’s geld.” ^7 MS B here adds an extra church where the brethren enter ^55 For Fulk, see above, p. 53 ^9 1117 x 20. See also above,

phrase—that is in the cloister before the door of the and leave the church.’ See above, p. 52. n. 127; for Richard, see above, p. c n. 563. p. l, for perceptions of Faritius.

40 A list in MS C in the same hand as the History, below, p. 398, includes the mill of Langford among the revenues of the chamber. 451 Stoke Bruern, Northants., a Mauquenchy holding. The land reappears in a papal privilege below, p. 274, as Shuttlehanger, which is one mile west of Stoke Bruern, and in Stoke Bruern parish. It too was a Mauquenchy holding; see HKF iii. 413. 452 For later members of the Mauquenchy family, see HKF iii. 413, Anglo-Norman Families, pp. 56—7.

ECCLESIE

HISTORIA

182

ABBENDONENSIS

etiam omnibus quoque prato quatuor acras concessit, libertatem et porcis eundi, pascuis iter pecoribus monachorum in suis commun et fuerit, uelle is monach ipsis uti eorum sine pasnagio in sua silua, silua ipsa de erit opus m quantu ad necessitatem curie ipsorum ultra mare accipiendi. Non multo post, cum filius eius Girardus de hatum^ monac rude, Erment uenisset, eo presente et uxore sua eadem in hidam am dimidi suscepit, et suo predicto dono adiecit suo. patre coram mante confir hoc uilla, ipso Girardo cum matre sua ita dedit, e ecclesi huic m seipsu Insuper pro amore ipsius sui patris, et et, suscipi id isto ab nisi loco alio ut si monachus fieri uelit, a nullo hic rit, contige Anglia in hoc si forte laicus defunctus fuerit et in sepulturam habebit cum tercia parte totius sue pecunie quam tercia rit, contige id nnia Norma Anglia tunc habuerit. Quod si in

tamen, ut dictum est, pars sue pecunie de Anglia ecclesie en

et Eadem in conuentione et mater eius se per omnia dedit. Similiter eius, filius mus Willel i, Gaufrid i homines eius Robertus filius predict Goisfredus nepos eius, Willelmus nepos eius, Warinus dapifer eius, Radulfus de Munteneio,* Turstinus miles, qui etiam testes affuerunt his.*” |

[ii. 125]

C fo. 159°

B fo. 149”

180. De Speresholt.*°

Prope montem

ubi ad Album

Equum

scanditur,?/ ab antiquo

tempore ecclesia ista manerium Offentun appellatum in dominio possidet, iuxta quod uilla decem hidarum adiacet ex iure ecclesie, quam Speresholt nominant Hanc miles, Anskillus nomine, de ecclesia tempore Rainaldi abbatis pro unius militis seruitio tenebat. Verum hunc contigit et ipsius abbatis regisque iunioris Willelmi inimicitias adeo incurrisse postea, ut in regia poneretur captione, ibique moreretur. Quare rex | manus ad ecclesie possessionem mox

iniciens, Turstino suo dispensatori illam dedit."? Quo mortuo, filius

eius Hugo eadem ratione per regem in ipsa successit.*°? Eratque in hoc negotio quod maxime abbatiam tedebat. Nam nullum more militum seruitium exhibebatur^ inde, et si quando regio imperio a

monacatum

nominauit B

^ exibebatur B

555 On bequests of moveables, and other instances of the specification of a third being

bequeathed, sec M. M. Sheehan, The Will in Medieval England (Toronto, 1963), pp. 28991; note also below, p. 238. 454 The toponym is probably one of the places in Normandy called Montigny or Montagny.

55 Cf. A. Murray, Reason and Society in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1978), p. 347. 456 See also above, p. 52. This chapter marks the start of the second discretio of

THE

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He also granted four acres from his meadow, and freedom for all the monks’ livestock to go communally onto his pastures, and for their pigs without pannage to go into his wood, as the monks wished, and to gather from that wood as much as would be required for the needs of their court. Not long afterwards, when his son Gerard came from overseas, in his presence and that of his wife Ermentrude, Geoffrey received the monk’s habit, and added to his aforesaid gift half a hide in the same village. Gerard, together with his mother, confirmed this in his father’s presence. In addition, because of his love of his father, Gerard gave himself to this church, so that if he wished to become a monk, he would receive this status from no other monastery but Abingdon. And if it happened that he died a layman, and this occurred in England, he would have burial here, together with a third of all the goods he would then have in England. If he died in Normandy, still a third of his goods in England, as specified, would

be the church's.*? In this agreement, his mother also gave herself in all respects; likewise his men, Robert son of the aforesaid Geoffrey, William his son, Geoffrey his nephew, William his nephew, Warin his steward, Ralph de Munteneio,*** Thurstan the knight, who were also

present as witnesses to these matters. 180. Concerning Sparsholt.**° Close to the hill rising to the White Horse,"" 457 this church has from long ago possessed in demesne the manor called Uffington, next to which lies a village of ten hides, of the church's property, which people call Sparsholt. A knight named Anskill used to hold this from the church in the time of Abbot Reginald, for the service of one knight. But it happened that this man later incurred such enmity of both that abbot and King William the younger that he was placed in royal captivity, and there he died. Therefore the king soon laid his hands on the church's possession, and gave it to Thurstan his dispenser. When Thurstan died, his son Hugh succeeded to it through the king, on the same basis.**” This business was particularly annoying to the abbey, for the customary knight service was not performed from there, and, if ever geld was taken by royal order, the Faritius’s activities relating to the abbey’s estates, his resumptions; see above, p. 72. Sparsholt is listed amongst Faritius's acquisitions in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 288. 457 See VCH, Berkshire, i. 188-91, iv. 544. This is the earliest known reference to the White Horse; see EPNS, Berkshire, ii. 380. 558 See above, p. Ixxxvii, on the phrase ‘manus inicio’. 55 On Hugh the king's dispenser, see above, p. lxxi.

184

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

e reddere, gildebatur,^ obolum ad ualens, nolente predicto Hugon exoluere^ gildum ipsius etiam suo cum homines de Offentuna s, abbaFaritiu ilis uenerab pater cum cogebantur. Quam iniusticiam apud nunc regem, apud nunc isset, tiam postea regens, comper , ferens circum uicibus multis se ores, reginam, tum apud regni consult terram et ut t, perduxi suum m labore petendo, munerando, ad hoc gildum ipsam et ipsius Hugonis homagium, cum antiquo seruitio et tem liberta . ecclesie ad ia industr sollerti decem hidarum suarum, de littere " itaque Regis . argenti libris^ ta optineret, datis regi sexagin hac re sic se habent:

[ii. 126] 181. Carta regis de Speresholt.*°

s Ego Henricus Dei gratia rex Anglorum, consilio et assensu Mathildi , laicorum uxoris mee baronumque meorum, tam presulum quam sancte reddo atque concedo et in perpetuum confirmo Deo, et ecclesie Marie de Abbendona, et abbati, monachisque eiusdem cenobii, decem hidas in Esperesholt, que et alio nomine uocatur Flagaflora, uidelicet quas tenet inpresentiarum Hugo filius* 'Turstini, curie mee dispensator. Vnde uolo et precipio ut ipse Hugo, et quicumque post eum eas habuerit, hominium inde ecclesie et abbati ac fidelitatem faciat. Et tale seruitium inde faciat predicte ecclesie atque abbati quale factum fuit ab Anskillo eidem ecclesie tempore regis Willelmi patris mei, et tempore Adelelmi eiusdem loci abbatis. Et hoc, pro animabus patris matrisque mee, et fratris mei regis Willelmi, et* anime mee, necnon pro salute uxoris mee Mathildis regine, omniumque fidelium Dei defunctorum, facio, et propria manu confirmo et consigno. "Testibus

[ii. 127]

subscriptis: + Ego Henricus rex redditionem et donationem hanc signaul. Ego’ Rannulfus Dunelmensis episcopus interfui. + Ego Iohannes Batoniensis episcopus interfui et confirmaui. + Ego Herueus Pangornensis episcopus interfui. * Ego Robertus Lincoliensis' episcopus interfui et confirmaul. + Ego Rogerus electus Salesbiriensis episcopus interfui et confirmaui. + Ego Wilielmus de Werelwast interfui. + Ego Waldricus regis cancellarius interfui et confirmaui. + Ego Grimbaldus medicus interfui. + * om. B itae. * libras B C ^ exsoluere B . “ geldebatur B © it seems likely that the words pro salute should appear here; they have ^ ejusdem B ^ each cross either been omitted, or mistakenly placed before the mention of Queen Matilda precedes Ego B ' Lincolniensis B

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185

aforesaid Hugh was unwilling to make payment to the value of half a penny, and the men of Uffington were compelled to pay his geld together with their own. When later the venerable father Faritius was ruling the abbey, he learnt of this injustice, and he travelled about on many occasions, now to the king, now to the queen, now to the counsellors of the kingdom. By asking and by giving, he concluded his labour as follows: after giving the king £60 of silver, he obtained by his resourceful industry both the land and the homage of Hugh himself for the church’s liberty, together with the old service and the geld of his ten hides. The king’s letters about this matter are as follows: 181. Charter of the king concerning Sparsholt.^9? I, Henry, by the grace of God king of the English, by counsel and assent of Matilda my wife and of my barons, both prelates and laymen, give back and grant and in perpetuity confirm to God, and to the church of St Mary of Abingdon, and to the abbot, and to the monks of that monastery, ten hides in Sparsholt (which also has the alternative name of Fawler), that is, those which Hugh son of Thurstan, the dispenser of my court, at present holds. Therefore I wish and order that Hugh himself and whoever has these after him is to do homage and fealty concerning this to the church and abbot. And let him do such service therefrom to the aforesaid church and abbot as was done by Anskill to that church in the time of King William my father, and in the time of Adelelm, abbot of that monastery. And this I do for the souls of [my] father and my mother and my brother King William and my own soul, and also for the salvation of my wife Queen Matilda, and of all the deceased faithful of God, and I confirm and sign it by my own hand. With these witnesses written below: + I King Henry have signed this restoration and gift. I Ranulf bishop of Durham was present. + I John bishop of Bath was present and confirmed. + I Hervey bishop of Bangor was present. + I Robert bishop of Lincoln was present and confirmed. + I Roger bishop elect of Salisbury was present and confirmed.+ I William de Warelwast was present. + I Waldric, the king’s chancellor, was present and confirmed. + I Grimbald the physician was present. + 460 RRAN ii, no. 683, dating to Feb. 1105 when Henry was at Romsey. See above, p. 52 n. 124, on the relationship between Fawler and Sparsholt. See above, p. 132, for other writs concerning Hugh son of Thurstan. See VCH, Berkshire, iv. 314, for carly thirteenthcentury disputes concerning Fawler.

HISTORIA

186

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

Haimo* interNos^ dapiferi Henrici regis Eudo,’ Rogerius Bigod, fuimus et concessimus. + interfui. Ego Vrso de Abetot interfui. + ^Ego Walterus filius Ricardi est anno + Ego Rogerus de Oilei constabulus interfui.^ Hoc actum tercia one indicti quinto, imo centes imo milles Dominice incarnationis m eiusde curia in quinto regis simi serenis i Henric decima, anno uero regis’ apud Romesei. B fo. 150°

C fo. 159"

et domno Igitur eodem | anno idem Hugo Abbendoniam uenit, terra abbati Faritio homagium cum fidelitate et ecclesie pro eadem quod fecit, secundum hunc tenorem, ut ipse omne seruitium faceret AdeTurstinus de Trubbeuilla’ et post eum Anskillus sub abbate

lelmo fecerunt.^5!Hac pactione sic confirmata, idem Hugo | abbatem

rent, et monachos requisiuit, quatinus sibi animeque sui patris indulge Cuius eo quod contra eorum uoluntatem de terra ipsa diu egerant. precibus cum fratres annuissent, ipse in manibus textum euuange "tam liorum accepit, et promisit pro sibi concessis rebus omni anno ipsum quam omnes suos posteros" quinque solidos in Natiuitate sancte Marie Abbendoniam deferre, et monachis loci illius donare. In testimonium affuerunt Ricardus filius Reinfredi, Aredus falconarius regis, et multi alii.

[ii. 128] 182. De terra de Lea! quam Willelmus camerarius tenebat. ^ Est iuxta

Abbendonie

burgum

unius

militis

mansio

que

Lea?

uocatur./? Hanc Willelmus regis camerarius de Lundonia tenebat,

sed nullum inde seruitium militis uel homagium domno Faritio abbati, cum abbatiam primo suscepisset, impendere uolebat. Et contigit interea ut rex Henricus contra fratrem suum Robertum, Normannie comitem, super se in Anglia cum exercitu uenientem,

totius regni sui expeditionem dirigit." Tum

abbas a Willelmo

representationem^ militis expetens, nec ab eius inportunitate impetrans, prudenter id sustinet, et militem ipse quesitum alterum supponit. Verum rege fratri suo pacis firmatione unito, abbatis ^ Gos, rubricator having added wrong initial B * regis written tmice C 74 om. B /^-^ tam ipse quam omnes sui posteri B C k representionem B C

^ initial om. B / initial om. C * Leia B

* [aimo B * Turbeuilla B J Leia B

461 Tt would seem probable that Thurstan de Trubbeuilla is Thurstan the dispenser, but I have been unable to link the dispenser with a suitable place in Normandy.

462 Bessels Leigh, Berks., now Oxon. This and the following two sections are English

Lawsuits, no. 164. DB i, fo. 58", states that ‘William holds [Bessels] Leigh from the abbot’. A William the former chamberlain of London appears in the 1130 Pipe Roll, PR 31 HI,

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187

We, Eudo, Roger Bigod, and Hamo, King Henry’s stewards, were present and granted. + I Urse d'Abetot was present. + I Walter son of Richard was present. + I Roger d’Oilly the constable was present. This was done in the year of our Lord 1105, in the thirteenth indiction, and the fifth year of the most serene King Henry, in the king’s court at Romsey. Therefore in the same year, Hugh came to Abingdon and did homage with fealty to lord Abbot Faritius and the church for this land, according to these terms: that he would do all the service which Thurstan de Trubbeuilla and, beyond him, Anskill did under Abbot

Adelelm.**' When the agreement had been confirmed in this way, Hugh asked the abbot and monks that they forgive him and his father’s soul for long contradicting the monks’ will concerning this land. When the monastic brethren agreed to his prayers, he took the text of the Gospels in his hands and promised for himself that each year both he and all his posterity would bring 5s. to Abingdon at the Nativity of St Mary and give them to the monks of that monastery, for what was granted. Present to witness were Richard son of Reinfrid, Aret the king’s falconer, and many others. 182. Concerning the land of Bessels Leigh which William the chamberlain

held.*? Near to the borough of Abingdon is a manor of one knight which is

called Bessels Leigh.'? William the king’s chamberlain of London held this, but he was unwilling to pay any knight service or homage therefrom to lord Abbot Faritius when he first took over the abbey. And it happened, meanwhile, that King Henry directed the military service of his whole realm against his brother Robert, count of

Normandy, who was coming with an army against him in England.*” Then the abbot sought that William present a knight, but failed in his request because of William's persistent opposition. Prudently he suffered this and himself substituted another knight as required. But once the king had been united to his brother in confirming peace, p. 145, and is probably the addressee of awrit of 1120 x 1122, RRAN ii, no. 1377, but it is uncertain whether all these Williams are the same man, relatives of the same name, or even unrelated. Bessels Leigh is listed amongst Faritius’s acquisitions in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 288. ^3 See above, p. Ixxxi, on Abingdon being described as a borough. 464 rior. See above, p. Ix, on knight service.

188

[ii. 129]

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

e senioris testibus coram deductis quod militem hec possessio tempor eum regnanti regis Willelmi et abbatis Adelelmi inuenit, nunc uero tamdiu, in regi Henrico et eodem indigenti retentum palam fuerit, ille neutram presentia sapientum, hanc rem uentilari fecit, ut Vnde cum negaret, immo fateri sic esse, uera ratione cogeretur. debere merito terre m exorte ipsum isset process um lege patrie decret t" reddidi m, uiroru ant interer qui um bonor e fieri; interpellation est hom*o terram illam illi, eo tenore quod Willelmus effectus unius ium seruit et dedit, tione emenda pro libras ipsius, et decem faciunt e ecclesi s homine ceteri ubi loco omni in militis facere debet e, uel seruitium militum, et nulli unquam debet illam terram uender etiam Pascua firma. feudo in siue dare feudo in uadimonizare, uel ex positi circum ibi sunt ‘qui abbatis bus homini debet in illa terra debet mus Willel et , abbatis mi Adelel e tempor erat omni parte, sicut sui habere abbatis illas consuetudines pro pascuis quas habebant presuorum et abbatis mi Adelel e tempor fuerunt decessores, qui decessorum. Hoc actum est coram his testibus: Nigello de Oili, Hugone de Bochelande, Willelmo uicecomite, Radulfo Basset,’ et multorum aliorum.*

183. De Bydena.^ Disrationauit etiam eo die, abbas Faritius contra Godselinum* de Riueria seruitium unius militis de Bedena. Idem dicebat se non | militum pro feudo quem B fo. 150" debere facere seruitium nisi duorum tenebat de ecclesia, et abbas et sui dicebant eum debere seruitium trium militum. Tandem uero uadimonizauit et seruitium et rectum abbati et firmauit et omnino concessit se et debere facere, et de cetero facturum trium militum seruitium. Et hoc actum est in Abbendonensi camera, coram abbate Faritio, multorum testimonio.

184. De Bradelea.""

Illa die qua predictum placitum finem accepit, coram isdem testibus illius placiti, Willelmus de Gemmetico reddidit et quietas clamauit ^ six and a half lines in somewhat compressed letters, " reddit B ^ regnaret B * Godcelinum B ^ Bidena B over erasure, mith an extensive erasure in margin B / hisdem B C

465 On the court hearing this case, see above, p. xcviii. William was presumably the sheriff of Oxford. 466 Lyell, no. 162, Chatsworth, no. 322, Salisbury acta: 1078-1217, ed. Kemp, no. 42, a charter of Jocelin bishop of Salisbury (1142-84), records that Walter de Rivers gave one third of Beedon to Abingdon in alms, and asked the bishop to confirm his gift. If I am right to conclude that Bomund of ‘Ledis’ in the Abingdon Carta of 1166, below, p. 390, was

THE

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189

the abbot produced witnesses that in the time of King William the elder and Abbot Adelelm this possession found a knight, yet now it was common knowledge that the knight had been denied to the reigning King Henry who required him. The abbot had the matter discussed for so long in the presence of wise men that William denied neither point, but rather was compelled by truthful reasoning to admit it was thus. Therefore, after it had been decided according to the law of the country that he deservedly ought to be deprived of the land, at the intercession of good men who were present the abbot gave him back that land, on these terms: that William was made his man; gave £10 by way of emendation; ought to do the service of one knight everywhere the other men of the church did knight service; and should never sell, or gage, or give that land in fee or fee farm to anyone. He should also allow pasture in that land for the abbot's men, who neighbour there on all sides, as in the time of Abbot Adelelm, and for the pastures William ought to have those customs of the abbot which his predecessors had, who were alive in the time of Abbot Adelelm and his predecessors. This was done in the presence of these witnesses: Nigel d'Oilly, Hugh of Buckland, William the sheriff,

Ralph Basset, and many others.* 183. Concerning Beedon.^ On the same day, Abbot Faritius also deraigned the service of one knight from Beedon, against Jocelin de Rivers. Jocelin was saying that he ought only do the service of two knights for the fee which he was holding from the church, and the abbot and his men were saying that Jocelin owed the service of three knights. At length, indeed, he pledged and confirmed and utterly granted that he ought to do both service and justice to the abbot, and that in future he would do the service of three knights. And this was done in the chamber at Abingdon, in the presence of Abbot Faritius, by the testimony of many. 184. Concerning Bradley." On the day on which the aforesaid plea was settled, in the presence of the same witnesses as that plea, William de Jumiéges gave back and Jocelin's successor, the abbey succeeded in establishing the quota of three also that the list of knight service added in MS B has Walter de Rivers owe knights for Beedon, while a marginal annotation adds ‘according to others below, p. 324. 467 Bradley, Berks., is not named in Domesday, but note that the entry states that William holds five hides in Chieveley from the abbot, DB i, fo. lay in Bradley; see EPNS, Berkshire, 1. 242.

knights. Note two and a half three knights’,

for Chieveley 58", and these

IQO

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

abbas iniuste ei abbati Faritio quinque hidas terre, quas Rainaldus loco qui dicitur in ^ Ciuele, uilla in erant dederat, quia de dominio abbati. it concess erant terra illa Bradelea;^ et omnia que in [ii. 130]

C fo. 160°

185. De una hida in Hannie.^* reddidit ‘Item, eodem anno Rainbaldus miles abbatis de Abbendona us’ tunc abbati Faritio unam hidam terre in Hannie, quam’ Torold inum molend unum et solidis, quatuor uiginti pro habebat ad usuram unum | et solidos, im duodec t reddeba tunc quod* prope Merceham

pratum.'? Eo tenore reddidit sibi ista solide, et quiete, et omni

ab tempore, sine omni calumpnia; ut posset alia que tunc tenebat alia abbate tenere, pro solito seruitio. Et hec ideo reddidit quia hec et et regis u consens sine orum monach dominio de plura habebat monachorum, et “rex reddidit^ ecclesie et abbati omnia dominia di sicut fuerant tempore Adelelmi abbatis. Hec redditio Rainbal Serlone abbate coram onie, Abbend abbatis Faritii manu facta est in

Gloecestrense, et coram multis aliis testibus."

[ii. x31]

186. De Willelmo filio abbatis Rainaldi." Eodem etiam anno, Willelmus filius abbatis Rainaldi unam hidam in Appelford, et alteram in Middeltuna,” et unam wicham que’ in prepositura Merceham sita est, reddidit predicto abbati Faritio; et quia de dominio esse iudicata fuerant, eidem abbati in omni tempore quieta ab omni calumpnia clamauit. Ecclesiam uero de Merceham, sicut predecessor eius Alfricus presbiter, in seruitio abbatis et monachorum deseruiuit, ita et ipse per omnia quamdiu uiueret eodem seruitio deseruiret, et post finem uite sue hominum nullum de ea seu de terra Gersenduna, quam tunc tenebat, heredem faceret, aut, si uxorem duceret, non eam de his ullomodo/ dotaret, sed, eo mortuo, omnia ecclesie, abbati et monachis dimitteret quieta et libera. Inde fidem suam dedit, et fideiussores eidem abbati inuenit. Euolutis uero non multis annis, uenit Abbendonam, cogente infirmitate in qua ^ Bradeleia B ^ Ciuelea B ^ Thoroldus B margin B

extending into central margin B

^* three lines over erasure, with extensive erasure in ** reddidit rex, / calumnia B * qui BC

^ Middeltona B

* quem B

J ullo modo B

* dimittet B 468 See above, p. 56, on Rainbald and Hanney. Hanney is listed amongst Faritius’s acquisitions in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 288. On consent to alienation of church lands, see above, p. Ixxix. *6 The phrase ‘ad usuram’ is an extremely unusual and rather surprising one, given the ecclesiastical prohibition of the charging of interest. DB i, fo. 60', records a Thorold the priest holding the church of Hanney with one hide from Walter Giffard. It is uncertain

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

IOQI

quitclaimed to Abbot Faritius five hides of land which Abbot Reginald had given him unjustly, since they were from the demesne in the village of Chieveley, in the place called Bradley. And he granted to the abbot everything which was on that land. 185. Concerning one hide in Hanney.^9 Likewise, in the same year, Rainbald, a knight of the abbot of Abingdon, gave back to Abbot Faritius one hide of land in Hanney, which Thorold then held for interest for 24s., and one mill next to Marcham which then rendered 12s., and one meadow.*® He gave back these things on these terms, securely and undisturbed, and without ever any claim, so that he could hold for the accustomed service the other possessions he was then holding from the abbot. And he gave them back thus because he had them and many others from the monks’ demesne without the king and monks’ consent, and the king had given back to the church and abbot all their demesnes as they had been in the time of Abbot Adelelm. Rainbald’s restoration was made in the hand of Abbot Faritius of Abingdon in the presence

of Abbot Serlo of Gloucester and of many other witnesses.*”” 186. Concerning William, son of Abbot Reginald.*”' In the same year, too, William son of Abbot Reginald gave back to the aforesaid Abbot Faritius one hide in Appleford, and another in Milton, and a dairy-farm which is situated in the reeveship of Marcham, and since this had been adjudged to be from the demesne, he quitclaimed it to the abbot for all time, from every claim. But he officiated at the church of Marcham, like his predecessor the priest /Elfric, in the service of the abbot and monks, in such a way that as long as he lived he would officiate by the same service in all respects. After the end of his life he would make none of his men heir of this or of the land at Garsington which he then held, or if he took a wife, he would not in any way give her dower from these possessions, but at his death he would surrender them all, undisturbed and free, to the abbot and monks. He gave his faith concerning this and found guarantors for the abbot. A few years later, he came to Abingdon, compelled by the illness of which he died. There he took the monk's whether this is the same Thorold as appears in the text here and below, p. 208; the later text makes it seem somewhat unlikely, since it mentions Thorold allotting tithe to a further priest, but it could be that the married Thorold had another priest carry out his duties.

4 Serlo was abbot 1072—1104; Heads of Religious Houses, p. 52. ^"! See above, p. 58, for the grant to William.

102

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

iam quam obiit, et monachatum ibidem accepit, et reddidit eccles Faritio et abbati et e ecclesi duna tenuerat et terram de Gersen monachis quieta et libera.

B fo. 151°

187. De una hida apud Cernei et dimidia ad Moram.*” Motbertum Turstinus etiam filius Rainaldi de Sancta Helena per am ad dimidi et monachum habuerat unam hidam apud Cernei, um reliqu in tione More, quas clamauit quietas ab omni reclama m abbate isdem tempus in presentia Fa |ritii abbatis. Requisiuit autem eret permitt sibi quatinus molendinum suum apud Merceham^ suo illo habere, et abbas eo tenore hoc ei concessit, ut ita de uilla in illa in molendino procuraret, ne abbatis‘ molendinum aliquo damnum pateretur? 188. De terra de Hann. Hugo de Bochelanda per Motbertum monachum diu tenuerat immerito terram quam ^Wlfui Bullochesege^ olim per conuentum Abbendonie ad tempus habituram susceperat, in uilla scilicet Hanni

uocitata."* Quocirca huius auctoritatem abbatis, qua se de hoc

[ii. 132]

commoneri libenter ferebat, plurimum reuerens, restituit ecclesie libertati eandem. Verum et miles nomine Osbernus, qui sibi de ea hactenus seruierat, ecclesie et abbatis hom*o effectus est unius militis seruitii ad singula militum officia pactione.*^

189. De siluis apud Winekefeld/ *’° Walterus filius Oteri, castellanus de Wildesore, reddidit abbati Faritio duas siluas uocatas Virdele et Bacsceat apud Winekefeld nostram uillam, que pertinuerant ecclesie Abbendonie, sed eas per predecessores huius abbatis, uidelicet Adelelmum et Rainaldum, hucusque tenuerat. Hanc redditionem primo apud castellum Wildesores abbati eidem reddidit, et deinde ad Natiuitatem sancte Marie uxorem suam ^ Cerneia B

Bullokes ege B

? Mercham B

^ abbas B

^ monacum B

^* Wlfuui

^ Welliford B

5? Charney Basset, Berks. DB i, fo. 59", states that ‘the abbey itself holds Charney’. Moor is probably the place now called Draycott Moor or Southmoor; EPNS, Berkshire, 11. 404-5. DB i, fo. 59", states that ‘the abbey itself holds Draycott and always held it’.

473 On the St Helen family, sce above, p. Ixv. Thurstan held land at Frilford, the

neighbouring settlement to Marcham, DB i fo. 58", and his mill was presumably upstream on the river Ock from the abbot’s own mill at Marcham. DB i, fo. 58°, mentions only one mill at Marcham, none at Frilford.

474 See above, p. 62 and n. 152. 475 For this holding sce also below, p. 208, where it is revealed that Osbern was nephew

THE

HISTORY

THE

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193

habit, and gave back to the church and Abbot Faritius and the monks, undisturbed and free, the church which he had held and the land at Garsington.

187. Concerning one hide at Charney and half at Moor.*? Through the monk Modbert, Thurstan son of Reginald of St Helen had had one hide at Charney and half a hide at Moor, which he quitclaimed in the presence of Abbot Faritius from all further claim for the remainder of time. He moreover requested the abbot that he permit him to have his mill at Marcham, and the abbot granted this to him on the following terms, that he administer his mill in such a way that the abbot’s mill in the same village suffer no loss.*” 188. Concerning the land of Hanney. Undeservedly, through the monk Modbert, Hugh of Buckland had long held the land in the village called Hanney which Wulfwig *Bullock's Eye’ had formerly received as a temporary holding through the convent of Abingdon."^ He greatly revered Abbot Faritius's authority, and on this matter willingly let himself be advised by that authority, and therefore he restored this land to the liberty of the church. In addition, the knight named Osbern, who hitherto had served him from the land, was made the man of the church and the

abbot on the terms of one knight’s service for each knight’s duty.*”° 189. Concerning the woods at Winkfield.*”° Walter son of Other, the castellan of Windsor, gave back to Abbot Faritius two woods called Virdelea and Bacsceat at our village of Winkfield. These woods had belonged to the church of Abingdon, but Walter had hitherto held them through this abbot’s predecessors, that is Adelelm and Reginald. He first made this restoration to the abbot at Windsor castle and then sent his wife Beatrice with their son William to Abingdon at the Nativity of St Mary [8 Sept.], so that they of Modbert, custodian of the church following the death of Abbot Reginald. A list in MS C in the same hand as the History, below, p. 393, records Osbern of Hanney holding three hides. DB i, fo. 60", records an Osbern as one of two tenants of Walter Giffard in W. Hanney. The phrase ‘ad singula militum officia’ is very unusual, and therefore somewhat obscure. Officia may have ‘overtones from canon law, but its sense remains uncertain. The phrase perhaps means that Osbern held only part of a fee, and was to do the appropriate proportion of the service. Note that in 1166, below, p. 391, a hide at Hanney owed one fifth of a knight’s service. 476 “Two woods in the forest of Windsor’ are listed amongst Faritius’s acquisitions in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 288. See also above, p. 8, where the first of the woods is called Terdelea.

HISTORIA

194

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

sit, ut quod Beatricem cum filio suo Willelmo Abbendoniam transmi factum est. et Quod . marent confir donie ipse domi fecerat ipsi Abben

190. De Nigello de Oili."

ord, et unam Nigellus de Oilio tenebat unum pratum apud Oxenef scilicet hidam in Sandford, et alteram in Earnecote, de feudo e tempor post Abbendonie, sed nullum homagium uel seruitium longo fecerat. e aduentus ipsius Faritii abbatis ad Abbendoniam inde ecclesi iocinando egit, ut et ecclesie fo. 160" | Quapropter abbas contra ipsum disrat eadem in et sibi pro his que tenebat homagium faceret, et hoc tenore , et quietet posterum recognosceret, scilicet ut in omni regis gildo ipsa Berbus abbati sicut suo domino ubique seruiat. In uicecomitati erit, chescire et Oxenefordscire, quandocumque abbas eum mandau ab bitur excusa paratus aderit, nec [ii. 133] ad auxiliandum sibi et seruiendum ita si Quod o. ecclesie seruitio nisi regis eum detinuerit^ executi ium constiterit, pro se de melioribus suis hominibus in abbatis obsequ forte d aliquo transmittet/ In curia etiam regis, si abbati placitum habendum contigerit, ipsius abbatis parti idem aderit, nisi contra regem placitandum forte fuerit. Ad eandem curiam uenienti abbati um procurabit hospicium, et si aptum illi non inuenerit, suum propri cedet ipsius receptui.^?

B fo. 151"

191. De quadam terra in Oxeneford.*” Eodem mense quo et ista uentilata est causa, abbas contra eundem Nigellum de Oili disratiocinauit quandam terre portiunculam infra Oxeneforde* ciuitatem sitam, in uia scilicet qua itur a sancti Michaelis ecclesia ad castellum. Que terra manerio Tademertune ab antiquo adiacet | tempore. Verum hec precedenti tempore in neglectum uenerat, adeo ut de hac nullam exhiberet/ tunc Nigellus ecclesie recognitionem. Itaque ipsius abbatis iuste rationi se idem submittens, tali post illud tempus tenore de ecclesia predicta terram suscepit tenendam, ut gablum antiquitus consuetum inde persolui, id est sex denarios, et ipse Nigellus singulis annis ad Natiuitatem sancte Marie illi collectori in eadem uilla redderet? qui aliud ecclesie gablum illic * Oili 5 * Oxeneforde B

* trasmittet 5

A ditinuerit B / exiberet B

^ respectui B

* ut add. B

477 English Lawsuits, no 206. See above, p. 34, and Charters of Abingdon Abbey, p. 463, on these lands.

;

478 I here retain use of the present and future tenses, since the History may be

reproducing an earlier record of the agreement.

THE

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195

could confirm at Abingdon what he had done at home. And this was done. 190. Concerning Nigel d’Oilly.*”’ Nigel d’Oilly held one meadow at Oxford, and one hide in Sandford and another in Arncott, from the fee of Abingdon, but had done no homage or service therefrom to the church for a long time after Abbot Faritius’s coming to Abingdon. Therefore the abbot proceeded against him by court action, so that he would do homage to the church and Faritius for what he was holding, and recognize their lordship of these things for the future, on these terms, that is, that he discharge them of all the king’s geld, and serve the abbot everywhere as his lord. Whenever the abbot instructs him, he will come to help and serve him in the county courts of Berkshire and Oxfordshire, and he will not excuse himself from the service of the church unless performance of the king’s business detains him. If this happens, he is to send in his place one of his best men for the abbot’s service. Also, if by chance it happens that the abbot has a plea in the king’s court, he will be present on the abbot’s side, unless by chance the abbot is pleading against the king. He will provide lodging for the abbot when he comes to that court, and if he finds nothing suitable for the abbot, he shall give up his own lodgings for his accommodation.*” 191. Concerning certain land in Oxford.*” In the same month as that case was heard, the abbot also deraigned against Nigel d’Oilly a small portion of land situated within the city of Oxford, on the road which goes from St Michael’s church to the castle. From of old this land has belonged to the manor of Tadmarton. However, this connection had since been neglected, so that Nigel was then displaying to the church no recognition of its lordship of the land. Nigel submitted to the just reasoning of Abbot Faritius, and received the land to hold thereafter from the aforesaid church on the following terms: that as of old the accustomed rent be paid therefrom, that is 6d., and Nigel himself should render it annually at the Nativity of St Mary [8 Sept.] to the collector who collects the church's other ^? English Lamsuits, no. 207. The church concerned is St Michael at the South Gate, which no longer exists. Salter, Medieval Oxford, p. 25 n. 1, suggests that this was a Domesday holding ‘apparently on the site of Pembroke College’; see also his Survey of Oxford (2 vols., Oxford Hist. Soc., New Series, xiv, xx, 1960, 1969), ii. 83-4 (SW99). John Blair suggests to me that another possibility would be to take this road as the present Brewer Street which ran outside the city wall, and the land concerned perhaps to be the tenements mentioned in Salter, Survey, ii. 37-8 (SW35-37).

HISTORIA

196

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

terram coram collegeret. Quod placitum factum est super eandem multis testibus.

192. De Waltero Giffar."

um septem Walterus comes iunior, cognomine Gifardus, maneri ecclesie iure ex est , et [ii. 134] hidarum quod uocatur Linford tenebat molitenere contra m huius, sed ipse comes inde seruitium debitu

ebatur.**! Qua re industria abbatis Faritii tantum in hoc preualuit, ut

Roberto idem comes, coram episcopis’ Rogero Saresbiriensi ac hom*o abbatis et Lincoliensi,’ et multis regis baronibus, ecclesie omnium seruiti unius efficeretur, eo tenore ut ex illa terra militis omnia modo reddat, quo alii ecclesie milites seruitia exhibent.^ Hec domo in ord Oxenef disratiocinata/ fuere, precepto Henrici regis, apud quod eo fecit, suam Thome de Sancto Iohanne, ubi abbas tunc curiam ille Thomas suus hom*o erat. 193. De Lechamsted.* ** In huiusmodi contentionibus" nemo sic ipsi abbati impedimento obstitit, ut Herebertus regis cubicularius atque thesaurarius. Siquidem per abbatem Rainaldum unam hidam in Ferneburga,’ itemque per Motbertum/ monachum in eodem manerio portionem terre que Kingescumbe uocatur, et uillam Lecamstede^ appellatam possederat,

nec de his seruitium aliquod reddebat./? Volens itaque is’ patrem

sepe nominandum hunc donationes illas sibi confirmare, per reginam, per maiores regni, tum abbatem, tum monachos, multotiens de ea re interpellabat. Verum quia longum foret exequi quanta uir ille contra ecclesiam ac abbatem machinatus est, eo quod uelle suo obsistebant, ideo his omissis finalem inde exsoluamus.

[ii. 135]

194. De Herberto cubiculario. Constantia abbatis in ecclesie negotii defensione predictus uir cognita, ipsemet solis comitatus suis amicis uenit Abbendoniam, et ipsi abbati ^ Giffard B / disratinata B

J Mortbertum B

^ Giffardus B * Lechamsteda B

* exibent B ^ Lincolniensi B * om. B ! Ferneburgam B C ^ contentionis B C

* Lechamstede B

! his 8 C

480 English Lawsuits, no. 162, which presumes ‘Earl Giffard, and therefore dates the case to between 29 bishop of Salisbury) and the end of 1102 (the death younger’ may refer to Walter III, who succeeded his n. 298, on the Giffards.

481 DB

Walter the younger’ to be Walter II Sept. 1102 (Roger's nomination as of Walter II); however ‘Walter the father Walter II. See above, p. 126

i fo. s9', records that ‘Walter Giffard holds Lyford

[Berks.] from

the

THE

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197

rent there. This plea was held on that land in the presence of many witnesses. 192. Concerning Walter Giffard.*? Earl Walter the younger, surnamed Giffard, was holding a manor of seven hides which is called Lyford, and is the property of this church,

yet that earl strove to withhold the service due therefrom.**! Abbot Faritius’s efforts concerning this matter so prevailed that, in the presence of Bishops Roger of Salisbury and Robert of Lincoln and many of the king’s barons, the earl was made the man of the church and abbot, on the terms that he render the service of one knight from that land in every way in which the church’s other knights do service. All these matters were deraigned by King Henry’s order at Oxford in the house of Thomas of St John, where the abbot then held his court, because Thomas was his man. 193. Concerning Leckhampstead.^? No one created such difficulties for Abbot Faritius in this type of conflict as Herbert, the king’s chamberlain and treasurer. Through Abbot Reginald he had possessed one hide in Farnborough, and likewise through the monk Modbert a portion of land called Kingscombe in the same manor, and the village called Leckhampstead, and he rendered no service from these.**? He wished, therefore, that this father, whom it has often been necessary to mention [i.e. Faritius], should confirm these gifts to him, and he often brought requests concerning this matter, sometimes to the abbot, sometimes to the monks, through the queen and through the greater men of the realm. But as it would be long-winded to continue with the extent of that man's plotting against the church and abbot, in that they resisted his will, we omit these things and explain the outcome. 194. Concerning Herbert the chamberlain. When Herbert recognized the abbot’s constancy in defence of the church’s business, he came to Abingdon accompanied only by his abbot. . . . Then and now seven hides’. A survey from the time of Henry I or Stephen, below, p. 387, has Ralph de Langetot'hold seven hides in Lyford; he may have been the sub-tenant. Lyford is listed amongst Faritius’s acquisitions in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 288. 482 Leckhampstead is listed amongst Faritius's acquisitions in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 288. On the headings for this and the following section, see above, p. xxxv n. 126. 483 DB i fo. s9', states that ‘the abbey itself holds Farnborough’, Berks. EPNS, Berkshire, ii. 501, states that ‘it seems likely that this . . . is Coombe F[ar|m in Farnborough, perhaps called Kinges- because held for a time by a royal official’.

198

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

cum Kingesac ecclesie libere se restituere hidam in Ferneburga Lechamstede terra de ium seruit omnino cumba, sed et unius militis marcam sione conces hac pro atque " ex illo iam tempore exhibiturum, i tali monach et abbas | modo solum t, C fo. 161" auri obiaturum, simul promisi pluritu consul tum sapien rationi Cuius tenori beniuoli efficerentur. m et fructu e ecclesi ad bantur offere que et morum abbas tum annuens, e et ecclesi ium homag illi, stede Lecham utilitatem recepit, et uillam it. concess | habere ne B fo. 152" sibi facienti, predicta pactio 195. De Westona.*** cti’ Concessit etiam abbas Faritius Roberto filio Willelmi Maledo quam terram quatuor hidarum in Westuna in feudum tenendam, faciet, pater suus tenuerat ab antecessore ipsius. Et hoc seruitium inde um scilicet quod, ubicumque ecclesia Abbendonensis fecerit seruiti , militum, ipse pro dimidio milite seruitium faciat eiusdem ecclesie in scilicet in custodia castelli, in expeditione ultra et citra mare, s, dandis nummis pro milite, in custodia regis, et ceteris aliis seruitii

sicut alii milites ecclesie faciunt. ? Homagium quoque fecit eidem

abbati. Hec terra prius faciebat per annum.

seruitium

trium

ebdomadarum

tantum

196. De una uirgata* in Dreituna 7 6 Anno duodecimo Henrici regis, Warinus Mancus clamauit quietam [ii. 136] unam uirgatam terre apud Dreitunam, et unam mansionem hospicii in hac uilla, tam uidelicet a se quam ab omnibus suis heredibus, ecclesie sancte Marie Abbendonensi. Et hoc factum est coram domno Faritio abbate et coram multis testibus. 197. ^Cirographum de terra de Cestretona.‘ **” Campsio terrarum que infra legitur, facta est consensu omnium monachorum et bonorum hominum ecclesie Abbendonensis, inter domnum Faritium abbatem eiusdem ecclesie et Anskitillum suum

hominem de Tademertuna.*** Idem Anskitillus, cum filio suo Roberto " corr. from Maledicti C ^ exibiturum B ** Cirographum de Cestretona B

* terre add. B

^ Draituna B

555 On knight service, see above, p. lx. 484 See also the writ, above, p. 134. 486 Berks.; probably East Drayton, on which see VCH, Berkshire, iv. 341-2, Charters of

Abingdon Abbey, pp. 322-3. Domesday may conceal extensive Abingdon holdings there, as given by Kings Eadwig and Edgar (Charters of Abingdon Abbey, nos. 78, 85—ten and twenty hides respectively) and revealed in twelfth-century documents, below, p. 387, CMA ii. 310 (eighteen and twenty hides respectively). Alternatively or additionally, lands there may have been lost before 1066 and regained after 1086. DB i, fo. 61", records that Hascoit Musard held Drayton in 1086 for one hide, and that Godwine had held it ‘in alodio’ from

THE

HISTORY

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199

friends, and promised that he would restore the hide in Farnborough together with Kingscombe freely to the abbot and the church; that he would henceforth fully perform the service of one knight from the land of Leckhampstead; and that he would offer a mark of gold for this grant, merely that the abbot and monks be made agreeable to such a stipulation. On the advice of very many wise men the abbot then agreed to his argument and received what was offered to the benefit and advantage of the church; on the aforesaid terms he granted the village of Leckhampstead to Herbert as he did homage to the church and abbot. 195. Concerning Weston.*** Abbot Faritius also granted to Robert son of William Mauduit land of four hides in Weston, to hold in fee, which Robert’s father had held from the abbot’s predecessor. And he was to do the following service therefrom, namely that wherever the church of Abingdon did knight service, he would do that church’s service for half a knight, that is, in castle-guard, in military service beyond and this side of the sea, in giving penny coins for a knight, in the king’s guard service, and in all

other services, as the church’s other knights do.** He also did homage to Abbot Faritius. weeks’ service each year.

This

land previously

only did three

196. Concerning one virgate in Drayton.**° In King Henry’s twelfth year [5 Aug. 1111-4 Aug. 1112], Warin Mancus quitclaimed to the church of St Mary of Abingdon one virgate of land at Drayton and one tenement of a house in the same village, both from himself and from all his heirs. And this he did in the presence of lord Abbot Faritius and many witnesses.

197. Cirograph concerning the land of Chesterton.**’ The exchange of lands which is declared below was made between lord Faritius abbot of that church and Ansketel his man of Tadmarton, by the consent of all the monks and good men of the

church of Abingdon.*? Ansketel came with his son Robert and his King Edward as a manor for three and a half hides. The Musard family are not heard of again in this context. For Hascoit, see also Keats-Rohan, Domesday People, p. 246. See also DB i, fo. 60", for Earl Hugh's holding at Drayton. 487 See above, pp. Ixxv—vi, on the consolidation of estates. 488 MS B's list of knights, below, p. 322, includes an Ansketel owing two knights for Bessels Leigh and Chesterton. For another mention of an Ansketel, see above, p. 118. A Robert son of Ansketel witnesses a charter of the count of Meulan above, p. 150, but these need not be men of the same family.

200

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

coram omni et cum amicis, uenit in capitulum Abbendonense, uicinis, et conuentu et militibus et seruientibus ecclesie et multis et domorum reddidit cum filio suo in manu abbatis quicquid terrarum in Tadeerat possed modo aliquo ante que ecclesie et uiridariorum ipse et e, tempor omni quieta uocauit nia mertuna, et omni calump tate auctori et horum monac m omniu su consen heredes eius. Et abbas, cum tuna,* Cestre de terram one campsi in illa pro militum, dedit sibi am, ut, omnibus sibi pertinentibus, hereditario iure in feudo habend illam haberet ita t, habuera feudo in rtuna Tademe sicut ipse illam de e ecclesi t facieba quod ium seruit omne illud de Cestretona,’ et tona. Cestre de faceret illud omne ’ rtuna, Abbendonensi de Tademe e Terra autem de Tademertuna^ quietat se in gildo regis pro quinqu et abbati erat graue quia Et hida. sola una pro hidis, Cestretuna uero* omnem illus Anskit t donaui , reddere gildum monachis/ tantum decimam omnium segetum sui dominii de Cestretuna^ ecclesie de Abbendonia omni tempore, et heredes eius in perpetuum post eum. i Dei gratia Anglorum [ii. 137] Hoc actum est in quarto anno Henric in capitulo Abbendorum, Martia m nonaru die strenuissimi regis, Warengerio priore, abbate, scilicet eodem s: testibu nensi, coram his Kitello, Sagaro,' alio et Kitello no, Halawi , Alfrico Alfrico et alio rio, Benedicto; cellara mo Willel , cantore mo Willel o, Sarico, /Robert ino, Milone, August bus, iuueni ao Nichol do, Rainal , Roberto diacono Lamberti sororio o Robert rum: clerico que; ceteris pueris, mo et Willel m plurialioru et am,* Merceh de ero presbit o Robert B fo. 152" presbi|tero,

morum; ? laicorum:

eodem

Anskillo cum

filio suo Roberto, et

Ansgero suo homine, et multorum aliorum. Vt autem hec campsio firma foret ad opus Anskitilli,’ firmata est duobus breuibus sigillatis Henrici comitis de Warewic, ex cuius feudo est Cestretuna. Ex quibus sigillis, unum est in thesauro Abbendonensi et aliud habet Anskitillus.*”°

C fo. 161”

198. Carta comitis Warmicensis" de eadem terra. | Henricus comes Dei gratia de Warwic” Faritio abbati de Abbendona et omnibus suis monachis, salutem et amicitiam. Sciatis me concessisse, pro amore Dei et uestro, illam campsionem quam fecistis cum Ansketillo homine uestro de Cestretuna pro terra sua de Tademertuna,’ eo scilicet tenore, ut, sicut ipse tenuit illam de ^ Tademertona B * 'Tademertona B ^ Cestretuna B ^ Cestratuna B ' Saga B ^ Cestratuna B * Ankitillus B ^ monakis C * et add. B 73 om. B " Warewic B

* Mercheam B ^ Tadmertuna B

! Ankitilli B

™ Warewicensis

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

201

friends to the chapter of Abingdon, and with his son, in the presence of the whole convent and the knights and servants of the church and many neighbours, gave back into the abbot’s hand whatever of the church’s lands and houses and greens he had previously possessed in Tadmarton in any way, and on behalf of himself and his heirs he vouched that they would be quit forever of all claim. And by the consent of all the monks and on the authority of the knights, the abbot gave him in exchange for that the land of Chesterton to have in fee by hereditary right with everything pertaining to it, so that just as he had had the land of Tadmarton in fee so he would have that of Chesterton, and he would do all the service from Chesterton which he used to do for the church of Abingdon from Tadmarton. But the land of Tadmarton acquits itself in the king’s geld for five hides, Chesterton for only one hide. And since it was burdensome for the abbot and monks to render so much geld, Ansketel gave the entire tithe of all the crops of his demesne of Chesterton to the church of Abingdon for all time, and his heirs would do so in perpetuity after him. This was done in the fourth year of Henry by the grace of God most vigorous king of the English, on 7 March [1104], in the chapter of Abingdon, in the presence of these witnesses: namely, this abbot, Warenger the prior, both /Elfrics, Halawin, both Ketels, Sagar, Saric, Robert, William the cantor, William the cellarer, Benedict, Robert the deacon, Reginald and Nicholas the young men, Augustine, Miles and William the boys, and others; of clerics: Robert the priest (brother-inlaw of Lambert), Robert priest of Marcham, and of many others;"? of laymen: the same Anskill [i.e. Ansketel] with his son Robert, and Ansger his man, and of many others. Moreover, so that this exchange be firm for Ansketel's benefit, it was confirmed by two sealed writs of Henry earl of Warwick, of whose fee Chesterton is. One of these seals

is in the treasury of Abingdon, and Ansketel has the other. 198. Charter of the earl of Warwick concerning this land. Henry by the grace of God earl of Warwick to Faritius abbot of Abingdon and all his monks, greeting and friendship. Know that, for God's love and your love, I have granted that exchange which you made with Ansketel your man concerning Chesterton in return for his land of Tadmarton, that is, on the following terms: that just as he 489 See above, p. lvii, on various of these monastic witnesses. Saric conceivably is Saric the cook, mentioned below, p. 284. Robert priest of Marcham could just conceivably be the man mentioned below, p. 286. 490 See above, p. xviii.

202

[ii. 138]

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

a successoribus Tademertuna“ a uobis et seruiuit, ita teneat a uobis et e ecclesie de uestris illam de Cestretuna, et seruiat omni tempor parte comitis: ex s: testibu his coram est Abbendona. Hoc factum o dapiRobert et ano, capell Wih et ero, Herlewino scilicet presbit

do, et fero;'?!* ex parte abbatis: /Elfrico^ monacho, Bernerio, et Rainal

et Anskitillo, et alio Rainaldo,7? militibus. In presentia comitis sstrenui rum Anglo i Henric anno quarto in , abbatis, in uilla Bragels simi regis. 199. De Turstino de Sancta Helena. terra 'Turstino etiam de Sancta Helena escambiuit idem abbas, pro orsum* sinistr ibus tendent m ecclesia ad rd Ycchefo que a ponte continetur, cum omnibus sibi adiacentibus, terram que ueteri gurgiti adiacet, in loco qui Anglice dicitur Helenestou, inferius scilicet.

200. De Bernero milite. Bernero uero, pro terra que a Bertona curiam uersus itinerantibus dextrorsum est, terram que Blachegraue dicitur, cum hospicio quod

Goisfredi cementarii fuerat.""*

201. De Henrico filio Oii. Henricum etiam filium Oini fecit heredem de omnibus que fuerant patris sui dum uiueret, eo tenore ut unius militis seruitium per omnia faceret.?5 De hida uero quam in uilla Draituna habet, que de dominio ecclesie est, si abbas ipsi auferre uoluerit, pro illa campsionem ei restituat. ^ 'Tadmertuna B * sinistror B

^ cappellano B

* et add. B

^ Alfrico B

41 Professor Crouch (personal communication) suggests that *Wih' the chaplain is

probably a William capellanus associated with the earl of Warwick who appears e.g. in the cartulary of Kenilworth Abbey, London, British Library, Harl. 3605, fo. 11°. For a list of the stewards of the earls of Warwick, see Crouch, ‘Earls of Warwick’, pp. 21-2.

42 The two Reginalds cannot be identified with any certainty. 493 On Thurstan see above, p. lxv. EPNS, Berkshire, ii. 400, identifies the bridge at

Yccheford as Ock Bridge. ‘Helenstow’ means ‘the holy place of Helen’, and is land associated with the church of St Helen; EPNS, Berkshire, ii. 439, and note Vol. i, c. B7 (CMA i. 7); see also the street map of medieval Abingdon in Abingdon Cartularies, ii, p. Ixvii, fig. 5.

44 Blagrove was in the manor of Wootton, Berks.; see EPNS, Berkshire, ii. 462, and

below, p. 292. DB i, fo. 58", states that *the abbey itself holds Barton in demesne’; Barton, Berks., contained the borough of Abingdon, which is not named in Domesday. For the area of the monastic precinct known as the court, see Plan, p. cv. ^5 Henry may be the son of the ‘Wini’, mentioned above, p. 78; see above, p. 146, for

THE

HISTORY

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203

held that land of Tadmarton from you and did service, so he is to hold from you and your successors the land of Chesterton and for all time is to do service to the church of Abingdon. This was done in the presence of these witnesses: from the earl’s side: Herluin the priest and Wih the chaplain, and Robert the steward;*! from the abbot's side: /Elfric the monk, and the knights Berner and Reginald and

Ansketel and the other Reginald.*” In the presence of the earl and abbot in the village of Brailes, in the fourth year of King Henry the most vigorous king of the English. 199. Concerning Thurstan of St Helen.*” In return for the land which is enclosed on the left from the bridge of Yecheford for those proceeding to the church, together with everything belonging to that land, the same abbot also exchanged with Thurstan of St Helen the land lying near the old weir, in the place called in English Helenstow, which is lower down the river. 200. Concerning Berner the knight. He exchanged with Berner the land which is called Blagrove, together with the house which was Geoffrey the mason’s, in return for the land which is to the right for those travelling from Barton towards the

court.*”* 201. Concerning Henry son of Oint. He also made Henry son of Oini heir of everything which had been his father’s while he was alive, on the terms that he would do the

service of one knight for everything." Moreover, if the abbot wished to take away from him the hide which he had in the village of Drayton, which is from the church’s demesne, he was to give him an exchange for it. Oini appearing as a witness to a gift of Henry d’Aubigny, named in a marginal addition in MS C, in the main text in MS B. On Abingdon’s lands at Drayton, see above, p. 198. What other lands passed to Henry is uncertain. A list from Henry I or Stephen's time, below, p. 387, mentions Henry son of Oini holding one hide in Dry Sandford, Berks., and, p. 387, a Henry holding one hide in Drayton. Another list, of the same period, mentions a «Henricus filius Idini’ holding three hides, below, p. 393; this may be the same man. The list of knights in MS B, below, p. 324, has a Henry son of Oini holding three hides in Abingdon, and two hides in Hill, Warw. The Testa de Nevill, ii. 845, 848, 853, mention a Hugh son of Henry holding a knight's fee in Abingdon, Drayton, and Sandford. Testa de Nevill, ii. 953, mentions a Hugh of Abingdon holding one sixth of a knight's fee from the abbot at Hill. For further discussion of the family, sec A. E. Preston, The Church and Parish of St Nicholas, Abingdon (Oxford Hist. Soc., xcix, 1935), pp. 403-9; for the location of their lands in Abingdon, known as FitzHarris, see the map in Cartularies, ii, p. lxvi.

204 [ii. 139]

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

202. De Godrico de Celuesgraue."^ quanEgilwinus filius Godrici de Celuesgraue celauit abbati Faritio

tum terre habebat.?7Dicebat etiam non nisi duodecim acras in campo

o monase habere, sicut ei in conuentione factum fuerat in capitul aliter inuenit chorum. Sed ipse abbas, inquisitione certa de hoc facta, im duodec is istud se habere, et multo amplius terre illum cum predict m eiusde acris tenuisse. Vnde iudicatum est pro hoc forisfacto in curia

?? abbatis, ut predictus uir singulis annis sex sextarios mellis redderet, fecerat sicut antea duos reddiderat, et cetera seruitia sicut antea monachorum usui persolueret.

«Bios:

203. De Rogero Maledocto." ^? in Rogerus Maledoctus, cum sua coniuge nomine Odelina, uenit remesuarum um capitulum monachorum Abbendone, et pro animar dio dederunt sancte Marie et huic ecclesie ter |rum cum domibus quas in Oxeneforde^ habebant, et talem finis uite sue conuentionem fecerunt: ut uidelicet, cum quis ipsorum moreretur, huc se sepelien tunc anima sua pro suo dum deferri preciperent, et centum solidos de ecclesie donaret. Que conuentio facta est in presentia domni Faritii abbatis, sub istorum laicorum testimonio: Raineri medici, Turstini

Basset, et aliorum plurimorum."

[ii. 140]

204. De Ermenol burgensi.?! Ermenol, burgensis de Oxeneford,’ tenebat de abbate/ wicham* que est iuxta pontem Oxeneford, pro quadraginta solidis ad gablum, et contigit ut gablum detineret anno uno. Quare abbas, sequenti anno messis tempore, quicquid pecunie desuper terram illam inueniri poterat namari iussit, et terram prohiberi. At ipse Ermenoldus pro se Walterum archidiaconum de Oxeneford et "Rac' de Standlac"

abbati transmisit,? et pecuniam suam eorundem plegio recepit, die statuto placitandi et plegio quietandi. Dies postea statutus uenit, nec placitor, nec plegius quietandus affuit. Vnde abbas predictos plegios

^ Ermenold B © Oxeneford 5 ^ Maledicto B ^ Cheluesgraue B ^^ Ricardum de Stanlache 5 * wicam B / Faritio add. B * Oxeford B 46 English Lawsuits, no. 208. The place-name could be Chalgrove, Oxon., or Chalgrave, Beds. It was probably carelessness on the part of the rubricator which made the heading mention Godric rather than Egilwin.

497 Egel-/Egil- names developed from the Old English Ethel-, in this case /Ethelwine.

48 A sester of honey was generally four gallons, but occasionally five to six gallons; Zupko, Weights and Measures, p. 374^99 I have been unable to identify with certainty either the donors or the precise location of the lands and houses in Oxford which Roger gave to Abingdon.

THE

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205

202. Concerning Godric of Celvesgrave.9 Egilwin son of Godric of Celvesgrave concealed from Abbot Faritius how much land he had.*”’ For he said he only had twelve acres in the field, as had been made over to him in an agreement in the monks’ chapter. But the abbot made a specific enquiry concerning this, and found that it was otherwise, in that Egilwin held much more land with the aforesaid twelve acres. Therefore it was commanded in the abbot’s court that for this wrong Egilwin should render six sesters of honey,?? as previously he had rendered two, and pay the other services for the monks' use as he had previously done them.

203. Concerning Roger Mauduit.*” Roger Mauduit, with his wife named Odelina, came to the chapter of the monks of Abingdon, and for the cure of their souls they gave to St Mary and to this church the land and houses which they had in Oxford, and made the following agreement concerning the end of their lives: namely, they ordered that when either of them was dying, they were to be brought here for burial, and would then give the church roos. of their own for their soul. This agreement was made in the presence of lord Abbot Faritius, under the witness of these laymen: Rainer the physician, Thurstan Basset, and many others.^? 204. Concerning the burgess, Ermenold.?! Ermenold, a burgess of Oxford, held from the abbot a dairy-farm next to Oxford bridge, for 40s. rent, and it happened that one year he withheld the rent. Therefore, the following year at harvest time, the abbot ordered the seizure of whatever livestock could be found on that land and forbade him access to it. But Ermenold sent Walter archdeacon of Oxford and Richard of Standlake to the abbot on his

behalf;"? he received back his livestock on their surety, and a day was set for pleading and for the acquitting of surety. Afterwards, the specified day came, and neither the pleader nor the surety to be acquitted was present. Therefore the abbot initiated a complaint 500 This is the sole mention of Rainer to appear in Kealey, Medieval Medicus, pp. 32, 142; he does not appear in Talbot and Hammond, Medical Practitioners. Thurstan may be Ralph Basset’s son, also mentioned below, pp. 248, 250. 501 English Lawsuits, no. 209; see Hudson, Land, Lam, and Lordship, pp. 27, 30, 32. The contemporary existence of more than one Ermenold makes it difficult to say more about the protagonist; see Oseney, i, no. 40, witnessed by ‘duobus Ermenoldis’. See also above, . Xcili. | 5? Bor the possible identification of Richard of Standlake with Richard de Grey, see above, p. 154 n. 369.

206

C fo. 162"

HISTORIA

ABBENDONENSIS

familiares ei ascitos mouit de habita re questionem. Et quia in amore Ermenoldum erant, eorum internuntio mediante inter se | et ipsum de suis actum est ut iste uir misericordiam abbatis quereret, et hoc terre id quicqu ut eret, conced done Abben e rebus abbati et ecclesi , proprie sibi siue burgo, deforis et burgo habebat sua procuratione in i), episcop aut , baronis regis, esset siue in uadem posite (nec tamen t ab totum simul ecclesia haberet. Creditores autem terre, si possen uero, sin eam; ent reciper e, abbate suam terram ex uadimonio quietar

abbati et monachis

[ii. 141]

ECCLESIE

permaneret."

At uero

abbas eidem uiro

dona concessit, ut si uellet monachus fieri, monachum in Abben degere, eum faceret. Quod si mallet in uilla Abbendonie laicus et hospicium ei procuraretur conueniens, et uictus unius monachi i unius seruientis sibi daretur. Hoc factum est in domo predict to predic coram te, annuen mo Willel filio^ et e Ermenoldi, sua coniug in Waltero et ‘Rac’ de Standlac,’ et multis aliis. Sed et postea eadem et modo eodem sum conces portmannimot ostensum et

conuentione est. 205. De decima “uille que dicitur Bulehea dd Anno quinto regni Henrici regis intrante, Willelmus de Sulaham* dedit Deo, et sancte Marie, et abbati Faritio, et monachis in Abbendona, decimam sue uille que Bulehea uocatur, die uidelicet

Assumptionis eiusdem sancte Marie."^ Eodem etiam die, confir-

mauit donum de alia decima quam antea dederat de uilla Cildes-

tuna, que ad hereditatem Leodseline priuigne sue pertinebat," ipsa

B fo. 153"

puella coram monachis concedente donum, et cum ipso Willelmo et cum matre sua super altare idem imposuit, coram his testibus: abbate predicto et omni conuentu, Iohanne fratre coniugis eiusdem Willelmi, Hum |frido eiusdem militis," Hugone Conred. ^* Ricardo de Stanlac 5 ^ suo add. B * permanerent B C * for milite ? / Childestuna B * Suleham B Offentona B

sede

305 "The Latin is not entirely clear, but it would appear that Ermenold had received land as gages (securities) for loans; hence the distinction between his own lands and those placed in gage. Those who had gaged the lands are now given the chance to redeem them.

504 VCH, Oxfordshire, iv. 336, states that this is the first mention of the Oxford town

court, and traces the twelfth-century development. 56" Boarstall Cartulary, p. 325, correctly states that it is hard to identify where these tithes were. On place-name grounds (see EPNS, Oxfordshire, i. 73-4) a possibility may be Bolney, Oxon., close to Harpsden; the latter was another manor of Miles Crispin. See also VCH, Berkshire, iv. 63, the basis for which analysis is very unclear.

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207

concerning this matter against the sureties who had been summoned. And since they were his close friends, it was arranged by their mediation between him and Ermenold that the latter should seek the abbot’s mercy, and grant to the abbot and church of Abingdon concerning his own possessions that the church should have all the land he held for his maintenance, inside or outside the borough, whether his own or placed in gage, but not, however, land belonging to the king, a baron, or a bishop. Moreover, those who had received credit for land were to receive the land back from the abbot if they were able to acquit it from the gage; if not, it would remain to the abbot and monks.?? Further, the abbot granted to Ermenold that if he wished to become a monk, the abbot would make him a monk in Abingdon. If he preferred to live as a layman in the town of Abingdon, he would provide him with an appropriate lodging and give him the provisions of one monk and a servant. This took place in Ermenold’s house, with the agreement of his wife and his son William, in the presence of the aforesaid Walter and Richard of Standlake, and many others. Afterwards it was publicized and granted in the same fashion and with the same terms in the port-

moot.??* 205. Concerning the tithe of the village which is called Bulehea.99 At the start of the fifth year of King Henry’s reign, William of Sulham gave to God, and to St Mary, and to Abbot Faritius, and to the monks in Abingdon the tithe of his village which is called Bulehea, on the day of the Assumption of St Mary [15 Aug. 1104]. On the same day he also confirmed the gift of another tithe which he had previously given from the village of Chilton, which pertained to the inheritance of Leodselina his step-

daughter." The girl herself granted the gift in the presence of the monks, this on the abbot and Humphrey

and with William himself and her mother she placed altar in the presence of these witnesses: the aforesaid all the convent, John (brother of William's wife), his knight, Hugh Conred.

506 DB i fo. 6r', records William de Cailly holding Sulham, Berks., from the king, fo. 61” records a William holding one hide in Sulham from Miles Crispin. See also Boarstall Cartulary, p. 325, Keats-Rohan, Domesday People, p. 489, for further information on William ‘son of Turold’ and his family, and for other lands held from Miles. 507 Presumably Chilton, Berks. In 1086, Abingdon and Walter son of Other each had

five hides in Chilton, DB i, fos. 59", 61”.

208

[ii. 142]

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

206. De quadam decima in Hanneia.^95 Osbernus, nepos Motberti monachi quondam promisit donaturum se omni anno Deo, et sancte in Abbendonia, decimam sua^ de terra quam de lande tenet, que fuit olim Bulluchesege* in uilla lucro sue dominice carruce, de agnis et porcellis.

prepositi abbatie, Marie, et monachis Hugone de BocheHannie, scilicet de

207. De decima Turoldi in Hanneia ^^? Similiter Turoldus de eadem uilla dedit Deo et sancte Marie de , Abbendona, coram Faritio abbate et omni conuentu in capitulo scilicet, orum porcell ionum, decimam omnium suarum possess agnorum, uellerum, sed decimam carruce sue tantummodo ita discreuit, ut duas istius decimationis partes huic loco, terciam uero partem presbitero sibi seruienti concederet, hoc idem concedente et confirmante uxore sua Hugulina,’ et filio suo Willelmo. Et hanc donationem donauit anno quinto Henrici regis. 208. De decima de Offentona ^? Eodem anno, cum uenisset abbas Faritius in uillam suam Offentunam, ut opus ecclesie quod ibi lapideum a fundamento inchoauerat ad perfectum determinaret, congregauerunt se homines sui ex eadem uilla, et optulerunt communi deuotione et concessione decimam suam totius uille eiusdem sancte Marie, et ipsi abbati, et/ loco Abbendonie;* ab illo in reliquum tempus, ut uidelicet abbas de suo proprio ecclesiam eiusdem alacrius construendo perficeret, et ipsi mererentur in fraternitate loci annumerari .Hanc expeticionem cum abbas audisset, inquisiuit utrum ecclesie eiusdem uille antiquitus decima minuere [ii. 143] ab illis hominibus daretur, nolens scilicet eam sua rectitudine pro alicuius donatione sibi suoque loco oblata. Dictumque est hoc esse moris uille, ut a singula uirgata ecclesie illi uiginti quatuor

‘earbas pro decima numeratas donarentur.'" Quod sciens abbas,

C fo. 162"

statuit ante ipsos homines ut, sicuti ipsimet uoluerant et optulerant, reciperet eorum decimam, ea determinatione assignata inter ipsum abbatem et ecclesiam eiusdem | uille, scilicet ut tempore colligendarum decimationum, abbas ipse mitteret Offentonam quem uellet de ^ suam B ^ HanniaB * et add. B fin B

* HulinaB ^ Hannie B * Bullukes ege B the text should read either garbas pro decima numeratas

donarent or, more likely, garbe pro decima numerate donarentur

9 See also above, p. 192. 59 See Kemp, ‘Monastic possession of parish churches’, pp. 142, 144—5, esp. n. 50, for

THE

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ABINGDON

209

206. Concerning a certain tithe in Hanney.>* Osbern, nephew of the monk Modbert who was once administrator of the abbey, promised to give annually to God, and to St Mary, and to the monks in Abingdon tithe from his land in the village of Hanney held from Hugh of Buckland, which once was ‘Bullock’s Eye", that is from the produce of his demesne plough, from lambs and piglets. 207. Concerning Thorold’s tithe in Hanney.?? Similarly from the same village, Thorold gave to God and to St Mary of Abingdon, in the presence of Abbot Faritius and all the convent in the chapter, the tithe of all his possessions, that is of piglets, lambs, and fleeces, but merely divided the tithe of his plough, granting two parts of it to this monastery, but the third part to the priest who served him; his wife Hugolina and his son William granted and confirmed this. And he gave this gift in King Henry’s fifth year [5 Aug. 1104-4 Aug. 1105].

208. Concerning the tithe of Uffington.>'® That same year, Abbot Faritius came to his village of Uffington so that he could round off perfectly the stone-work of the church which he had begun there from the foundations. His men from that village gathered, and out of common devotion offered by a common grant to St Mary, and to the abbot, and to the monastery of Abingdon their tithe of all that village, thenceforth and for the rest of time, so that the abbot might from his own resources complete their church by building more swiftly, and so that they might deserve to be numbered amongst that monastery’s fraternity. When the abbot heard their intention, he inquired whether of old they gave the tithe to the church of that village, as he was unwilling to diminish it in its rights through any gift offered to himself and his monastery. And it was said that the village custom was for twenty-four sheaves from each virgate to be

given to that church as a tithe.?!! In this knowledge, the abbot ordained as they between time of

in the villagers’ presence that he would accept their tithe had wished and offered, with the following division fixed himself (the abbot) and the village church, that is, that at the the collecting of tithes, the abbot himself would send to

lay gifts of tithe and in particular divisions of tithe between monastery and parish priest. For Thorold and Hanney, see also above, p. 190.

51? See also below, p. 394. 511 See Brett, English Church, pp. 224—5; also Round, ‘Churchscot’, p. 101, who pointed out that twenty-four sheaves made up a ‘thrave’, each sheaf being three feet round.

HISTORIA

210

suis, et ipse reciperet a rectam decimationem, uirgata illius uille tot quot superius diximus

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

singulis, secundum singulorum possessionem, et post illam totam collectam, de singula manipulos presbitero illius ecclesie tribueret ei deberi, reliqua uero decimationis abbati

seruaret.?'?

B fo. 154°

6513 i n Aderat^ et Droco illic, qui de feudo Roberti de Britteuilla anno omni eadem uilla tres hidas terre tenebat, et pro sua decima promisit se daturum duos solidos, quousque decimam ipsius terre, quam illic habebat, ualeret, adiutorio eiusdem abbatis ab illo loco quietare, quo data a suo predicto domino fuerat, uidelicet cano |nicis

sancti Georgii de castello Oxeneford.?'*

‘His omnibus’ in manu abbatis uadimonizatis, concessit illis a omnibus, ex parte sui totiusque conuentus, Abbendonie benefici eiusdem o eiusdem loci, presentibus his testibus: (G)irardo^ preposit uille, Mantino,' et multis aliis.

[ii. 144] 209. De decima Willelmi de Wecenesfeld./ ^?

Willelmus de Wecenesfeld* dedit suam decimam ex omni sua pecunia sancte Marie et monachis in Abbendona, de tribus uidelicet hidis in

Wecensfeld^ et duabus de Boxore, excepto una acra que ecclesie! de Boxore adiacet. Hoc donum dedit in presentia domni Faritii abbatis, anno septimo Henrici regis. 210. De decima de Attuna/*"°

Rogerus ecclesie uidelicet promisit faceret,

etiam filius Aluredi^ dedit decimam suam Deo et huic de uilla sua /Ettuna, que est proxima Cumenore,’ de suo dominio, etiam et de piscationibus suis illic adiacentibus. Et quod cum Osmundo et aliis suis hominibus de illa uilla" "ut et" ipsi de suo tenore similiter decimam ecclesie huic

concederent, coram his testibus: Warino capellano Milonis," Wino,

et multis aliis. ^ Brittewilla ^ preceded by a line of red minims, supplied by the rubricator B * initial om. ^ initial om. C. Ricardo B ^* Hec omnia 5 € * exclesie ^ Wechenesfeld B * Wechenesfeld B ^ Wenekefeld B " q word such as rectum may / Cumenorz B * Alfredi B J Wtuna B omitted here e eto uto 5

B C C be

512 On this division of tithe, see G. Constable, Monastic Tithes from their Origins to the Twelfih Century (Cambridge, 1964), p. 105 and n. 2, who suggests that *production had presumably increased between the time when the tithe was fixed and when it was granted to the monks, who collected the difference".

513 There are several places in Normandy called Bretteville . 514 DB i, fo. 59°, states that ‘the abbey itself holds Uffington [Berks.|,and always held it. _.

. Of this land Gilbert holds six hides from the abbot’; this could be Gilbert de

THE

HISTORY

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211

Uffington a chosen man of his. That man would receive from each villager the just tithe according to their individual possession, and after the whole tithe had been collected, from each virgate of the village he would assign to the priest of the church as many bundles as we said above were owed to him, the rest of the tithe being kept for

the abbot.°!” Also present there was Drogo, who held three hides of land in the

same village from the fee of Robert de Bretteville.?? Regarding his own tithe he promised he would give 2s. annually, in so far as he could with the abbot’s help acquit the tithe of his land there in respect of the place to which it had been given by Robert his lord, namely the

canons of St George in Oxford castle.?! When all these had been pledged in his hand, the abbot granted on his own behalf and that of the whole convent of Abingdon the benefits of this monastery to all the grantors, with these witnesses present: (G)erard the reeve of this village, Mantin, and many others. 209. Concerning the tithe of William of Watchfield.^^ William of Watchfield gave his tithe from all his goods to St Mary and to the monks in Abingdon, that is from three hides in Watchfield and two of Boxford, except one acre which belongs to the church of Boxford. He gave this gift in the presence of lord Abbot Faritius, in King Henry’s seventh year [5 Aug. 1106-4 Aug. 1107].

210. Concerning the tithe of Eaton.?* Also, Roger son of Alfred gave to God and to this church his tithe from his village of Eaton, which is next to Cumnor, that is from his demesne and also from his fisheries belonging to the village, and he promised that he would make an arrangement with Osmund and his other men of Eaton, that they too would similarly grant the tithe to this church on their own terms; in the presence of these witnesses:

Warin (Miles’s chaplain),°'’ Win, and many others. Bretteville, see also below, p. 224, but is more likely Gilbert de Colombiéres; see below, p. 324. Henry I’s confirmation for the church of St George, dating from 1123 x 33, does not specify any interest in Uffington; RRAN ii, no. 1468.

515 DB i, fo. 59", states that ‘the abbey itself holds Watchfield [Berks.] and held in the time of King Edward. . . . Gilbert holds three hides and one virgate from the abbot, Wimund one hide. 5!5 DB i, fo. 61", shows that Miles Crispin was tenant-in-chief of Eaton, Berks., in 1086; Alfred is recorded as his tenant. The entry mentions two fisheries, of 18s. On Roger son of Alfred, see Boarstall Cartulary, p. 323. ?7 Presumably Miles Crispin.

212

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ABBENDONENSIS

211. De quadam decima apud" Waliford. regis, Ad festum etiam Natiuitatis sancte Marie, anno nono Henrici

Aldred et Luured,*!® homines ecclesie de Waliford, ^dederunt mona-

pecoribus, chis huic^ ecclesie suas decimas, de omnibus uidelicet suis u. et de agrorum suorum cultura, in capitulo coram toto conuent [ii. 145] 212. De decima de Bradandena.??

abbate Quidam etiam miles, Raduifus nomine, in capitulo coram dene Braden sua uilla de m decima omnem u, conuent Faritio et omni sancte Deo et sancte Marie dedit, et donum huius rei super altare m Marie confirmando imposuit. Promisitque quod suum dominu Robertum de Insula requireret, de quo uidelicet ipsam terram tenebat, quatinus illius permissione et concessu suo hoc confirmaret, r. ut hec ecclesia ipsius decime donatione firmius in posterum potiretu nt: affueru testes hii Et . Henrici regis nono anno factum Et hoc fuit

Milo presbiter, Warinus de Fauarcis,"^Lambertus, et multi alii.

213. De decima quadam in Benneham.?" Hugo filius Wichtgari! de Bennaham, cum uxore sua, recepit fraternitatem huius loci ad Natiuitatem sancte Marie anno decimo Henrici regis,’ et dedit Deo et sancte Marie in perpetuum suam decimam habendam, et fecit conuentionem de se et uxore sua, quod post mortem hic requiescerent. 214. De decima quadam in Waneting Meo Quidam etiam miles, nomine Gillebertus Basset, unum ex filiis suis, nomine Robertum, monachum in hac Abbendonensi ecclesia fecit. [ii. 146] Cum quo etiam inperpetuum dedit quandam decimam de terra quam habebat in uilla que uocatur Waneting ad usum pauperum, et unum B fo. 154" pensum casei de sua/ wicha, et decimam uelle|rum et agnorum. Solebat autem de pullis decimam dare quos de haratio suo apud

Bernecestriam habebat.?? ^^ the text should probably read either monachis et huic ecclesie or ^ aput B / de * Wanetinga B ^ om. B * Witgari B monachis huius ecclesie sua written imice B

518 The name Luvred probably derives from the OE Leofred.

519 [ have been unable to identify this place with certainty. However, a plausible

candidate may be Broad Dean in North Stoke, Oxon.; EPNS, Oxfordshire, i. 50. In 1235-6 a Robert ‘de Lill” (= ‘de Insula") held one knight’s fee in Stoke, from the honor of the earl of Giffard; Testa de Nevill, i. 446, 557. 520 See above, p. 146, for Warin de Favarcis appearing as a witness to a gift of Henry d'Aubigny, named in a marginal addition in MS C, in the main text in MS B.

THE

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213

211. Concerning a certain tithe at Welford. Also, at the feast of the Nativity of St Mary in King Henry’s ninth year [8 Sept. 1108], in the chapter in the presence of the whole

convent, Ealdred and Luvred,*'* men of the church from Welford,

gave to the monks of this church their tithes, that is of all their livestock and of the tilling of their fields. 212. Concerning the tithe of Bradendena ?? Also, in the chapter in the presence of Abbot Faritius and all the convent, a certain knight named Ralph gave all the tithe of his village of Bradendena to God and to St Mary, and in confirmation he placed the gift of this possession on the altar of St Mary. And he promised that he would ask his lord Robert de Insula, from whom he held that land, that he confirm this by his permission and grant, so that this church would possess the gift of this tithe most firmly in future. And this was done in the ninth year of King Henry [5 Aug. 1108-4 Aug. 1109]. And these witnesses were present: Miles the priest, Warin de

Favarcis, Lambert, and many others. 213. Concerning a certain tithe in Benham."?! Hugh son of Wigar of Benham, with his wife, received the fraternity of this monastery on the Nativity of St Mary in King Henry's tenth year [8 Sept. 1109]. He gave to God and to St Mary his tithe to have in perpetuity, and made an agreement concerning himself and his wife, that after death they would rest here. 214. Concerning a certain tithe in Wantage.” Also, a certain knight named Gilbert Basset made one of his sons, named Robert, a monk in this church of Abingdon. With Robert, he also gave in perpetuity a tithe from the land he had in the village called Wantage, for the use of the poor, and one weight of cheese from his dairy-farm, and the tithe of fleeces and lambs. Moreover, he was accustomed to give the tithe of foals which he had from his stud

at Bicester.?? ?! DB i, fo. 63’, records a certain Wigar holding two hides in Benham, Berks., from the king. On the complex nature of Benham, see above, p. 156.

522 Ror lands in Wantage, Berks., passing from the royal demesne to the Basset family via Robert d’Oilly, see VCH, Berkshire, iv. 323. 33 DB i, fo. 158", records Robert d'Oilly holding Bicester, Oxon., as two manors. In MS B, there follows an additional passage on Faritius’s works as abbot; below, p. 332.

HISTORIA

214

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

ri." ET [ii. 150] 215. Hec sunt que abbas Faritius contulit ad singula officia monaste C fo. 163°

t: ecclesiam Hec sunt que domnus abbas^ Faritius ecclesie contuli Mercham, scilicet sancti Martini de Oxeneford, et ecclesiam. de iam de ecclesiam de Offentuna, ecclesiam. de Witteham, eccles

Cudesduna, ecclesiam de Niweham.?

[ii. 151]

216. De ornamentis ecclesie. "76

argento* Hec etiam contulit ad ornatum ecclesie. Duo brachia polita " unum. et lapidibus. Scrinium paruulum argenteum. Textum

Calices quinque.? Patenam unam sine calice. Ampullam^ unam

duo de argenteam et deauratam. 'Turibula tria, unum argenteum et

cupro deaurato." Duas acerras argenteas. Duo paria bacinorum de tur argento. Vasculum* unum in modum patene, in quo hostie deferun

in refectorio pro communione sancta"! Imaginem sancte Marie.

Casulas tres? Stolas tres sine fanonibus, et unam cum fanone politam aurifrixo.? Albas tres de serico, cum uno tantum super-

humerali, et alias/ albas lineas pallio politas* decem.?* Dalmaticas quatuor.?? Tunicas tres. Cappas uiginti nouem, de his sexdecim cum

tassulis, relique^ sunt adhuc sine eis.°*° Pallia parua ante altaria duo,

et pallia per ecclesiam pendentia quatuordecim.

Cortinas septem.

Tapetia sex. Dossalia sex." Banchalia' in festis per chorum depen-

dentia undecim, et unum ad supersedendum. Duo paria candelabrorum de argento, et unum magnum septem brachiorum. Signa ad pulsandum duo maiora, et tria minora. Pixidem de argento ad

Eucharistiam.???

^ below this, in dry point, quite probably in the same hand as the dry point headings provided the for the rubricator in B, De operibus Faricii abbatis et maxime de ecclesia, C. B has It heading De operibus . . . ecclesia here instead of Hec . . . monasterii for the present section. * argenteo B ^ om. B also has it at fo. 154° for a section not in C; see below, p. 338 / repeated on next line, but struck out by rubricator C * initial om. B ^ initial om. B ! Lanchalia, the wrong initial having been added by the ^ reliqui B. C * pollitas B rubricator B

524 See above, p. Ixxxv, for the endowment of obedientiaries; also below, p. 394, for lists in MS C in the same hand as the History. 525 For Marcham, see above, p. 192, below, p. 234; for Uffington, above, p. 208; for Nuneham, above, p. 80. 526 Cf above, p. civ; also below, p. 338.

527 Probably a Gospel text.

35 A chalice is a cup for consecrated eucharist wine. For liturgical vessels and vestments, see e.g. A New Dictionary of Liturgy and Worship, ed. J. G. Davies (London, 1986). 939 A paten is a plate for eucharist bread, usually of silver, sometimes gold. 539 A censer is the incense-burning vessel, or thurible. 53! This was presumably to carry the hosts through the refectory, possibly from the

THE

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215

215. These are the things which Abbot Faritius conferred on each office of the monastery.>** These are the things which lord Abbot Faritius conferred on the church: namely, the church of St Martin of Oxford, and the church of Marcham, the church of Uffington, the church of Little Wittenham,

the church of Cuddesdon, the church of Nuneham.?? 216. Concerning the ornaments of the church.>”® He also conferred these things, for the decoration of the church. Two arm-shaped reliquaries embellished with silver and stones. A very

small silver box-reliquary. One text." Five chalices.7? One paten without a chalice.?? One gilded silver flask. Three censers, one silver and two of gilded copper.??? Two silver incense boxes. Two pairs of silver basins. One vessel in the manner of a paten, on which the hosts

are carried in the refectory for holy communion.?' An image of St

Mary. Three chasubles.??^ Three stoles without maniples, and one decorated one with a gold-bordered maniple.??? Three silk albs, with only one amice, and ten other linen albs decorated with a pallium.>** Four dalmatics.?? Three tunics. Twenty-nine copes; of which sixteen are with tassels, the rest still without them.**° Two small cloths hanging before the altars and fourteen cloths hanging throughout the

church. Seven curtains. Six hangings. Six dossals.**’ Eleven cushions hanging throughout the choir at festivals and one for sitting on. Two pairs of silver candlesticks and one large one of seven arms. Two larger bells for striking, and three smaller ones. A silver pyx for the

Eucharist.??? kitchen where the eucharistic bread may have been made, or perhaps to the infirmary; sec Plan, above, p. cv. 53 A sleeveless mantle, the outermost vestment worn by the celebrant at the eucharist.

535 A stole is a vestment consisting of a narrow strip of silk or linen, worn over the shoulders and hanging down to the knee or below. A maniple is a eucharistic vestment consisting of strip of cloth worn over the left wrist and hanging down. 5* Analbisa white vestment, reaching to the ankles, with tight fitting sleeves and held in by a girdle at the waist. It was worn at performance of mass. An amice is a square or oblong of white linen worn round the neck of the celebrant priest. Pa/lium normally refers to the narrow circular band, of white wool, which was worn over the chasuble and hanging down like a scarf, and which was a mark of metropolitan office within the church. However, this surely is not the meaning here, and it may signify the embroidered cloth panels sometimes used to decorate albs; cf. e.g. PL clxvi. 1509 for ‘albas . . . sine pallio, auro uel argento’. 55 An over-tunic worn at mass by deacons and sometimes by bishops. 536 A cope is a semi-circular cloak worn at liturgical functions when the chasuble was 537 A hanging, especially for the back of an altar. not used. 535 A small box for carrying the sacrament. MS B here contains a further short passage; see below, p. 338.

HISTORIA

216

ABBENDONENSIS

ECCLESIE

217. De camera“ monachorum. uocatur Ciuelea, ex |cepto B fo. 156" Ad ministerium camere addidit uillam que am monachorum, et coquin ad nt pertine qui^ solidis triginta duobus [ii. 152]

de aliis reditibus^ quos? ipse adquisiuit sexaginta solidos. Predicti

de Iuri denarii inde redduntur: de Faincota, id est de terra Atheline* de solidi; e quinqu uiginti Albinio de Henrici terra triginta solidi; de *? solidi.? quinque c Colebro /Egelwardo de 218. De elemosina. Ad ministerium elemosine addidit sex solidos que’ redduntur de terra Alfrici de Boteleia apud Oxeneford foris burgum. Hanc terram filius et eiusdem Alfrici, nomine /Eilwinus, clamauit quietam abbati Faritio

ecclesie in perpetuum."

Dedit etiam unum molendinum, quod

uocatur Henora, et duas partes decime de Niweham de dominio, et et quinque hidas apud Wrda quietas ab omni placito uel seruitio, redsui, patris anima pro Ricardi filius terram quam dedit Hugo

dentem quindecim solidos.*”

219. De refectorio. Ad ministerium refectorii, decimam de Cestretuna appreciatam octo solidos. [ii. 153] Ad*

pergamenum”

concessit decimam

emendum,

pro librorum

de Dumeltuna,

ecclesie

renouatione

que ualet per annum

triginta

solidos? 220. De anniuersario abbatis Faritit. Die quo primum in capitulo nouo conuentus concessum acceperunt, predictus abbas Faritius uiginti septem solidorum redditus, quos sua industria in Oxeneforda urbe adquisiuit, in caritatis largitione eidem conuentui optulit, de terra scilicet Rogerii! Maledocti quindecim solidos, et de/ Petri quondam uicecomitis nouem solidos,

de Dermanni^ uero tres solidos. ^ Et cellerariis precepit ut omni

anno, ad memoriam huius rei et temporis, ex hac donatione conuentui ubertim seruirent, ut et presentibus et posteris sui laboris executio fieret largitatis fraterne recompensatio. Verum quia nemo ^ camera B "nt 927-16) ^ parcamenum B

* que

* Adeline B ^ quas B C * redditibus B BC * preceded by Ad parcamenum as rubricated heading B * Dermani B 7 om. B ' Rogeri B

539 Cf a list in MS C in the same hand as the History, below, pp. 395, 398.

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217

217. Concerning the chamber of the monks. To the office of the chamber he added the village called Chieveley (except the 32s. which pertain to the monks’ kitchen), and 60s. from other rents he acquired.??? The aforesaid money is rendered from the following: 30s. from Fencott, that is the land of Adelina d' Ivry; 25s. from the land of Henry d'Aubigny; 5s. from Egelward of Colnbrook.**°

218. Concerning alms. To the office of alms he added 6s. which are rendered from the land of /Elfric of Botley, at Oxford outside the borough. /Elfric's son, named /Eilwin, quitclaimed this land to Abbot Faritius and the

church in perpetuity.?"' The abbot also gave one mill which is called Hennor, and two parts of the tithe of Nuneham from the demesne, and five hides at Longworth quit of all plea or service, and the land which Hugh son of Richard gave for the soul of his father,

rendering 15s.^? 219. Concerning the refectory. To the office of the refectory, the tithe of Chesterton valued at 8s. For buying parchment for renewing the church's books, he granted

the tithe of Dumbleton, which is worth 30s. each year.^? 220. Concerning the anniversary of Abbot Faritius. On the day on which the convent first received a grant in the new chapter, the aforesaid Abbot Faritius offered it in a gift of love 27s. of rent, which by his efforts he had acquired in the town of Oxford, that is 15s. from the land of Roger Mauduit, 9s. from that of Peter (once

the sheriff), and 3s. from that of Deormann.?^ And he ordered the cellarers that each year, in remembrance of this event and occasion, they serve the convent copiously from this gift, so that the performance of their labour may be fitting repayment for his brotherly generosity to men present and future. But as no one 59 For these pieces of land, see above, pp. 106, 146, 142; also below, p. 398, a list in MS

C in the same hand as the History. 541 The name /Eilwin could derive from either the OE /Ethelwine or the OE /Elfwine. 592 See above, pp. 94, 78, 136, 158. See above, p. cvi. 54 For Roger Mauduit’s grant, see above, p. 204; for Peter the sheriff, see above, p. 59. For a Deormann holding in Oxford, see DB i, fo. 154", where he holds one dwelling at 12d., and a share of another valued at 16d. Note also Cartulary of St Fridesmide, i, no. 163, for a late twelfth-century grant of ‘all the land which was of Stephen the priest son of Dermann the cleric in Oxford.’

HISTORIA

218

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

us, fratres sue nouit uite terminum, idem pater, pro se sollicit die hec sui sarii anniuer in hortatus est, ut suum post obitum espredec in ait, ratis", conside eadem transmutaretur caritas, ‘quia iam, memor eorum ad et uestros usus soribus meis anniuersariis, ad e exoro mei nichil huiusmodi hactenus fuisse delegatum. Vos proind ^*? fuerit.' tum peruen is memores existere, cum ad id tempor [ii. 154] 221. De domo infirmorum. | e, igne Quia infirmi fratres, et qui opus habebant minui sanguin it concess , capituli carebant, idem abbas Faritius, consensu totius ordia Oxenef in quas omnes redditus eis mansionum subnotatarum o" ipsemet emerat, quatinus cum necessarium foret ignis exhibiti anime sue pro it domui infirmorum presto adesset. Et hoc concess

C fo. 163"

redemptione et infirmorum compassione, et quicumque hoc irritum bus: faceret anathematizauit. He^ sunt ille mansiones, cum redditi Rualdi terra s; denario terra Wlfwi piscatoris quinque solidos et octo quinque solidos et duos denarios; terra Dermanni presbiteri septem solidos et duos denarios; terra Colemanni octo solidos; terra Eadwini

monetarii et fratris eius quinque solidos." Deo itaque alienus et

B fo. 156”

regno eius exors in perpetuum beneficium infirmis auferat.

habeatur,

qui

| collatum

hoc

222. De excommunicatione. Ex quo igitur uir uenerabilis (de quo plura iam diximus) abbas Faritius huic ecclesie iure abbatis prefuit, multis et diuersis rebus eam sua industria decorauit. Que cum fratres sibi in Christo subiecti cernerent, atque, negligentias quorumdam eius antecessorum coram mentis oculis ponendo, nequitias futurorum pastorum, si (quod absit) boni non fuerint, ualde pertimescerent, crebro supplicabant eum ut grauissimam in eos maledictionem uibraret, quorum actu uel procurauit.?7 [ii. 155] consilio istinc auferrentur, que "ipse huic^ ecclesie Quorum preces benigne amplectens, ex auctoritate sancte et indiuidue Trinitatis, ac inuocatione beate Dei genetricis et perpetue uirginis Marie, necnon omnium electorum Dei, excommunicauit perpetuo et sequestrauit a consortio cunctorum fidelium omnes qui * exibitio B

^ Hee B

* occulis 8 C

^ auferentur B

^* huic ipse B

545 Cf. 1 Cor. 11: 2 (Laudo autem uos fratres quod per omnia mei memores estis’, ‘Now I praise you, brethren, that ye remember me in all things.’ 46 DB i, fo. 154", records Wulfwig the fisherman holding 1 dwelling in Oxford at 32d. Eynsham, i, no. 64, mentions a Ruald holding in Oxford from Robert d'Oilly II, but

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219

knows when his life will end, the same father, careful on his own behalf, urged the brethren that after his death this boon be transposed to his anniversary, ‘since’, he said, ‘you consider that nothing of this sort has hitherto been assigned for your use and their memory on the anniversaries for my predecessors. I accordingly entreat that you

remember me when it comes to that time.’** 221. Concerning the house of the sick. Since the sick brethren, and those who needed to be bled, lacked a fire, Abbot Faritius, by the consent of the whole chapter, granted them all the rents of the holdings recorded below, which he himself had bought in Oxford, so that when necessary fire would be readily provided in the house of the sick. He granted this for the redemption of his soul and in compassion for the sick, and he anathematized whoever would render this null. These are the holdings, with rents: the land of Wulfwig the fisherman, 5s. 8d.; the land of Ruald, 5s. 2d.; the land of Deormann the priest, 7s. 2d.; the land of Colemann,

8s.; the land of Eadwine the mint worker and his brother, 5s.°*° And so let whoever takes away this benefit conferred on the sick be held for ever a stranger to God and one with no share in His kingdom. 222. Concerning excommunication.

So, the venerable man Abbot Faritius (of whom we have already said very much) was in charge of this church by right of being abbot, and by his toils glorified it with many and various possessions. When the brethren subject to him in Christ perceived these, and picturing the negligent acts of certain of his predecessors, they became extremely frightened of the profligacies of future pastors if (let it not be so) they were not good men. They frequently begged him that he brandish the severest malediction against those by whose deed or counsel are taken

away from this church what he had provided for it." He welcomed their prayers kindly, and, by authority of the holy and indivisible Trinity and the invocation of the blessed mother of God and ever Virgin Mary, and also of all the elect of God, he forever excommunicated and removed from the community of all the faithful everyone specifies that Robert gave all that land to Eynsham. DB i, fo. 154, records Colemann as having had three dwellings in Oxford at 3s. 8d. There is no known Oxford moneyer called Eadwine issuing coins in the first half of Henry I’s reign. Two possibilities arise: one is that he was a moneyer but from elsewhere, perhaps London or Winchester; the other is that he had a position in mint administration different from that of the men named on coins. I would like to thank Dr Mark Blackburn for advice on this point.

547 Cf. the curse in William de Courcy the younger’s charter, above, p. 82.

220

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

e molimine abstulerint uiolenter siue fraudulenter aut quocumqu ipse uel eum diligentes aliquid post^ obitum eius de rebus quas publica satisfactione et quoad uixit isti ecclesie contulerunt, nisi exceptis, captiuorum bus restitutione penituerint; his tribus conditioni necessitate.? Hec famis redemptione, et terrarum huius ecclesie ac se de ignorantia ri poste fecit abbas Faritius, et hec scribere iussit ne ea arroganter qui tua perpe excusent, constringens et eos maledictione

uel fraudulenter aboleuerint.?"^

223. De reliquiis huius ecclesie. in Abbendonensi Nomina sanctorum subscripta reliquiarum sunt abbate, unacum o Fariti ie^ memor pie ecclesia perscrutatarum" a i millesimo Christ s ationi incarn sub’ senioribus ecclesie eiusdem, Christi et lesu nostri Domni o sudari centesimo sexto decimo. De

eius, et de cruce eius. Particula claui crucifixionis eius. ^4 De mensa / de sepulchro eius.^?

[ii. 156]

224. *De uestimentis sancte Marie.*

225. ^De apostolis."

Petri apostoli. De ossibus sancti Iohannis Baptiste. De barba sancti r. Os et similite i apostol Pauli De cruce eius, et de uestimentis eius, et lacobo, sancto de Os eius. dens de sancto Andrea apostolo, et de cruce meo' Bartho sancto de Os fratre Domini, et de uestimentis eius. apostolo. 226. De martiribus. eius, et Os de sancto Stephano prothomartire, et de stola et dalmatica sancto De est. us lapidat unde us lapidib de de capillis eius, et De eius. costa et spatule, pars et hanca, et Vincentio brachium, sancto De eius. coste pars et digitus martire et sancto Laurentio leuita Victore martire brachium eius, et costa integra, et pars alterius coste, Pars’ et alia plura ossa. Digitus et dens sancti Sebastiani martiris. ^ quod B; post added in margin in dry-point in a different hand B © me memorie B, the duplication being caused by a change of line * anno

interlined add. B

£f initial of De om.,

^ perscrutarum B ^ ecclesie add. B

and whole line over erasure B

i.e. the rubricated version ** followed by De uestimentis matris Dei, which was then expunged; ^ over erasure B mas added to replace that in ordinary ink C; om. B J Dars, resulting from a mistake by the rubricator (distracted by ! Bartholomeo B

the surrounding initials all being D) C or utility, 558 For the justification of alienation of church lands on grounds of necessity there. The exact see Hudson, Land, Lam, and Lordship, p. 231 and the canons cited which might wording of the exception here has no obvious basis in any canonical collection

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221

who after his death violently or deceitfully or by whatever sort of effort took away anything from the possessions which he or those who loved him conferred on this church in his life-time, unless they repent with public penance and restitution. These three circ*mstances were excepted: the redemption of captives, or the needs of the lands of this

church, or of hunger.?? Abbot Faritius did these things and ordered

that they be written down, lest men in future excuse themselves by reason of ignorance, and he bound with perpetual malediction those

who arrogantly or deceitfully destroy them.^?

223. Concerning the relics of this church.?? Written below are the names of the relics Abingdon, investigated by Abbot Faritius with the older men of this church, in Incarnation of Christ. Part of the sudarium

of saints in the church of of holy memory, together the year 1116 from the of our Lord Jesus Christ

and of His cross?! A small piece of a nail of His crucifixion. Of His table and of His tomb.^? 224. Of the clothes of St Mary.

225. Concerning the apostles. Of the bones of St John the Baptist. Of the beard of St Peter the apostle. Of his cross and his clothes, and likewise of Paul the apostle. A bone and a tooth of St Andrew the apostle, and of his cross. A bone of St James, brother of the Lord, and of his clothes. A bone of St Bartholomew the apostle.

226. Concerning the martyrs. A bone of St Stephen the protomartyr, and of his stole and dalmatic and of his hairs, and of the stones with which he was stoned. Of St Vincent, an arm and a thigh-bone, and part of his shoulder-blade, and his rib. Of St Laurence the deacon and martyr, a finger and part of his rib. Of St Victor the martyr, his arm and a whole rib and part of another rib, and very many other bones. A finger and tooth of St Sebastian the have been available to Faritius. I would like to thank Dr Martin Brett for his help on this point.

59? See above, p. xxxvii. 59? Almost all of these saints appear in Oxford Dictionary ofSaints; Y here footnote only those who are not contained therein. On Faritius and saints, see also above, p. civ. 531 The sudarium is the cloth with which St Veronica wiped the face of Christ after the weight of the cross caused him to fall on the way to Calvary; see New Catholic Encyclopedia (17 vols., New York, 1967—79), xiv. 625, entry for ‘Veronica’. 552 The list assumes the word ‘part’ before each phrase beginning ‘of’.

HISTORIA

222 C fo. 164° [ii. 157]

B fo. 157

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

digitus eius. Dens et minoris ossis brachii | de sancto Dionisio et martiris "et de osse tii" Pancra digitus sancti Georgii. De capite sancti us sancti Ypoliti Digit is." martir eius^ De brachio sancti Firmini est undeuicenia memor cuius is, martiris. Dens sancti Eusebii martir ia" sancti camiss De us. entib Innoc simo kalendas Septembris. Ossa de habuit tam uesti quam , lenta no Eadmundi regis et martiris sangui aris puluin theca de et ago, sarcof hora passionis eius, et de ligneo eius

De sancto eius, et de dolaturis de buxu unde plenum fuit? nis et Iohan ibus: martir s sancti Eadwardo pars plurima.?* De his i, Simplicii, Pauli, Tiburtii, Valeriani, Cosme et Damiani, Fabian et martiris, pi episco Sixti i, Nerei et Achillei, Simphoriani,’ Ciriac hii. Eustac Christofori, Bonefacii, Leodegarii,

223. / De confessoribus. et maxillia, et De sancto Ceadda,’ episcopo et confessore, capud, episcopo et brachium, cum aliis ossibus. De sancto Aldelmo, et integra hanca confessore, de capite eius, et dens, et pars scapule, digitus, et eius. De sancto Adelwoldo spatula integra, et brachium; et

de capillis eius. Brachium^ sancti Iohannis Crisostomi.? De costa et

De costa aliis ossibus sancti Bertini abbatis. De barba sancti Cutberti.’ Martini, sancti Audoeni. "De his confessoribus ossa:” de manu sancti Germani Nicholai, Siluestri, Gregorii, Benedicti, Mauri abbatis, , Gau[ii. 158] episcopi, Augustini, Ambrosii, Medardi, Vedasti et Amandi

gerici,9? Winwaloe, Wandregisili, Wilfridi, Columbani, Samsonis,

Guthlaci, Hylarii; costa sancti Swithuni, Birini, Machuti, Sulpicii, mCaurentini, Iudoci, Egidii, Leonardi, Antonii, Macharii, Cholu chille;"557 digitus Macloe contestoris." 2

228. De uirginibus.?

et De capillis sancte Marie Magdalene. De^ capite sancte Cecilie cum maxilla et brachia Duo digitus eius. De capillis sancte Lucie. dentibus sancte Balthildis./ De ossibus istarum uirginum: Agathe, * Pancraci B

^^ om. B

* De brachio sancti Firmini martiris squeezed in

guidance for margin, and also at bottom of column in ink in one of the hands providing / De sancto Cedd’ rubricated * Simforiani B ^ camisia B rubricator B

add. B

* Cedda B

^ caput B

* Abdelmo C

J c erased B

! Chutberti B * initial B at distance in margin, rubricator having failed to add C ° for B Columkilne " B heading rubricated as ossa us mm De hiis confessorib ^ Baltildis B ? imitial om. B confessoris ? 553 Ror this relic, see Herman’s De miraculis sancti Eadmundi, Edmund’s Abbey, ed. T. Arnold, (3 vols., London, 1890-6), 1. 53.

in Memorials

of St

THE

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223

martyr. Part of the lesser bone of the arm of St Denis, and his finger. A tooth and finger of St George. Of the head of St Pancras the martyr and a bone of his. Of the arm of St Firmin the martyr. A finger of St Hippolytus the martyr. A tooth of St Eusebius the martyr, whose memorial day is 14 August. Bones from the Innocents. Of the bloodstained shirt of St Edmund, king and martyr, which he was wearing at the hour of his passion, and of his wooden coffin, and of the reliquary of his pillow and of the shavings of box-wood of which it

was full.?* The greatest part of St Edward.?* Of these holy martyrs:

John and Paul, Tiburtius, Valerian, Cosmas and Damian, Fabian, Simplicius, Nereus and Achilleus, Symphorian, Cyricus, Sixtus the bishop and martyr, Christopher, Boniface, Leger, Eustace. 227. Concerning the confessors. Of St Chad, bishop and confessor, the head and jaw-bones, and arm with other bones. Of St Aldhelm, bishop and confessor, of his head and a tooth and part of the shoulder-blade and his whole thigh-bone. Of St /Ethelwold, his whole shoulder-blade and an arm and a finger

and of his hairs. The arm of St John Chrysostom.?? Of the rib and other bones of St Bertin the abbot. Of the beard of St Cuthbert. Of the rib of St Ouen. Bones from these confessors: of the hand of St Martin, Nicholas, Sylvester, Gregory, Benedict, Maurus the abbot, Germanus the bishop, Augustine, Ambrose, Médard, Vedast and

Amand, Gaugeric,"? Winwaloe, Wandrille, Wilfrid, Columbanus, Samson, Hilary; the rib of St Swithun, Birinus, Malo, Sulpicius, Guthlac, Corentin, Judoc, Giles, Leonard, Anthony, Machar, Colum

Cille;? a finger of Malo the witness.??? 228. Concerning the virgins.^? Of the hairs of St Mary Magdalene. Of the head of St Cecilia and her finger. Of the hairs of St Lucy. Both arms and the jaw-bones with teeth of St Bathild. Of the bones of these virgins: Agatha; Agnes; 55* On the relics of St Edward, king and martyr, being brought to Abingdon in the time of cnu*t, see Bk. i, c. 116, Vol. i, c. B250 (CMA i. 442-3). Shaftesbury Abbey also claimed to possess the relics of St Edward, and—unlike Abingdon— was closely associated with his cult; see Charters of Shafiesbury Abbey, ed. S. E. Kelly (Oxford for the British Academy, 1996), pp. xiv-xv.

555 See above, p. 68. 55 A seventh-century bishop of Cateau-Cambrésis; see Bibliotheca Latina, nos. 3286-91. 537 i.e, St Columba of Iona. 535 See Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Style’, for the unusual word ‘contestor’.

55 For Mary Magdalene and Margaret, sec also above, p. 70.

Hagiographica

HISTORIA

224

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

efe, Eadburge, GraAgnetis, Margarite, Anastasie, Barbare, Genou

undis, tanej*" Et de uestimentis sancte Brigide, Radeg

Iuliane,

Victorie.

229. De morte pie memorie domni Faritii abbatis." industria opes istius Cum igitur huius uiri uenerandi Faritii laudabili ntur, decidit in ntare augme diem in ecclesie multiplicate de die suis beato fine bus labori a ctus, egritudinem, qua“ ex luce subtra anno, septimo sui nis regimi cet quieuit, septimo decimo uideli

siue redditus kalendas Martii/*? Post cuius discessum, omnes res

fisco regali per huius ecclesie mox describuntur, ac, trecentis libris

[ii. 159]

duntur.^? singulos annos deputatis, reliqua usibus ecclesie conce

habundanFuimus autem sine abbate quatuor annis, omnem tamen quidam ex domui huic uero t Prefui es. tiam uictus et uestitus habent

Rainaldi nostris ^uir uenerabilis," nomine Warengerius, qui a tempore

ac uelut abbatis prioris functus officio; strenue nos gubernauit, Dei uerus enim Erat fouit. r sempe iter benignissima mater sincer seruus et uera caritate plenus.

B =,Fo. I un-P

C fo. 164"

[ii. 160]

230. De decima S peresholt.^9* ator In secundo anno post obitum domni Faritii abbatis, Hugo dispens omni de regis in capitulo concessit huic ecclesie suam decimationem pecunia, tam de mobilibus rebus quam immobilibus, de manerio a Speresholt quod de ecclesia tenebat, | sua coniuge Helewis illo^ Anschit fauente? coram his testibus: Poidras^ suo homine, et suo preposito de predicta uilla, et multis aliis. 231. De decima duarum hidarum in Scereng ss Eodem anno Radulfus, camerarius abbatis Faritii, decimationem suam de omni pecunia sua | agrorum, uidelicet pecudum, lanee, et caseorum, de duabus hidis in Sceringeford, quas de feudo Roberti de Britteuilla?^ tenebat, concessit huic ecclesie; et conuentus illam delegauit loco refectoriüi, quatinus que opus erant infra ipsam * quia B

uenerabilis uir B

* initial om. B

- sckitllo, initial om. B

* Brittewella B

59 Kadburh appears in Oxford Dictionary of Saints, p. 118 s.n. Edburga. According to

tres, Durham relic lists, Gratiana was a virgin martyr; Historie. Dunelmensis scriptores can Gratiana St such no However, cccexxix. p. 1839), [ix], Soc., (Surtees Raine J. traced; possibly she derived from St Gratianus. 561 See also above, p. xlix, for the account of Faritius's death in De abbatibus, CMA 290. For the date of his death, see also Cambridge, University Library, Kk. i 22, fo.

ed. be n. 2".

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

225

Margaret; Anastasia; Barbara; Genevieve; Eadburh; Gratiana.* And

of the clothes of St Brigid, Radegund, Juliana, Victoria.

229. Concerning the death of lord Abbot Faritius, of holy memory ^?! While, therefore, the wealth of this church was day by day being multiplied and increased by the praiseworthy toil of this venerable man, Faritius, he fell ill, was taken from this light, and rested from his toils with the blessed end of life, that is in the seventeenth year of his

rule, on 23 February [1117]? Shortly after his death, all the

possessions and rents of this church were listed, and £300 a year were designated to the royal treasury, the rest granted to the uses of

the church." Moreover, we were without an abbot for four years, but had every abundance of provisions and clothing. Indeed, a venerable man from amongst us, named Warenger, had charge of this house. He had enjoyed the office of prior from the time of Abbot Reginald, ruled us vigorously, and always tended us as single-mindedly as the kindest mother. For he was a true servant of God and full of true love.

230. Concerning the tithe of Sparsholt ^9 In the second year after the death of lord Abbot Faritius, in the chapter, Hugh the king’s dispenser, with his wife Helewise’s approval, granted to this church his tithe of all his goods, both moveables and immoveables, from the manor of Sparsholt which he

held from the church.?? In the presence of these witnesses: Poidras his man, and Ansketel his reeve of the aforesaid village, and many others. 231. Concerning the tithe of two hides in Shellingford.°© In the same year, Ralph, Abbot Faritius’s chamberlain, granted to this church his tithe of all his goods, that is of fields, livestock, wool, and cheeses, from two hides in Shellingford which he held from the fee of Robert de Bretteville. The convent delegated this to the refectory, so that what was needed within this house might be 59? A similar passage appears in the.Abingdon copies of the Worcester chronicle; John of Worcester, Chronicle, iii. 308.

565 See above, p. Ixxv; also Salter, ‘Chronicle roll’, p. 729. °6 For Hugh and Sparsholt, see also above, p. 52.

55 On Helewise, see above, p. xliii n. 179. 56 DB i, fo. s9", states that ‘the abbey itself holds Shellingford [Berks.], and always held it’. The Gilbert who then held two hides from the abbot may be Gilbert de Bretteville, see above, pp. 43 n. 103, 210.

HISTORIA

226

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

us: Bernero et Turstino domum inde procurarentur, coram his testib militibus, et multis aliis. 232. De dominio huius ecclesie. zd adhuc abbatia hec in Anno tercio post obitum "abbatis Faritii^ cum ad id adipiscenregia ne attentione abbatis fuisset, et^ consideratio exigebantur in que geldis a dum, dominium ecclesie erat quietum a collectoribus scira, Berche comitatu uniuerso. Sed tamen in comitatu ie contineccles ione gildat de amplius exigebatur quam debebatur iam facto, iustic m regia apud genti, et hoc frequenter. Vnde clamore predicto tu comita in fide et decretum est ut aliquis de ecclesia‘ affidar episcoper t scilice ri, quieta de quot hidis dominiis ecclesia deberet sem lnien Linco opum* episc pum Salebiriensem Rogerum, et per

multum Robertum, et Rannulfum cancellarium??? (qui nominatim

tu apud adiuuit inde), et Radulfum Basset. Itaque sedente comita die lune nte, existe mite uiceco Suttunam, et Willelmo de Bochelande/ hom*o uilla, Hartel de us post festum sancti Martini proximo, Roger mitis, uiceco ipsius manu in ecclesie, pro ecclesia affidauit fidem de dominio uidente toto comitatu, quod de septies uiginti hidis

9? deberet abbatia in Berchescira esse quieta, quando gildaretur.^

Tunc

erat

collector

comitatus

/Edwinus

presbiter

Cels

(Samuel filius eius." Ibi fuerunt de nostris Robertus sacrista, et

[ii. 161]

lmus de Willelmus Brito, et alter Willelmus monachus, et Wille ali^"! multi et rius, camera Suuecurda, et Turstinus, et Radulfus

233. De ecclesia Eadwardestune.* aig Anno quarto post obitum abbatis Faritii, Gillebertus filius Huberti

de "Monte Canisi^ recepit in capitulo societatem beneficiorum ecclesie huius," et ibi concessit et affirmauit donum patris sui de

ecclesia Eadwardestune, et de reliquis rebus a patre suo prius it, concessis tempore/ domni Faritii abbatis. Et ita scilicet affirmau prioris manum in Jtextum sanctum’ euuangeliorum loco pigneris 6 a add. B ^" Faricii abbatis B © interlined before the preceding et B ' tempo B ^^ Munte Kanesi B

^ Salesberiensem B * ecclesie B C * Edwardestune B ^ Bochlande B 77 textu sancto 5 C

58 RRAN ii, no. 1211; English Lamsuits, no. 215. 568 Chancellor 1107-23; see Green, Government, p. 28, RRAN ii, p. ix.

59 Using ro86 hidage figures, Domesday indicates that about 165 hides in 1086; conceivably 140 hides would be an accurate figure for just over although it is unclear how exactly the composer of the History came to Palmer, The County Courts of Medieval England, 1150-1350 (Princeton,

were in demesne thirty years later, this figure. R. C. 1982), pp. 13-14,

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

227

procured therefrom. In the presence of these witnesses: the knights Berner and Thurstan, and many others.

232. Concerning the demesne of this church. In the third year after Abbot Faritius’s death, while this abbey was still waiting to acquire an abbot by royal appointment, the demesne of the church was quit of the gelds which were being demanded throughout the county. However, in the county court of Berkshire the collectors demanded more than was owed from the geld-assessment of the church, and they did so repeatedly. Therefore, a claim was brought before royal justice, and through Roger bishop of

Salisbury, and Robert bishop of Lincoln, and Ranulf the chancellor^9?

(who specifically helped greatly concerning this), and Ralph Basset, it was decided that someone from the church should pledge his faith in the aforesaid county court regarding the number of demesne hides of which the church should be quit. Therefore, when the county court was meeting at Sutton, with William of Buckland present as sheriff, on the Monday after the feast of St Martin [17 Nov. 1119], Roger of Hardwell, a man of the church, pledged his faith in the hand of that sheriff on behalf of the church, with the whole shire court looking on, that in Berkshire the abbey ought to be quit from one hundred and

forty hides of demesne when geld was taken.?9? The county collector then was Eadwine, priest of Cholsey, with Samuel his son." Present there of our men were Robert the sacrist, and William Brito, and the other monk William, and William of Seacourt, and Thurstan, and

Ralph the chamberlain, and many others.*”! 233. Concerning the church of Edwmardstone ^? In the fourth year after Abbot Faritius's death, Gilbert son of Hubert de Montchesney received in the chapter the society of the benefits of

this church,"? and there he granted and affirmed his father's gift of the church of Edwardstone and of the other possessions previously granted by his father in the time of lord Abbot Faritius. And he affirmed it by placing the holy text of the Gospels as a pledge in the notes that there was no set place for the meeting of the court of Berkshire; see also below, p. 310, for the court meeting at Farnborough. Hardwell was a dependency of Watchfield; Roger may have been a descendant of Gilbert de Colombiéres. 570 DB i, fos. 56'—57', shows that Cholsey was a royal possession; it remained so until Henry I granted it to Reading Abbey at its foundation. 571 See above, pp. lviii, lxi.

37? See above, p. 92. 575 ie. the confraternity of the house.

228

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

Warengerii ponendo, presente ecclesie, Bernero et Warino.

ABBENDONENSIS

toto conuentu

et militibus^

huius

234. De abbate Vincentio."

erat enim ibidem Post quatuor annos, redeunte rege de Normannia,

et ad oppidum" tanto tempore diuersis causis occupatus," cum ueniss erunt ad eum access mox , Windlesora^ nuncupatur

B fo. 158"

[ii. 162]

quod^ uulgo ie pastore uiduate quidam ex fratribus, humiliter rogantes ut eccles ans, iussit domum consol ne benig secundum Deum consuleret. Quos Wintoniam cum apud se coram redire, | precipiens^ ut quinta die ea que prius rege coram tes, uenien priore adessent. Qui statuto die tradidit in io, consil m suoru atum ceperunt rogare. Quibus, optim fame bone am quend suis, ibus pastorem, coram episcopis et baron hum, monac ia eccles si^ ticen Gemme uirum nomine Vincentium, ex s gaudenter cunctis qui aderant id laudantibus."$ Quem fratre multociens eius tis bonita fama m suscipientes, peruenerat enim dudu comitante ssam, commi sibi iam ad eos, perduxerunt eum ad eccles uiris. A s famosi aliis sque multi opo secum Rogero Salesbiriensi episc ter sapien tam credi sibi m domu s, quibus in sede pastorali positu . plenus gratia is pietat ac nus benig gubernabat. Erat autem ualde

Omnibus compatiebatur, omnes pio affectu deligebat." 57 De quo et tales litteras totius regni Anglie primoribus misit:

235. Littere regis pro^ abbate Viincentio.* us, Henricus rex Anglie archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comitib et Francis suis, s fidelibu omnibus et itibus, baronibus, uicecom sse concessi et dedisse me Sciatis salutem. Anglie, C fo. 165" Anglis, | totius Vincentio abbati abbatiam de Abbendona, cum omnibus rebus et abbatie ipsi pertinentibus. Et uolo et firmiter precipio ut bene et soca et saca cum teneat, libere et ce honorifi et in pace et quiete burgum. extra et burgo in / netheof infange et toll’ et team Hamsocnam uero et grithbriche et foresteal’ super propriam ^ milibus C

^ opidum C, corrected to oppidum by interlin. of p in B

^ Windelesora B ' tol B * de B

/ Gemeticensi B * principes B * forestal B / infangenepef B

*quBC

* diligebat B

li. 574 Ror the account of Abbot Vincent in De abbatibus (CMA ii. 290), see above, p.

575 Henry returned from Normandy on the night of 25/26 Nov. 1120, the occasion of

was at the sinking of the White Ship. He was married at Windsor on 29 Jan. 1121, and Abingdon on 13 Mar. for the consecration of Robert bishop of Lichfield; Eadmer, Historia may well novorum, bk. vi, ed. Rule, p. 293, John of Worcester, Chronicle, iti. 148-50. This have been the occasion for the formal election of Vincent.

576 A similar sentence appears in an Abingdon copy of the Worcester chronicle, the

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

229

hand of Prior Warenger, in the presence of the whole convent and of Berner and Warin, knights of this church. 234. Concerning Abbot Vincent.>”* After four years, the king came back from Normandy, where he had

been lengthily occupied by various affairs." Soon after he came to

the town which is commonly called Windsor, certain of the brethren approached him and humbly asked that, in accordance with God, he provide for the church, widowed of a pastor. He kindly consoled them and ordered that they return home, instructing that they and their prior appear before him at Winchester in five days time. They came before the king on the specified day and began to repeat their requests. By the counsel of his leading men, in the presence of his bishops and barons, with the approval of all present, he gave them as their pastor a certain man of good repute, named Vincent, a monk

from the church of Jumiéges.""* The brethren received him joyfully, for frequent report of his goodness had reached them. Accompanied by Roger bishop of Salisbury and many other famous men, they took him to the church committed to him. He was placed by them in the pastoral seat, and he wisely governed the house entrusted to him. Moreover he was an extremely kind man and filled with the grace of piety. He felt compassion for all, and he loved all with pious

affection." Concerning him, the king sent the following letters to the leading men of the whole realm of England: 235. Letters of the king for Abbot Vincent.?"? Henry king of England to his archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, sheriffs, and all his faithful men, French and English, of the whole of England. Know that I have given and granted to Abbot Vincent the abbey of Abingdon with everything pertaining to that abbey. And I wish and firmly order that he may hold well and in peace and undisturbed and honourably and freely, with sake and soke and toll and team and infangentheof, in borough and out of borough. I moreover grant him hamsocn and grithbriche and foresteal over all manuscript of which is preserved in Lambeth Palace library; John of Worcester, Chronicle, iii. 308. 577 Near identical sentences appear in an Abingdon copy of the Worcester chronicle, the manuscript of which is preserved in Lambeth Palace library; John of Worcester, Chronicle, iii. 308.

578 RRAN ii, no. 1259; Lyell, no. 85; Chatsworth, no. 344; the writ almost certainly dates to soon after Vincent’s formal election in 1121, on which see above, pp. xxviii, 228. For the privileges contained in the writ, see above, p. xcvii.

230

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

. antecessorum suorum terram abbatie ei concedo, sicut aliquis ntius et liberius tenuit, unquam melius et quietius et honorifice bus Rogero episcopo Testi cum omnibus aliis consuetudinibus suis. Baioc’, et Willelmo ne Saresbirie,^ et Rannulfo cancellario, et lohan de Pontearcharum. Apud Wdestocam. [ii. 163]

236. De foro Abbendonie ^"? ad regem, adulando In diebus huius patris, quidam maligni abeuntes ecclesie abriperet, suaserunt ei ut hundredum de Hornimere huic antes suis mendaciis simul et mercatum huius uille interdiceret, affirm ate illud habuerit, quod nunquam abbas huius loci in propria potest um adulationibus uel mercatum antiquitus in hac uilla extiterit. Quor it questionem inde rex commotus, quibusdam iustisoribus suis precep totam abbatiam in mouere. Qui priusquam rem sicut erat indagarent, ntissimus, tam forisfactum regis posuerunt. Quod cernens uir prude egium regis priuil adiit, regem ns, obicie er seue tempestati se uirilit

rege Eadwardi protulit, et ut cunctis legeretur rogauit.) Quod cum,

B fo. 158”

cepit rex ab iubente, Rogerus Salesbiriensis episcopus recitasset, loqui. At ille indignatione animum reuocare, leuius cum abbate enim ab batur dilige fultus, ium stent massi fauore baronum circu ut regem abat postul , largus et cus munifi esset omnibus eo quod ei ttens promi t, munire " sigillo maret, confir ipse et illud suo priuilegio liceret nus hacte sic ps deince si um, datur se i trecentas marcas argent . Cuius sibi quiete et sine querela in propria illud potestate habere Sed et fieri. one dilati ne | si tur peteba que iussit s, precibus rex annuen ns ea de mercatu uille, iussit similiter uoluntatem abbatis fieri, munie que scribi precepit suo sigillo?!

[ii. 164] 237. Carta regis Henrici de hundredo Hornimere.*?* Henricus rex Anglorum episcopo Salesb', et uicecomiti, et iustide ciariis, et omnibus baronibus et fidelibus suis, Francis et Anglis, sancte ecclesie et Deo, Berchesira,’ salutem. Sciatis me concessisse Marie Abbendone, et abbati Vincentio, et omnibus abbatibus successoribus suis, et monachis ibidem Deo seruientibus hundredum de ^ Salesbirie B ^ de Hornemere B

^ the mord et may have been omitted here * Berchescira B

^ actenus B C

57 English Lawsuits, no. 246; for the date, see below, p. 231 n. 582.

a 580 "This is may be Bk. i, c. 129 (CMA i. 465-6 = Charters of Abingdon Abbey, no. 149,

Abbey, grant of Hormer hundred) or Bk. i, c. 127 (CMA i. 464-5 = Charters of Abingdon form, and may current their in suspicious are Both etc.). soke and sake of grant a 148, no. indeed be products of the present dispute. See also above, p. xcvii. a 581 Both De abbatibus and an additional passage in MS B specify that Vincent broke up

THE

HISTORY

the abbey’s own land, and freely as any of customs. Witnesses: chancellor, and John At Woodstock.

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

231

as best and most undisturbedly and honourably his predecessors ever held, with all his other Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Ranulf the de Bayeux, and William de Pont de l'Arche.

236. Concerning Abingdon market??? In the days of this father, some evil men went to the king and by flattery persuaded him to take away from this church the hundred of Hormer and at the same time to prohibit this town’s market, for they mendaciously asserted that the abbot of this monastery never had that hundred in his own power, nor of old was there a market in this town. The king was swayed by their flattery and ordered some of his justiciars to start a plea concerning this. Before they ascertained the facts of the matter as they truly were, these men placed the whole abbey in the king’s forfeiture. Vincent, a most prudent man, saw this and manfully opposed the wild storm. He went to the king, presented the privilege of King Edward, and asked that it be read to all.^9? When, at the king’s order, Roger bishop of Salisbury had read it out, the king began to check his anger and to speak more mildly to the abbot. But, supported by all the barons present (for everyone loved him since he was munificent and generous), the abbot requested of the king that he confirm this by his privilege and fortify it with his seal, promising that he would give the king 300 marks of silver if he were henceforth, as hitherto, allowed to have this in his own power undisturbed and unchallenged. The king agreed to his requests and ordered that his petitions be fulfilled without delay. Also, he similarly ordered that the abbot’s will be done concerning Abingdon market,

reinforcing with his seal what he ordered to be written down:**! 237. Charter of King Henry concerning the hundred of Hormer.?*? Henry king of the English to the bishop of Salisbury, and his sheriff, and justiciars, and all his barons and faithful men, French and English, of Berkshire, greeting. Know that I have granted to God, and to the church of St Mary of Abingdon, and to Abbot Vincent, and to all his successors as abbot, and to the monks serving God there, the retable or a panel which /Ethelwold had made above the altar; CMA ii. 278, below, p. 338. This was worth 300 marks or more according to the passage in MS B, £300 according to De abbatibus. 52 RRAWN ii, no. 1477; Lyell, no. 90; Chatsworth, no. 341. The writ can probably be dated to 1126 x 1127; according to RRAN Nigel ‘is not known to attest before 1126’ and ‘Ralph Basset does not attest English documents after Aug. 1127’.

HISTORIA

232

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

ndum eis et omnibus Hornimera iure perpetuo tenendum et habe potestate sua et iusticia, successoribus suis in legitima" et liberrima ssit predicte ecclesie, et sicut Eadwardus rex Anglorum dedit et conce me et baronibus meis per cartam suam confirmauit, quam coram Willelmus rex dona lectam esse testificor, et sicut pater meus borauit. Et uolo corro et Eadwardi regis per cartam suam concessit ntes et futuri, prese et firmiter precipio ut abbas et monachi, teneant, cum ifice predictum hundredum in pace et quiete et honor s melius et quibu cum omnibus consuetudinibus et quietationibus suis et quod scilic , regum honorabilius tenuerunt tempore predictorum mittant, intro quam nullus uicecomes uel eorum ministri inde se quic Rogero bus Testi nt sed ipsi libere iusticiam suam habeant et facia lario, cancel ido Gaufr episcopo Sar', et Alexandro episcopo Linc’, et de lmo Wille et opi, et Roberto de Sigillo, et Nigello nepote episc et , Clint’ de ido Gaufr fii. 165] Albini, et Roberto de Oili, et Radulfo Basset, et et Ver, de co Albri Willelmo de Pont', et Milone de Gloecestria,’ et m. onia Lund Willelmo de Albini Britone, et Ricardo Basset. Apud

C fo. 165"

238. De mercatu.* s et iusticiariis, et Henricus rex Anglorum episcopo Sar/et uicecomiti, . | Sciatis salutem ira,’ Berches omnibus baronibus et fidelibus suis de Vincentio, abbati et one, me concessisse ecclesie sancte Marie Abbend et abbates a predict a ecclesi et monachis mercatum Abbendone, sicut et die unt, habuer s liberiu et m et ipse Vincentius abbas melius unqua ice honorif et pace in et bene Et qua abbatiam predicto Vincentio dedi. do Gaufri et Sar’, po episco et quiete teneant. Testibus Rogero Apud Pont’. de mo Willel et cancellario, et Gaufrido de Clint’, Lundoniam.

239. De curia abbatis apud Oxeneford." ** Henricus rex Anglorum Radulfo Basset, salutem. Precipio quod facias ita habere Vincentio abbati Abbendone curiam suam in Oxeneford, aliquis uel nensis Abbendo ecclesia ipsa unquam bene et plenarie sicut antecessorum suorum melius et plenarius et honorificentius habuit. Et homines sui non placitent extra curiam suam, nisi abbas prius defecerit de recto in curia sua. Et sicut poteris inquirere per legales ^ legittima B add. B

^ faceant B / Salesb’ B

* Nigellus B * Berchescira B

^ Cloec B

* Abbend’

^ Oxeneford’ B

of the same 53 RRAN ii, no. 1478; Lyell, no. 93; Chatsworth, no. 207; this may well be 1123. date as the previous writ, and must be after Geoffrey became chancellor in

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

233

hundred of Hormer, for them and all their successors to hold and have by perpetual right in their lawful and most free power and justice, as Edward king of the English gave and granted to the aforesaid church and confirmed through his charter, which I witness was read in the presence of me and my barons, and as my father King William through his charter granted and strengthened the gifts of King Edward. And I wish and firmly order that the abbot and monks, present and future, hold the aforesaid hundred in peace and undisturbed and honourably, with all their customs and quittances with which they best and most honourably held in the time of the aforesaid kings; that is, that no sheriff or sheriff’s officials interfere in anything therein, but they are to have and do their own justice freely. Witnesses: Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Alexander bishop of Lincoln, and Geoffrey the chancellor, and Robert de Sigillo, and Nigel the bishop's nephew, and William d'Aubigny, and Robert d'Oilly, and Ralph Basset, and Geoffrey of Clinton, and William de Pont de l'Arche, and Miles of Gloucester, and Aubrey de Ver, and William d'Aubigny Brito, and Richard Basset. At London.

238. Concerning the market??? Henry king of the English to the bishop of Salisbury, and his sheriff, and justiciars, and all his barons and faithful men of Berkshire, greeting. Know that I have granted to the church of St Mary of Abingdon, and to Abbot Vincent, and to the monks the market of Abingdon, as the aforesaid church and its abbots and Abbot Vincent himself ever best and most freely had, and as on the day on which I gave the abbey to the aforesaid Vincent. And let them hold well and in peace and honourably and undisturbed. Witnesses: Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Geoffrey the chancellor, and Geoffrey of Clinton, and William de Pont de l'Arche. At London.

239. Concerning the abbot's court at Oxford.>™* Henry king of the English to Ralph Basset, greeting. I order that you make Vincent abbot of Abingdon have his court in Oxford as well and fully as that church of Abingdon or any of his predecessors ever best and most fully and most honourably had it. And his men are not to plead outside his court, unless the abbot first fails with regard to justice in his court. And as you can discover through lawful men of 55 RRAN ii, no. 1516; Lyell, no. 86 and note; English Lamsuits, no. 244. The writ dates between the start of Vincent’s abbacy in 1121 and Henry’s departure for Normandy in 1127. See also above, p. xcvi.

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t curiam homines de Oxeneford, quod habere debea cancellario. Apud Wdestoca.

suam.

Teste

[ii. 166] 240. De ecclesia de Mercham. = B fo. 159°

| uenerandus abbas Cum ex hac uita migrasset, “uita adhuc dignior, annis quatuor s) auimu memor Faritius, ecclesia hec (sicut supra dispensator, i Henric regis , abbate uacauit. Quo interuallo, Simon dono patris (qui filii s abbati di^ quia propinquus erat Willelmi Rainal uita siones posses am quasd alias sui ecclesiam de Mercheam. et hoc in hi monac um habit et t, tantum comite de ecclesia ista teneba nNorma in regi sit sugges erat), loco suscipiens, omnia quieta clamau ^? nere. perti se ad tario heredi iure nia ecclesiam et terram prefatam rege ret, resiste qui defuit quia , Quod cum facile ei persuasisset tamdiu tenuit iubente, Simon terram cum ecclesia saisiauit, et Qui cum de sit. succes pastor loci quousque abbas Vincentius huius moueret, pniam calum rege coram re ista sicut de iniuste ablata tandem talis , fuisset s adeptu eam e Simonque cogitasset quam iniust : euenit finis em inter^ abbatem et ipsum Simon

ium et 241. Descriptum conuentionis inter domnum abbatem Vincent . dispensatorem regis Sumonem Domine Iste Simon, pro timore et reuerentia Dei eiusque genitricis ii, Vincent abbatis predicti oque consili amore et nostre sancte Marie, t, efficere lum beniuo magis sibi m onense Abbend et ut conuentum ia prudent et rum, singulo horum ratione anime, sue immo pro salute tam aliorum se in Deo et seculo diligentium quam sua propria, ad hoc deducente, omnia reliquit quieta que tenuerat de rebus ecclesie Abbendonensis ante aduentum eiusdem abbatis ad ipsam abbatiam: [ii. 167] scilicet ecclesiam de Mercham et cuncta ei adiacentia, id est duas hidas in eadem uilla, cum uno molendino et unam wicam; apud Garaford unam hidam; item apud Middeltuna unam hidam, et aliam apud Eppelford;/ capellam quoque in predicta uilla Middeltuna, cum

dimidia hida eidem ecclesie adiacenti.°*” Et hec omnia clamauit quieta

in perpetuum ecclesie Abbendonensi et monachis ibidem Deo seruientibus, tam de se quam de omnibus suis heredibus sibique pertinentibus. Deinde abbas uolens eundem Simonem, ut probum but 24 the Latin here is ungrammatical, requiring a different case and perhaps a preposition, ^ calumniam B * Mercheham B ^ Renaldi B the sense is clear ^ Appelford B * iter B 555 English Lawsuits, no. 222. Henry I was in Normandy until 25 Nov. 1120.

586 See above, p. 58.

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Oxford that he ought to have his court. Witness: the chancellor. At Woodstock. 240. Concerning the church of Marcham.>® When the venerable Abbot Faritius had migrated from this life for a still worthier one, this church lacked an abbot for four years, as we recorded above. In this interval, Simon, King Henry’s dispenser, suggested to the king in Normandy that Marcham church and some other land belonged to him by hereditary right, since he was a relative of Abbot Reginald’s son William (who by his father’s gift had held the church and the other possessions from Abingdon only for as long as he lived, and had quitclaimed them all when he adopted the monk’s

habit in this monastery).**° Simon easily persuaded the king of this,

since there was no one there to provide resistance; on the king’s order he seized the land with the church and held them for a long time until Abbot Vincent succeeded as pastor of this monastery [Mar. 1121]. When Vincent brought a claim before the king about the possession which had been unjustly taken in this way, and Simon thought how unjustly he had acquired it, at length the following settlement came about between the abbot and Simon: 241. Record of the agreement between lord Abbot Vincent and Simon the king’s dispenser. This Simon—for fear and reverence of God and of His mother our holy Lady Mary, and by the love and counsel of the aforesaid Abbot Vincent, and so that he might increase the good-will of the convent of Abingdon towards him, and still more for the salvation of his soul— led hither by reason of each of these considerations and both by the prudence of others who loved him in God and the world and by his own prudence, left quit everything he had held from the possessions of the church of Abingdon before Abbot Vincent came to the abbey: namely, the church of Marcham and everything belonging to it, that is two hides in the same village with one mill and one dairy-farm; at Garford one hide; likewise at Milton one hide and another at Appleford; also a chapel in the aforesaid village of Milton with half

a hide belonging to this church.**’ And he quitclaimed all these things in perpetuity to the church of Abingdon and to the monks serving God there, both from himself and from all his heirs and from those connected to him. Then the abbot, wishing to keep Simon in the 587 See above, p. 190. DB i, fo. 59", states that ‘the abbey itself holds Garford [Berks.], and always held it.’

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ecclesie retinere, concessit et prudentem uirum, in seruitio et amore

nam, habere et tenere de illi tres hidas et dimidiam apud Gersendu post eum heredibus (quam ecclesia in feudo, sibi scilicet suisque et iam ecclesie relictis terram ipse Simon, cum ceteris predictis um et solitum seruitium rebus, antea tenuerat), ita uidelicet, ut debit impenderetur. Preterea ue quoq hactenus ecclesie impensum post hac ur concessit | eidem uocat un etiam abbas manerium quod Tademert in feudo firma pro ia e de eccles C fo. 166" et suis heredibus post eum, tener ndis in Natiuitate redde quindecim libris singulis annis, ipsi ecclesie die sancti Petri um star scilicet Domini, in Pascha, et in kalendis Augu

Et ut totius ad Vincula, singulis his terminis centum solidos?

suspicio abscideretur, machinationis ecclesie in posterum nociue m toto conuentu, et idem Simon, coram abbate, considente ibide textum sacrum | euuangeliorum B fo. 159° plurimis assistentibus laicis, super dem nunquam ingesanctorum iuramentum fecit, se aut suum here de eadem firma tunc aut io maner nium aliquod quesituros de eodem . In hac quoque mento detri illic imposita quod ecclesie foret in ut si forte siue fuit, to [ii. 168] concessione hoc dispositum communi decre huius manerii firma ipse Simon siue sui post eum heredes de Tademertun rium reddenda deficeret, ecclesia Abbendonie idem mane nec ultra alicui sine ullo contradicto in proprio dominio resaisiret, iuri relictis inde siue de supradictis rebus a predicto uiro ecclesie auctoritate responsum ullum faceret. Cumque hec totius conuentus ecclesiam confirmata fuissent, idem Simon cum monachis et laicis rum et dicto um omni m horu m uade adiens, altare sancte Marie nda a eque pros m eade et uit, impos urum factorum ita sese prosecut e abbati deind ssis conce s sibi e feudi suis heredibus. Pro predictis itaqu nt his fueru inter laici hi Et et ecclesie homagium cum fidelitate fecit.

uniuersis exhibitis" actibus pro testimonio: ex parte abbatis Vin-

centii: prior suus Warengerius, et totum capitulum, Willelmus de Seuecurda, Bernerus cum filio suo Hugone, et multi alii; ex parte uero Simonis: Willelmus de Amfreuilla monachus, Willelmus magister de Gloecestria, Ansketillus uicecomes, Baldewinus clericus, et

multi alii; Hec circa Simonem gesta sunt. Verum ipse Simon ^ retibus B

^ exibitis B

588 See above, pp. Ixxi-ii, 190. the 599 The phraseology, specifying that the witnesses were laymen, is peculiar, given names that follow.

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service and love of the church as an upright and prudent man, granted him three and a half hides at Garsington to have and hold from the church in fee, that is for him and his heirs after him. Simon had previously held this land with those other aforesaid possessions which were now left to the church. He was to hold in such a way that the due and accustomed service which had hitherto been paid to the church should also be paid hereafter. Further, the abbot also granted him and his heirs after him the manor called Tadmarton to hold from the church in fee farm for £15 each year to be rendered to this church, roos. on the Nativity of the Lord, roos. at Easter, and 100s.

on 1 August on the day of St Peter's Chains.?*? And to remove forever

suspicion of any scheming harmful to the church, Simon made an oath on the sacred text of the holy Gospels, in the presence of the abbot and with the whole convent sitting there and with very many laymen in attendance, that neither he nor his heir would ever attempt any ruse concerning this manor or the farm then imposed on it, to the detriment of the church. In this grant it was also laid down by common decision that if it happened that either Simon himself or his heirs after him failed to render the farm of this manor, the church of Abingdon would without contradiction reseise that manor of Tadmarton into its own demesne, and would make no further answer to anyone concerning this or the above-mentioned possessions left to the church's right by the aforesaid man. And when these matters had been confirmed by the authority of the whole convent, Simon came to the church with monks and laymen, and placed on the altar of St Mary a pledge of everything that had been said and done, that he would comply with them and that they would be complied with by his heirs. And so he then did homage with fealty to the abbot and church for the aforesaid fiefs granted to him. And these laymen were present as witness for all these deeds:??? from Abbot Vincent’s side: his prior Warenger and the whole chapter, William of Seacourt, Berner with his son Hugh, and many others; from Simon’s side: William d'Amfreville the monk, Master William of Gloucester, Ansketel uicecomes, Baldwin the cleric, and many others." These things were done with reference to Simon. In return, for this monastery 5? William of Seacourt was Simon the dispenser's brother-in-law; see above, p. xliii.

William the monk's place of origin is uncertain, as there is more than one Amfreville in Normandy. Ansketel’s position is uncertain; he does not appear in Green, Sheriffs. He may be an otherwise unknown sheriff, a sub-sheriff, or even, perhaps, a uicomte in Normandy. One may speculate whether there was a connection with, or a confusion concerning, Ansketel, Hugh the dispenser's reeve of Sparsholt, above, p. 224.

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eodem capitulo, preecontra hunc locum de seipso istud fieri, in animus sibi habitum sentibus testibus hic annotatis, disposuit, ut si condonaret, exisecularem. mutandi uoluntatem per monachatum ne de hac uita in ipsa stente se in Anglia, uel si sine hac commutatio siue hunc monachaAnglia decederet, non alias quam Abbendonie sepeliretur, cum tota tum" reciperet, seu decedens non alias quam hic uita^ fungeretur, am mobili sue partis pecunia; quod si extra Angli donensi loco Abben eadem tamen sue partis huius patrie portio tota

cederet.??! [ii. 183] B fo. 161"

242. De Waltero filio Hingam.^" ecclesie domno Regnante autem rege Stephano, et presidente huic in coniugium Ingulfo abbate, predictus Simon dedit filiam suam ei supraitque cuidam militi nomine Waltero filio Hingam, tradid ipse eam et qua ione dictam uillam Tademertun, tali scilicet condit annos os singul per inde tenuerat, id est ut quindecim libras abbati Quam t. reddidi ea pro o redderet. Qui uillam tenuit, sed nichil omnin monachis suis ob causam abbas ad eandem uillam quendam ex

sibi in quantutransmittens, resaisiauit eam in manu sua, reputans etiam aliquan(licet uillam ipsam lumcumque lucri prouenire, saltem utroque quam e, obtiner us) reddit [ii. 184] diu cum detrimento constituti autem Hoc i. destitu , redditu eius simul, et uilla scilicet et solito filii et necnon eius gener ius Walter et factum memoratus Simon sunt, usi malitia ps deince nos circa multa eorum grauiter accipientes,

nobis semper prout ualebant aduersantes.

B fo. 162"

C fo. 166"

243. De eadem ecclesia. 9? nie Eo igitur anno quo | rex Stephanus et Henricus dux Norman abbaregi t suggessi Simonis eiusdem filius federati sunt, Turstinus et tem Abbendone quasdam hereditarii sui iuris possessiones iniusta pro ei | Datis e. occupass diu aliquan iam e fraudulenta inuasion restitutione earundem muneribus, rex ilico abbati per breue suum mandauit ut, remota omni dilatione, quicquid Turstinus suum

dicebat saisiaret.?^ Quo audito, abbas non leue dampnum inspiciens, a ^ om. B monacatum B erased at bottom of this column B

* fungetur B

4 first five words of next sentence

the portion of 591 On burials, see above, p. lxix. The last two sentences refer to p. 182 n. 453. above, see which on bequeath, could individual an which moveable goods This example is cited by Sheehan, Will in Medieval England, p. 290 n. 273.

52 A Walter son of Hingan appears in the 1166 Carta of Richard de Cormelles, for

c. 1160— Herefordshire in Wales, Red Book, i. 285; sce also e.g. The Herefordshire Domesday, 78. p. 1950), xxv, Series New Soc., Roll (Pipe Tait J. and 7o, ed. V. H. Galbraith

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Simon laid down the following concerning himself, in the same chapter in the presence of the witnesses here recorded: that if his mind made him wish to change his worldly habit for the monastic while he was in England, or if he departed from this life in England without making this change, either he would receive the monastic habit nowhere else than at Abingdon, or after dying would be buried nowhere but here, with all his own portion of moveable goods; if he completed his life outside England, however, this same portion in this

country would pass to the monastery of Abingdon.>”!

242. Concerning Walter son of Hingam.?? Moreover, when King Stephen was reigning and lord Abbot Ingulf ruling this church, the aforesaid Simon gave his daughter in marriage to a knight named Walter son of Hingam, and handed over to him the afore-mentioned village of Tadmarton, on the same condition by which he himself had held it, that is, that he render £15 a year therefrom to the abbot. Walter held this village but rendered nothing at all for it. For this reason, the abbot sent one of his monks to this village and reseised it into his possession, considering that however little profit would come to him, at least he was obtaining that village (even though for some time with a loss of the established rent), rather than being deprived of both at once, that is both the village and its accustomed rent. But Simon and Walter his son-in-law and also their sons were bitter about this, and henceforth engaged in many evil acts towards us, always opposing us as much as they could.

243. Concerning the same church. Therefore, in the year in which King Stephen and Henry duke of Normandy established a treaty [1153], Thurstan son of this Simon suggested to the king that the abbot of Abingdon had now for some time occupied by unjust and fraudulent invasion certain possessions of his hereditary property. Given gifts for their restitution, the king immediately instructed the abbot by his writ that he deliver without

delay seisin of whatever Thurstan said was his. When the abbot heard this, he saw that the damage was not light, nor did he agree 95 English Lawsuits, no. 363; see above, p. 234; also H. A. Cronne, The Reign of Stephen 1135—54 (London, 1970), pp. 261-2; G. J. White, Restoration and Reform, 1153-65: Recovery from Civil War in England (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 71-2, 174, 186—7, and more generally pp. 69—76 for treatment of Henry's actions between the peace treaty and the death of Stephen. 59* This writ does not survive; see above, p. xxix. On Thurstan, see above, p. lxxi.

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sua, diem statuit quo, non leuiter consensit. Adunata^ tamen curia hoc responderet. Iam super habita deliberatione, excogitaret quid abbate ut uel tunc te aderat dies statuta, et nondum consentien sic secundo diem Turstinus quod petebat acciperet, sicut primo consuleret. Quo o distulit, quo scilicet sapientiores de tali negoti "renuit diem,’ contra Turstinus lucrum suum differri considerans, mendaciter it noluer regem adiit, et quod iussa regis abbas implere regem regisque indicauit; insuper ut citius uoti compos efficeretur, autem causam collaterales iam iterum muneribus sibi illexit. Rex ris, Henrico de Turstini iustam existimans, uicecomiti suo tunc tempo lo, causam Oxeneford, precepit ut, ablato omni dilationis scrupu

amore utramque secundum ius regium tractaret." Vicecomes uero

et Turstinum in re [ii. 185] pecunie deprauatus, iustos possessores depredauit, te—ut ipse postea inius te, dictan non sua, quasi rege iubente et iure re quam petebat, tus saisia ergo confessus est —introduxit. Turstinus m pertinentibus, eande ad id est ecclesia de Mercham, et tribus hidis ius ecclesicontra ° ford, et una in Middeltun, una quoque in Eppel sicut iusta Deus r asticum agens, rem eandem detinuit. Sed non patitu sic iniusta diu subsistere. rex diem Eodem" namque anno quo res ecclesie inuasit, Stephanus [ii. 186]

obiit, eique in regno Henricus iunior successit.?*Quem adeuntes de

uecongregatione fratres, rem prout erat peruerse tractatam monstra . runt, supplicantes ut eorum iuste querele aurem. accommodaret Adquiescens uero rex fratribus quorum iustam querelam deprehendit, semel et iterum missis litteris precepit ut in comitatu Berchesire^ causa utriusque—ecclesie Abbendonensis scilicet et Turstini—in medio proferretur, prolata examinaretur, examinata uel hinc uel inde termi-

naretur?? Sed Turstinus de culpa sibi conscius, nunc simulata^ regis ^ preceded by rubricated * Appelford 5 ^*^ diem renuit B ^ Aduna B B simulato ^ B Berchescire * B heading of minims

595 Henry of Oxford was sheriff of Berkshire and Oxford c.1153-55; Green, Sheriffs,

p. 57, argues pp. 27, 70. E. Amt, The Accession of Henry II in England (Woodbridge, 1993), son of Simon that the sheriff must have been Duke Henry’s nominee, that Thurstan to make ‘seems to have been an Angevin supporter’, and that if “Stephen was now disposed it would seem sheriff, as them of one have to and men Henry’s of favour in judgements in the course that some Angevin partisans were beginning to regain their Oxfordshire lands of Henry of 1154.’ For the sheriff himself, see further K. S. B. Keats-Rohan, ‘The making R. C. van of Oxford: Englishmen in a Norman world’, Oxoniensia, liv (1989), 287-309. p. 36, Caenegem, The Birth of the English Common Law (and edn., Cambridge, 1988), law’ may have suggests that the decision that the case was to be heard ‘according to royal the arisen from the contempt of a royal writ. Cronne, Stephen, pp. 261-2, suggests

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to it lightly. However, he gathered his court and set a day when, after deliberation, he would devise what he should answer concerning this. When the set day came, the abbot would still not agree that Thurstan should even then receive what he sought. Just as on the first occasion, so on the second he put off the day, so he might consult the wiser men concerning this business. However, Thurstan, thinking that he was being delayed in obtaining his gains, refused the day set, went to the king, and mendaciously declared that the abbot was not willing to fulfil royal orders. In addition, he again used gifts to entice the king and the king’s entourage to take his side, so that what he desired might more swiftly be accomplished. The king, furthermore, considered Thurstan’s case to be just, and ordered his sheriff at that time, Henry of Oxford, that without the slightest delay he treat both sides’ case according to royal law.?? The sheriff, certainly corrupted by his love of money, despoiled the just possessors, and—as he later confessed—unjustly introduced Thurstan into a possession which was not his own, as if the king were ordering it and right dictating it. So Thurstan was seised of the possessions he sought, that is the church of Marcham and the three hides pertaining to it, and one hide in Milton and one in Appleford, and, acting against ecclesiastical law, he kept this possession. But God does not allow unjust things to persist long, as just ones do. For in the same year as Thurstan invaded the church’s possession, King Stephen ended his days and Henry the younger succeeded him

in the kingdom.??* Brethren of the congregation went to him, showed that the matter had been treated wrongly, and begged that he pay attention to their just complaint. The king indeed gave his agreement to the brethren, whose just complaint he grasped, and he twice sent letters ordering that the case of both sides—namely the church of Abingdon and Thurstan—be made public in the county court of Berkshire, that having been made public it be examined, and that having been examined it be decided one way or the other.*”’ But Thurstan, aware of his guilt, circ*mspectly evaded the county court presence of ‘a strong feeling in this account that the royal writs deprived the abbot of Abingdon not only of property but of his lawful jurisdictional rights, which had to give way to the jus regium administered by the sheriff, acting ad hoc, it would seem, as a royal justice’; this seems to me to be reading too much into the text. 599 Stephen died on 25 Oct. 1154; Henry II was crowned on 19 Dec. 1154. On Henry being referred to as Henry the younger, see above, p. xvii n. 2. 5?7 ‘These are probably two writs which appear only in MS B; see below, p. 348.

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occasione, per biennium negotio, nunc infirmitate, nunc hac nunc illa Quod intelligens abbas, t.?* et eo amplius comitatus caute subterfugi fratribus ad regem, secum laboris totiens inanis piguit, et assumptis e postulans ut sui obnix it, access qui tunc apud Wdestoca morabatur, t ilico rex, et Annui eret. misertus et laboris et cause finem impon et Willelmo e, niens Lundo et conuocatis iusticiis suis, Gregorio scilic sapientibus, sue curie isque filio Iohannis, et Nigello de Brocco, ceter tractarent, m causa , aderat precepit ut abbatis et Turstini, qui tunc teneri cusse incon , arent iudic asserens quicquid super hoc recte subm tinu Turs unt lexer intel debere.9? Qui inspecta rei ueritate, no^ damp tali pro em abbat et isse, B fo. 162" stantiam ecclesie in|iuste detinu m esset, non tamen iustam querelam mouisse.’ Sed quamuis hoc iustu rent, nisi prius priua erat/ inuas de se presumebant ut hunc re quam us posse subsolidi e quipp [ii. 187] audita ab ore regis sententia. Dicebant confirmare. erit studu itas sistere, quod ex ore regio prolata auctor sso quid commi sibi o iudici de Nuntiauerunt interea prefati uiri regi aperiret. eis inde^ suam tatem actum esset, orantes ut ipse uolun adeptus e iniust inus Turst Quibus precepit ut non solum quod num damp etiam uerum t, fuerat in dominium ecclesie reuerteren si quod, to serua ent, iuber rari quod interim ecclesie intulit restau un mert Tade rium mane ipse et idem Turstinus uellet, sicut pater eius, t. Quibus per singulos annos pro quindecim libris de abbate tenere si Turesse m paru est m dictu diligenter dampnum computantibus, no damp pro s, marca inta sexag un’ stinus pro dampno* de Tademert tres ximus predi quas um hidar ue uero ecclesie de Mercham et quinq abbas Turstino parcere C fo. 167° marcas abbati persolueret, nisi in | hoc idem imponebatur uires suas ei quod uoluisset. Turstinus autem cognoscens iussus erat persoluere quod no excedere, et uillam tenere et pro damp esset, iussit ut abbas atum nunti se non posse indicauit. Quod cum regi ret, et Turstino uel recipe tam sic uillam sicut ecclesiam et terram prefa t. Sic ergo, Deo ndere respo suis heredibus post illum diem nichil r ille de rebus udato defra uid uolente, in pristinum statum rediit quicq monasterii defraudauit. ^ damno B * damno B

monuisse B / 'Tadmertun B

euaserat B

7 indem C, idem B

598 On essoins, see ‘Glanvill’, Tractatus de legibus, bk. i, cc. 11-29, ed. Hall, pp. 7-17.

Oxon., The passage of more than two years probably means that the hearing at Woodstock, took place in 1157. the Norman 59 On these royal justices, see D. M. Stenton, English Justice between also White, Conquest and the Great Charter 1066-1215 (Philadelphia, 1964), pp. 68-70;

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for more than two years, now pretending the king’s business, now

illness, now this circ*mstance, now that. Realizing this, and irked

by such repeated, fruitless toil, the abbot took some of the brethren, went to the king who was then staying at Woodstock, and resolutely demanded that the king show compassion and bring an end to his toil and the case. The king at once agreed, and when he had gathered his justices, that is Gregory of London and William son of John and Nigel de Broc, and the other wise men of his court, he ordered that they treat the case of the abbot and Thurstan (who was then present); the king asserted that whatever they justly adjudged concerning this should remain unshakeable.*” When they had examined the truth of the matter, they understood that Thurstan had unjustly detained the church’s property and that the abbot had moved a just claim concerning that loss. But although this was just, however they did not themselves presume to deprive Thurstan of the possession he had invaded, unless first the sentence was heard from the king’s mouth. Rather, they said that something the king was concerned to confirm by his spoken authority would remain more secure. Meanwhile the aforesaid men announced to the king what had been done regarding the judgment entrusted to them, and praying that he should reveal to them his will concerning this. He ordered them that not only were they to return to the church’s demesne what Thurstan had unjustly acquired, but also that they order that the damage which he had meanwhile done to the church be restored, saving that, like his father, Thurstan too might hold from the abbot the manor of Tadmarton for £15 each year, if he so wished. When they diligently calculated the damage, it was said that it would be too little if Thurstan paid the abbot sixty marks for the damage concerning Tadmarton and three marks for the damage concerning the church of Marcham and the five hides already mentioned, unless the abbot wished to spare Thurstan in this matter. Thurstan, however, realized that what was imposed on him exceeded his means and indicated that he could not hold the village and pay what had been ordered for the damage. When this was announced to the king, he ordered that the abbot should receive the village, like the church and the aforesaid land, and not answer in any regard to Thurstan and his heirs after that day. So, by God’s will, he returned to its former state whatever that defrauder had defrauded from the monastery’s possessions. Restoration and Reform, pp. 197-8, on Gregory of London. It is uncertain whether this William son of John is the same man who appears below, pp. 248, 304.

244

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

244. Item de eadem ecclesia.” de cuius recuperatione Preterea tempore quo prefatus Turstinus rem, clericis, Radulfo scilicet mentionem fecimus, teneret, cuidam ex regis e terra habendam de Tamewrda, ecclesiam de Mercham absqu

ne iste partem iniuste

fuit [ii. 188] donauit.5?! Dissaisiato uero illo, consequens totum iuste perdiderat. qui erat, accep eo ab illam teneret, qui recuperandi querens, Solatium tamen amissionis sue uel locum apportatis, abbatem et frequenter regiis litteris et optimatum eius m sicut cuilibet alteri conuentum rogaturus conuenit, ut ei salte illis nequaquam conredditum persoluenti tenere concederent. Sed olicaque fultus auctosentientibus, ad Apostolicum se contulit, apost ssorem, non iam ritate et litteris ad Walchelinum, Ingulfi succe ns a secundo quod rogaturus, sed quasi uim facturus accessit, spera o secundus quam a primo optinere non potuit. Sed non minori studi it, et quam primus ne hoc fieret restitit. Ad regem ergo access m ageret ense ndon fraudulenter clericus suus contra ecclesiam Abbe uellet in si ut, ei ei indicauit. Rex itaque clerico indignatus, mandauit ensi ndon Abbe ia curia uel etiam in regno eius manere, cum eccles a poste et uta, studeret pacem habere. Sicque a rege prius restit lata. defensata, altari sancte Marie usque hodie iacet attitu [ii. 169] B fo. 159”

245. De quadam decima. 9? us, dedit Miles quidam, Iocelinus nomine, loci huius religione delectat abbate et io Vincent domno coram o Deo et sancte Marie, in capitul quas in suarum rerum omnium decime toto conuentu, duas partes quam segetum tam , habebat dicitur possessione quadam que Graua cuius Post deberet. e decimar iure quas pecorum," uel omnium rerum quam , segetum ^ quidem m decima eius obitum, Randulfus filius

auferre non

potuit, concessit."

Pecorum

uero

siue ceterarum

rerum, non solum ipse sed et patrem suum nunquam affirmabat concessisse. Audita tamen a pluribus rei ueritate, domni Walchelini abbatis tempore ‘in capitulum^ uenit fratrum, et omnium rerum decimam quam pater eius dedit et ipse deuote concessit. Et quia ad ^ peccorum B

^ quidem or corr. from quidam C, quidam B

609 English Lawsuits, no. 418; the events must pre-date the death of Walkelin on ro Apr. 1164. being 601 Ralph was to act as an envoy from Henry II to Rome in 1166, as well as

and archdeacon of Stafford; see HKF i. 62; Charters in the British Museum, ed. Warner Ellis, no. 44. 92 Chatsworth, no. 48n., EPNS, Oxfordshire, i. 177, identify this as in Holton parish;

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

245

244. Likewise, concerning the same church.9 While the aforesaid Thurstan was holding the possession which we have just mentioned being recovered, he gave to one of the king's clerics, namely Ralph of Tamworth, the church of Marcham, to have

without any land.?' When Thurstan was disseised, a consequence

was that Ralph should not hold unjustly a portion which he had received from Thurstan who had justly lost the whole. However, he sought compensation for his loss or the opportunity to recover it, and, bearing letters of the king and his great men, he frequently came to ask the abbot and convent that they at least allow him to hold like anyone else paying rent. But as they would not agree at all, he went to the pope, and strengthened with papal authority and letters he approached Walkelin, Ingulf's successor, not now to make a request but as if to make an assault, hoping to obtain from Walkelin what he could not get from Ingulf. But Walkelin resisted this outcome with no less ardour than had Ingulf. He went to the king and showed him how deceitfully his cleric was acting against the church of Abingdon. The king therefore was angry with the cleric and instructed him that if he wished to remain in his court or even in his kingdom, he should strive to make peace with the church of Abingdon. And so what had previously been restored and afterwards defended by the king, to this day lies assigned to the altar of St Mary. 245. Concerning a certain tithe. 9? A certain knight named Jocelin, delighted with the religious life of this monastery, gave to God and to St Mary, in the chapter in the presence of lord Abbot Vincent and the whole convent, two parts of the tithe of all that belonged to him in a possession called Grove, both of corn and of livestock, and of all goods which ought rightly to pay tithe. After his death, Randulf his son granted the tithe of corn, which he could not take away.9? But he asserted that neither he nor his father had ever granted the tithe of livestock and other goods. However, he heard the truth of the matter from very many people, and in the time of lord Abbot Walkelin came into the brethren's chapter and himself devoutly granted the tithe of all the goods his father had given. And since that tithe was assigned to see also Chatsworth, no. 388, a confirmation by Jocelin’s great grandson Thomas. DB i,

fo. 158", shows that Holton belonged to Roger d'Ivry in 1086, but Grove is not specifically named in Domesday Book; see also VCH, Oxfordshire, v. 172. 905 For tentative identification of Randulf as Ralph, priest of St Martin's, and for further details of his family, see Charters in Oxford Muniment Rooms, ed. Salter, no. 77 n.

246

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

ata fuerat, super altare opus infirmorum fratrum decima illa deput ia imposita perpetue quod in oratorio infirmorum erat manu propr confirmauit.

B fo. 160°

[ii. 170]

246. De decima Winterburne .?* atus, in Winterburna Alius etiam miles quidam, Normannus appell dictus est, in hac posses|sionem habens, filium suum, qui Eudo auit tempore abbatis Abbendonensi ecclesia monachum" fieri postul decimam dominii sui Vincentii. Et ut facilius quod uolebat optineret, donare poterat, de Winterburna,’ quam cui placeret ecclesie libere

sa, sub una cum filio dono perpetuo contradidit.°” Que sic conces manu‘ sacriste redacta est.

247. De dimidia hida apud Mora. ia, ex Similiter miles huius ecclesie, Raibaldus^ de Tubene m habitu a unum Adelelmum nomine in hac eadem ecclesi eo cum induere postulauit. Quod et facile optinuit, data qui absque calumpnia aliqua dimidia hida terre in loco um offici ad Mora dicitur, que et predicto abbate Vincentio deputata est.

C fo. 167"

filiis suis monachi perpetuo uulgariter sacristerii

248. De Radulfo Basset. iusticie Radulfus etiam cognomento Basset, in omni Anglie regno effectus | ut am, ecclesi m onense Abbend hanc habens dignitatem, (quo probauit operis, speciali amauit delectione. Seipsum enim et ubi , sociauit ecclesie tati fraterni aliquis) nichil carius habet t. disposui sepeliri se um transit uite post et habitum mutare, Transacto uero cursus sui tempore, cum esset apud Northamtonam ur, subita egritudine cepit detineri, et suspicans quia moreret cuius uero tus Requisi it. postulau indui habitum monachorum sibi ei ecclesie religio placeret, non alibi quam ad fratres suos Abbendoniam uel deferri, uel se sepeliri si obiret, respondit, sicut ante promiserat. Diuisione etiam omnium rerum suarum sollenniter* facta, pecuniarum quantitatem non modicam secum Abbendonam deferendam segregauit; de prediis uero quibus large habundabat, ^ Winterburne B * h interlin., in different ink B ^ Rainbaldus B * sollempniter B

* corr. from manus B

604 Berks. Note that DB i, fo. 61", has a tenant called Norman holding five hides in

Norman, or a Winterbourne from Hascoit Musard. The donor here may be that 397, places the p. below, History, the as hand same the in C MS in list descendant. A tithe of Winterbourne amongst the revenues of the altar. 605 On gifts accompanying monks entering Abingdon, see above, p. lxix.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

247

the use of the sick brethren, he confirmed it perpetually with his own hand placed on the altar which is in the chapel of the sick. 246. Concerning the tithe of Winterbourne.©* Also, another knight, called Norman, had a possession in Winterbourne, and in Abbot Vincent’s time he requested that his son, called Eudo, become a monk in this church of Abingdon. And to obtain more easily what he wished, he handed over as a perpetual gift, together with his son, the tithe of his demesne of Winterbourne,

which he was able to give freely to whatever church he pleased.

The tithe granted thus was placed under the control of the sacrist. 247. Concerning half a hide at Moor.9? Similarly, a knight of this church, Rainbald of Tubney, requested that one of his sons, named Adelelm, assume the monk's habit in this church. He easily obtained this, after giving with Adelelm half a hide of land in the place which is commonly called Moor, perpetually free of any claim. This also was delegated by the aforesaid Abbot Vincent to the office of the sacristy. 248. Concerning Ralph Basset. Ralph, surnamed Basset, who had the status of justice throughout the realm of England, also loved this church of Abingdon with special affection, as the outcome of his action proved. For he associated himself (than which no one holds anything more dear) with the fraternity of the house, and arranged to change his habit there [i.e. become a monk] and to be buried there after the span of his life. And indeed, when the period of his passage through life was completed, while he was at Northampton he began to be gripped by a sudden illness, and, suspecting that he would die, requested that he be endowed with the habit of monks. When indeed he was asked which church's religious life pleased him, he answered that he was to be taken nowhere except to his brethren at Abingdon, or—if he died—-was to be buried there, as previously he had promised. When indeed all his possessions were solemnly divided up, he separated off not a small quantity of goods to be taken to Abingdon with him. Further, from the estates with which he was copiously supplied, he 6% The location of this land is not certain, but it is probably in the same place as the Moor mentioned above, p. 192, that is Draycott Moor or Southmoor. See also below pp- 272, 397, for 8s. of the ‘rents of the altar’ coming from ‘Mora’; De abbatibus records half a hide of *Lamora' being among Vincent’s endowment for the monks’ baths; CMA ii.

290.

248

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

quatuor sui iuris hidas in Chedelswrtha^ [ii. 171]

perpetue mansuras

loco

luce presenti, cum eidem concessit." Decedens uero ibidem a ipse

ad Abbendonam, ut honore maximo et magna populi frequentia utpote frater eorum et iusserat, est delatus, et ab omni conuentu gratanter receptus, i multorum largitor (dum potuit) beneficiorum at uirum, completo eorum capitulo honorifice, ut talem. deceb

leswrtha in seruitio est sepultus. Sicque quatuor hide de Chede

te, et a cunctis filiis dominium ecclesie Abbendonensis sunt saisia rmate. Hec enim confi nt adera Radulfi omnes enim tunc presentes sequuntur in uero que s; gesta sunt tempore domni^ Vincentii abbati diebus successoris sui Ingulfi.

[ii. 188]

249. De Ricardo Basset.”

predicti, cum patre Ricardus itaque Basset, filius Turstini filii Radulfi | calumpniam hidis r quatuo ictis fo. 163° mortuo heres successisset, de suprad si quomodo se, ad eas ut mouit, multa obiectione et curiositate agens, regem entes, agnosc posset, attraheret.' Versutias uero eius fratres antes postul nt, adieru Henricum iuniorem, tunc temporis regnantem, m Quoru fuerat. [ii. 189] ut eis cum pace tenere faceret quod eis iuste donatum o Ricard um, petitioni benigne annuens, tale breue, sigillo suo munit direxit:

B fo. 162"

250. Carta regis Henrici iunioris. 9? et comes Henricus rex "Anglorum et dux Normannorum et Aquitanie

Andegauorum^ Ricardo Basset, salutem.5!! Precipio quod monachi

mei de Abbendona teneant in pace et libere et quiete et iuste quatuor hidas terre de Chedeleswrtha, sicut eas tenuerunt tempore Henrici regis aui mei, et eisdem" libertatibus cum omnibus pertinentiis m. earum; et prohibeo ne quis eos inde iniuste ponat in placitu em clamor audiam inde ne fieri, faciat Quod nisi feceris, iusticia mea pro penuria pleni recti uel firme iusticie. Teste Willelmo filio Iohannis. Apud Cliuam. ^ dompni B * Chedeleswrtha B Normannie et Aquitanie et comes Andegauie B

* attraeret B * eiusdem B

^4 Anglie et dux

607 pp i, fo. 62", has Robert d'Oilly holding four hides at Chaddleworth, Berks.; this

was one of various of Robert’s estates which passed to the Bassets.

608 Ralph died at the end of the 1120s or early in 1130; see above, p. 111 n. 260. On

in the burials, see above, p. lxix. See above, p. xxix, for an additional Basset document Abingdon cartularies.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

249

granted to remain perpetually to that monastery four hides of his property in Chaddleworth.©’ Then, at Northampton, he departed from the present light, and with the utmost honour and accompanied by a great crowd of people he was brought to Abingdon as he had ordered, and was joyfully received by all the convent as their brother and (while he was able) the bestower of many benefits. He was buried honourably in their chapter-house, with a full service, as befitted such a man.*? And so the four hides at Chaddleworth were seised into the demesne of the church of Abingdon, and confirmed by all Ralph’s sons, for they were then all present. These events took place in the time of lord Abbot Vincent; those which follow, on the other hand, took place in the days of his successor Ingulf.

249. Concerning Richard Basset.9? When Richard Basset, son of Thurstan son of the aforesaid Ralph, succeeded as heir after his father’s death, he moved a claim concerning the above-mentioned four hides. He employed many a charge and subtlety so that he might appropriate these hides for himself, if he could do so in any way. The brethren, however, recognized his cunning ploys and came to King Henry the younger, who was then reigning, and they requested that he make them hold peacefully what had been justly given to them. The king accepted their petition with good will and sent to Richard the following writ, strengthened with his seal: 250. Charter of King Henry the younger 9? Henry king of the English and duke of the Normans and of Aquitaine and count of the Angevins to Richard Basset, greeting.?!! I order that my monks of Abingdon may hold in peace and freely and undisturbed and justly the four hides of land at Chaddleworth, as they held them in the time of King Henry my grandfather, and with the same liberties, with all their appurtenances. And I forbid that anyone unjustly place them in plea concerning this. If you do not do this, my justice is to ensure that it is done, so that I do not hear complaint concerning this for want of full right or firm justice. Witness: William son of John. At King's Cliffe. 99 English Lawsuits, no. 424; the precise date is uncertain. $19 [ yell, no. 128, Chatsworth, no. 297. MS B repeated this document in its series of Henry II writs; see below, p. 350.

611 See above, p. vii, on the forms of royal titles in MSS B and C.

HISTORIA

250

[ii. 190]

C fo. 168"

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

in aliquo contradicere, sed et Quo breue audito, Ricardus nec ualens tale cum Abbendonensciens se calumpniam mouisse, cirographum sibus composuit: 612 251. Cirographum de Chedeleswrtha. quam futuris, quod ego Notum sit omnibus, tam presentibus concessi in elemosinam t, Basse Ricardus Basset, filius Turstini coram omni conuentu, ulo capit in , perpetuam et firmiter confirmaui iis^ posui, ecclesie propr bus "mani et super altare signo cultelli cum pertinentiis tha^ leswr Chede Abbendone quatuor hidas de Basset et pater fus Radul meus auus earum, in bosco, in plano, quas das liberas et tenen ie, eccles cte predi meus Turstinus Basset dederant r commune prete ione exact et ri absolutas ab omni seruitio milita quiete, et sunt mee terre alie si , geldum totius comitatus, ita tamen adiacet, terre cte predi quod autem illa similiter sit quieta. De bosco et ndum, facie me coram focum ad o cum fuero in prouincia, illa retine m curia circa sepes et faldos ad palas et s ad coquinam meam, et uirga in si ,’ cumba Hlede de^ mea dina molen meam faciendas, et arbores ad

uisum bosco illo inueniri | poterunt./? Quod totum capietur per Hlede de mei porci Et . erit docu forestarii monachorum, et sicut cumba‘ de subscriptis: Sandford,’ Henrico de

dominio quieti sint de pasnagio. Presentibus testibus toto conuentu; de laicis: Adam uicecomite, Iordano de Iohanne de Sancta Helena, Gaufrido de Sunigewelle, Pisi, Radulfo Britone, Radulfo placitore, et multis aliis.°”

media, His ita terminatis, Ricardus, assumpta secum cirographi parte amicus factus, recessit ad propria. ^

propriis manibus B

* Ledecumba B

^ Cheleswrthe B

Edu

^ Ledecumba B

^ Samford B

verbal modifica612 The Abingdon cartularies include a later version with some minor Thurstan Basset, and tions, an additional clause recording the presence and consent of of the witnesses is different witnesses; Lyell, no. 248, Chatsworth, no. 296. The first bishop of Asaph, Godfrey is that prelato’, ecclesie ipsius episcopo Godefrido ‘domino guardian of Abingdon 1165—75. Robert d'Oilly, 613 DB i fo. 62", records Letcombe Basset, Berks., as an estate of whereas that including two mills at £3. The entry makes no mention of woodland, ‘woodland of records 62", fo. i, DB th, Chaddlewor of holding d'Oilly's Robert concerning ten pigs.’ was 614 The monks’ forester may be the same as the lignar, whose primary responsibility as well; the fuel supply but who certainly in the later middle ages had other responsibilities Soc., see e.g. Accounts of the Obedientiars of Abingdon Abbey, ed. R. E. G. Kirk (Camden with New Series li, 1892), pp. xxix-xxx, 5-11. Alternatively, he might be a lesser official entury local responsibility; see e.g. Chatsworth, nos. 150, 162, 165, 224 for thirteenth-c charters witnessed by foresters; cf. below, p. 368, on the park-keeper.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

251

When he heard the writ, Richard was unable to contradict it in any way. Aware that he had brought the claim, he agreed upon the following cirograph with the men of Abingdon:

251. Cirograph concerning Chaddleworth.° Let it be known to all, both present and future, that I, Richard Basset, son of Thurstan Basset, have granted to the church of Abingdon in perpetual alms and have firmly confirmed in the chapter in the presence of all the convent, and have placed with my own hands on the altar by the symbol of a knife, the four hides at Chaddleworth with their appurtenances in wood and plain, which my grandfather Ralph Basset and my father Thurstan Basset had given to the aforesaid church, to be held free and exempt from any knight service and exaction, except the common geld of the whole county, in such a way, however, that if my other lands are quit, it likewise is to be quit. However, concerning the wood which belongs to the aforesaid land, when I am in that region I retain it for making a fire for myself and for my kitchen, and sticks and stakes for making folds and fences around my court, and trees for my mills of Letcombe, if they can be found in

that wood.°!’ All this is to be taken under the supervision of the monks’ forester and as he instructs.°'* And my pigs of the demesne of Letcombe are to be quit of pannage. The witnesses recorded below were present: the whole convent; of laymen: Adam the sheriff, Jordan of Sandford, John of St Helen, Geoffrey of Sunningwell, Henry of

Pusey, Ralph Brito, Ralph the pleader, and many others.° After these things had been concluded thus, Richard took half the cirograph, was made a friend [of the church], and returned home. $5 Adam of Catmore was sheriff of Berkshire from the seventh until half way through the sixteenth year of Henry Ils reign. He may earlier have been under-sheriff, see PR 2—4 HII, pp. 34-5. The reference to Adam below, p. 280, in a witness list as sheriff in an incident of Stephen’s reign may show that the writer in the 1160s thought of him as ‘Adam the sheriff’, or that he had indeed been sheriff in Stephen’s reign. Jordan was probably the son of Robert of Sandford, above, p. 88. The 1166 Abingdon Carta records that he held four knights’ fees of the abbey; Red Book, i. 305, below, p. 390. For John of St Helen, see also below, p. 390. See below, p. 360 for Geoffrey of Sunningwell’s holding of Abingdon in Garford; also CMA ii. 302, for a Geoffrey of Sunningwell holding two hides at Boxford late in the twelfth century. He does not appear in the 1166 Carta; see below, pp. 390-1. A list in MS C, in a later hand, mentions a Henry of Sunningwell, who may be a relative; CMA ii. 311. The 1166 Abingdon Carta records that Henry of Pusey held one knight’s fee of the abbey; Red Book, i. 306, below, p. 390. Ralph Brito may or may not be the same man who appears below, p. 296. A Ralph Brito witnessed a dispute settlement of 1169 x 81, Charters in Oxford Muniment Rooms, ed. Salter, no. 88; see also Oseney, i, no. 489, 1i, nos. 1099, IIOI, iv, no. 22.

HISTORIA

252 [ii . 171] B fo . 160°

[i .

172]

B fo. 160

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

Vincentius omnia 252. Venerabilis itaque et Deo dignus abbas e.

Deo possent seruir ministeria fratrum accreuit, ut absque murmure redditus huius uille, Ad ministerium enim coquine dedit omnes s et quinque libras de quantumcumque deinceps creuissent, adden menta deputauit. "7 suo marsupio, et uiginti solidos ad diuersa condi ecim libras reddere. Solebat autem tunc temporis ista uilla quind um, uiginti quinque Addidit et his molendinum super Hocke^ posit

los annos ad solidos tunc reddens.? In die sui anniuersarii per singu s procurauit, ex his fercula et ad potum fratrum quadraginta solido .?^ | que propria industria ecclesie apud Oxeneford acquisiuit ad conficienAd ministerium cellarii addidit uiginti sextaria mellis a solebant propri eria dum ydromellum, que antecessores sui ad minist dunz" Cudes itura habere. Ad hec addidit et quatuor libras ex prepos t habean us itatib ad emendum uinum, unde fratres in precipuis festiu

caritatem. hida de MidAd ministerium refectorii uiginti solidos de quadam et salaria, et ia, coclear et ciphos, deltuna dedit, ad emendum iustas, et ria. necessa candelabra, et si que^ minora fuerint eswrthe," Ad ministerium camere addidit quatuor hidas de Chedel

quas Radulfus Basset huic ecclesie dedit.P! Ad ministerium altaris ‘ligdedit ecclesiam de Wicham, reddentem quatuor libras.9? Ad una et narium fratrum* dedit sexaginta solidos de redditibus Cudesd

Cernie.9? Curiam honestis edificiis et muris uenustauit.9"* Pro fratre

usque ad in isto loco professo de hac uita decedenti, a die sui transitus uictum m eunde o, reuolut integro anno m diem anniuersarii eiusde conlargiri esset, rus habitu s residen rio quem uiuens et in refecto

stituit.75 Hec et multa alia beneficia huic ecclesie largitus est. “ Ocke B ^* lingnarium B

^ Cudesduna B

* qua

B C

^ Chedeleswrtha B

the absence of 616 See Preface, p. viii, for MS C presenting this as a new section, despite

ng the ornaments of a rubricated heading. In MS B, it is preceded by a section «Concerni Abbot Vincent’, below, p. 340. 395. 617 See also a list in MS C in the same hand as the History, helow, p.

Mill to 518 On this mill, see above, p. 94. De abbatibus attributes to Ingulf the gift of Ock

36s.; CMA ii. 306, the kitchen; CMA ii. 291. See also below, p. 395, which puts the rent at which puts it at 36s. 4d. of Vincent's 619 These lands are not mentioned elsewhere in the History’s account below, p. 395. abbacy or in De abbatibus; cf. a listin MS C in the same hand as the History, DMLBS, fasc. Special food (ferculum) would consist of meat or fish, as opposed to bread; iv, s.v. ferculum.

kitchen; 99 See also below, p. 395, for rents from Cuddesdon being attributed to the

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

253

252. So Abbot Vincent,°'® venerable and worthy of God, increased all

the offices of the brethren, that they could serve God without complaint. For to the office of the kitchen he gave all the rents of Abingdon, however much they increased thereafter, adding also £5

from his own purse, and he consigned 20s. for various seasonings.°!”

At the time, moreover, that town was accustomed to render £1 5. He

also added to these a mill situated on the Ock, then rendering 25s.°!

On the day of his anniversary every year, for the special food and drink of the brethren, he provided 4os. from those in Oxford which he acquired by his own toil for the church.9'?

To the office of the cellar he added twenty sesters of honey for making mead, which his ancestors were accustomed to have for their own. To these he added also £4 from the reeveship of Cuddesdon for buying wine from which the brethren are to have their special allowance on the main feast days.°”° To the office of the refectory he gave 2os. from a hide at Milton, for buying flagons, and goblets, and spoons, and salt-cellars, and candlesticks, and any other lesser necessities. To the office of the chamber he added four hides at Chaddleworth

which Ralph Basset gave this church.9?' To the office of the altar he gave the church of Wickham, rendering £4.59? To the fuel provision of the brethren

he gave 60s. from the rents of Cuddesdon

and

Charney.5? He made the court attractive with becoming buildings and walls.4^For a brother who had professed in this monastery and who departed this life, he decided to bestow the same provisions as one living and present in the refectory would have, from the day of his passing to the day of his anniversary a full year later.9? These and many other benefits he conferred on this church. CMA ii. 312, 314—17, for lists of feast days on which wine was to be provided. On ordinary days, monks would normally have drunk ale. See Harvey, Living and Dying, p. 58.

9?! See above, p. 246; a list in MS C in the same hand as the History, below, p. 398, includes four pounds from Chaddleworth among the revenues of the chamber.

$2 See also Lyell, no. 164 and note; a list in MS C in the same hand as the History, below, p. 397, states that forty pounds of wax were rendered to the altar from the church of Wickham. Wickham is a hamlet close to Welford, Berks.; sce VCH, Berkshire, iv. 116, 124—5. 63 See also a list in MS C in the same hand as the History, below, pp. 394-5.

624 For the area of the monastic precinct known as the court, see Plan, p. cv. 95 Harvey, Living and Dying, p. 13 notes ‘the universal practice of commemorating deceased monks by putting their portions of food and drink on the tables in the refectory at meal-times for a period after the decease, the whole to be given to the poor at the conclusion of the meal. Commonly, each monk was commemorated in this way for never less than thirty days after his death, and in some houses for a whole year.’

HISTORIA

254

ECCLESIE

253. De morte “abbatis Vincenti." Regiminis uero sui anno decimo,

ABBENDONENSIS

ecclesie sue bono

per omnia

ecclesie in euo intentus, uir uenerabilis,"* et merito suo huic us domum memorandus, quieuit in Domino, bonis omnib m. ditam posteris relinquens habundante

sibi cre-

[ii. 173] 254. De ‘abbate Ingulfo."

Successit autem

is ei in loco pastoris Ingulfus, prior Wintoniens

instructus," ecclesie, uir religiosus et scientia litterarum adprime s,

utionibus positu qui ecclesiam sibi commissam,/ in diuersis persec utiones post persec que t, regeba pro ut tempus ei sinebat, moderate rmando et confi quo Pro unt. defuer regis Henrici obitum ei nunquam litteras tales Anglie ribus primo in abbatem promouendo, idem rex suo sigillo munitas direxit:

255. Littere regis." ? us, comiHenricus rex Anglorum, archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatib Francis et suis, us fidelib s tibus, uicecomitibus, baronibus, et omnibu dedisse et isse concess me Anglicis, totius Anglie, salutem. Sciatis ipsi rebus s omnibu cum Ingulfo abbati abbatiam de Abbendona, in et bene quod o precipi r abbatie pertinentibus. Et uolo et firmite et toll et soca et saca cum libere, pace et quiete et honorifice teneat et flemeet na hamsoc et forstel et tem et infangetheof et gritbruche et in neformthe, in burgo et extra burgum, in bosco et plano, in aquis aliis s omnibu cum et festo, riuis, et semitis, et in festo et sine suorum ssorum antece aliquis m fo. 168” consuetudinibus suis, sicut | unqua us melius et quietius et honorificentius et liberius tenuit. Testib ario, cancell S.” et Wint’, po Rogero episcopo Sar', et Henrico episco mo de Pontearcarum, et Roberto [ii. 174] et Nigello nepote episcopi, et Willel de Oili, et Warino uicecomite. Apud Wintoniam.'

256. De ecclesia sancti Aldadi.9? Est in ciuitate Oxeneford monasterium quoddam sancti Aldadi episcopi uenerationi consecratum. Cuius omne beneficium duo clerici ^? Ingulfo abbate B ^ Vincentii abbatis B f tol B * Anglie B Henrici add. B

^ first s interlin. in different ink B ^ om. B * infangentheof B

' Wine’ B Kk. i 626 Vincent died in 1130; on 29 Mar. according to Cambridge, University Library, 22, fo. 2", and John of Worcester, Chronicle, iii. 194, 308. 97 Ingulf probably became prior of Winchester in the mid-late 1120s; Fasti: Monastic was blessed at Cathedrals, p. 88. He was elected abbot of Abingdon at Woodstock, and iii. 194. Salisbury by Bishop Roger on Sunday 8 Jun. 1130; John of Worcester, Chronicle,

THE

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THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

255

253- Concerning the death of Abbot Vincent. In the tenth year of his rule, the venerable man found rest in the Lord.?* He had been attentive to the good of his church in everything and is to be remembered for ever for his meritorious service to this church, leaving the house which had been entrusted to him abundant in all good things for those to come. 254. Concerning Abbot Ingulf. His successor in the position of pastor was Ingulf, prior of the church of Winchester, a devout man, educated to the highest degree in the

knowledge of letters.?" He ruled the church entrusted to him with

moderation, as far as circ*mstances permitted him, in that he was placed amidst various persecutions and was never free of them after King Henry's death. To confirm him and promote him to abbot, King Henry sent the following letters, strengthened with his seal, to the leading men of England: 255. Letters of the king.9? Henry king of the English to his archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, sheriffs, barons and all his faithful men, French and English, of the whole of England, greeting. Know that I have granted and given to Abbot Ingulf the abbey of Abingdon with everything pertaining to this abbey. And I wish and firmly order that he may hold well and in peace and undisturbed and honourably and freely, with sake and soke and toll and team and infangentheof, and grithbrech and foresteal and hamsocn and flemenforthe, in borough and out of borough, in wood and plain, in waters and in streams and tracks, and in feast and without feast, and with all its other customs, as best and most undisturbedly and honourably and freely as any of his predecessors ever held. Witnesses: Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Henry bishop of Winchester, and [Geoffrey] the chancellor, and Nigel the bishop's nephew, and William de Pont de l'Arche, and Robert d'Oilly, and Warin the sheriff. At Winchester. 256. Concerning the church of St Aldate. 629 There is in the city of Oxford a certain minster consecrated to the veneration of St Aldate, the bishop. Two clerics of that town, the 93 RRAWN ii, no. 1641; the writ dates to between Vincent’s death on 29 Mar. 1130 and Henry’s departure across the Channel in Aug. or Sept. of that year. $9 See J. Blair, ‘Saint Frideswide's monastery: problems and possibilities’, Oxoniensia, liii (1988), 221—58, at pp. 233—5; Salter, Medieval Oxford, pp. 116—17. For St Frideswide’s claim that Henry I gave half the church of St Aldate, see RRAN ii, no. 1342; however, it is |

[See p. 256 for n. 629 cont.]

HISTORIA

256

eadem

uilla, fratres

ECCLESIE

Robertus

ABBENDONENSIS

et Gillebertus,

cum

quodam

autem ut, uocante Nicholao sacerdote eque dimidiabant.**° Contigit donensi

hi in hoc Abben Deo, predicti duo fratres habitum monac susciperent, et partem re, cenobio, huius abbatis scilicet Ingulfi tempo us infra ciuitatem domib et ecclesie que eis contingebat, cum terra dono perpetuo ie eccles huic hereditario iure sibi pertinentibus, ecclesie domipartis us alteri contraderent. Quod uidens Nicholaus, ut ei partem lans postu nit, nus, abbatem simul et conuentum conue concederent, tenere t uiuere iu fratrum predictorum cum sua quamd i solidos uigint et scilic at, ita ut censum quem pars accepta exigeb ut cum osuit, interp talem annuatim, persolueret. Conditionem etiam si in etiam uel et, mutar ista ia habitum mutare uellet, non nisi in eccles dicte supra ie eccles ia dimid illo habitu quo tunc erat uitam finiret, pars isto loco remaneret. que sua erat, cum altera parte, in perpetuum ecclesia posita est, ista no Roma Rogante etiam Nicholao, in priuilegio

a, duos quod tunc temporis renouabatur.?! Reuersus ergo ad propri

prenotati, extra solidos per annos singulos in recognitionem pacti censum consuetum, dum uixit persoluit. aus idem Defluente uero postmodum aliquanto tempore, Nichol [ii. 175] salutis Qui i. detiner sensit se subita egritudine correptus, letali morbo sit, transmi m nuntiu m donia proprie recordatus, ad fratres suos Abben cum Qui et. deficer uam priusq petens ut religionis habitum indueret, ntulum aliqua iccirco et t, putaren mortem eius nondum sic imminere es autem uenire tardarent, Nicholaus in exthasi detentus jacuit. Astant et idem s, putante um mortu sancte Fritheswithe canonici, iamque suum m habitu ti nescien antes, fortasse propter lucrum suum desider iniuria et ui m quada iam eccles superposuerunt, sicque ad suam , cum a rapuerunt. Postea tamen reuocato spiritu ad se rediens assumpsic habitus ei utrum Wigodo abbate Oseneie interrogaretur specu uili m quoda in s ampliu se tus, aut ibi mori placeret, respondit

uelle proici quam ibi detineri."^ Dicebat enim bono suo se ibi non

likely that the folio mas ^ B lacks a folio here, lost after the first numbering offolios; it seems removed for the picture of King Stephen mhich it mould have contained

in confirmations possible that the charter is interpolated, and the church is not mentioned

i, nos. 8, cise he by Popes Honorius II and Innocent Il; Cartulary of St Fridesmide, In 1148 or later, 646. no. iii, RRAN mid-1141, in ’s Frideswide Empress confirmed it to St prior of St King Stephen ordered the bishop of Lincoln that he should not place the of St Edward, Frideswide’s in plea concerning half the church of St Aldate and the church

party to the except in the king’s presence. It is plausible that Abingdon was the other you dispute. A general confirmation by Hadrian IV for St Frideswide’s included ‘whatever settlement have in the church of St Aldate’; Cartulary of St Fridesmide, i, no. 23. A further

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

257

brothers Robert and Gilbert, used to share equally the benefice of that church with a priest, Nicholas.9? But it happened in the time of this abbot, Ingulf, that, at God’s calling, those two brothers adopted the monk’s habit in this monastery of Abingdon, and they handed over to this church as a perpetual gift the part of the church which belonged to them, with the land and houses within the city which pertained to them by hereditary right. Seeing this, Nicholas, the lord of the other part of the church, came to the abbot and convent.and demanded that they grant him the aforesaid brothers’ part to hold with his own as long as he lived, thus that he would pay the required rent from the part he received, that is 20s. a year. He also set down the following condition, that when he wished to change his habit, he would not do so except in this church, or even if he finished his life in his current habit, his half of the above-mentioned church, with the other part, would remain to this monastery in perpetuity. Also at Nicholas’s request, this church was placed in the Roman privilege which was

being renewed at the time.! So he went home, and as long as he lived he annually paid 2s. above the accustomed rent in recognition of the above agreement. Some while later, Nicholas was taken by a sudden sickness and felt himself gripped by a deadly illness. Mindful of his own salvation, he sent a messenger to his brethren at Abingdon, with a request to assume the habit of the religious life before he lost his strength. They did not think his death so imminent and therefore delayed a little in coming, while Nicholas lay unconscious. However, the canons of St Frideswide who were present thought him already dead, and they placed their own habit on him without his knowledge, possibly desiring him because of his wealth, and thereby wrongfully seizing him by force for their own church. Afterwards, however, his spirit was recalled, he came to, and when asked by Wigod abbot of Oseney whether he was pleased with the habit adopted thus or with dying there, he replied that he would rather be thrown into some vile cave

than be kept at St Fridewide’s.°” For, he said, he could not for his concerning presentation of the church was made in the time of Abbot Hugh (1189/90— 1221); Cartulary of St Fridesmide, i, no. 254. Conflict occasionally arose again (Cartulary of St Frideswide, i, no. 255), but VCH, Oxfordshire, iv. 373, shows the arrangement outlined in the following section in general working well up to the Dissolution.

630 Nicholas the priest may be the same man mentioned in a charter of King Stephen for St Frideswide's; RRAN iii, no. 640. 831 See above, pp. xxix, lii; also below, pp. 266, 272. $2 Wigod was prior 1138—54; abbot 1154-68: Heads ofReligious Houses, p. 179.

258

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

bus suis debuit probaposse sepeliri, ubi sepultus fidem quam fratri endum quem, seu uiuus retur mentiri; se potius ad eum locum defer tamen ab his qui bonis seu mortuus, elegerit inhabitandum. Detentus eptus, atque sepultus est. suis inhiabant, presentis uite fine inibi interc us esse, et iam iure Partem uero ecclesie quam Nicholai dixim defensione" prelatis," nostram, negligentibus circa rerum suarum nituntur; nobis tamen, usque hodie detinent, et perpetue detinere^ reseruata. Hec iccirco cum parte iam nostra, personatus dignitate tanto citius perueniat dixerim, ut quandoque per uirum a Deo datum, a iniusta distractio. eius iusta recuperatio, quanto inuenta fuerit script 257. Cirographum de wicha apud Oxeneford. est in Abbendonia Frater Ingulfus et totus conuentus, cui a Deo datus Christo salutem. in humilis minister, omnibus successoribus suis am nostram wichi lo Notum sit uobis omnibus quod in pleno capitu ac Roberto oti que iuxta pontem Oxeneford iacet, Nicholao sacerd retentis s, ssimu nepoti eius, iure hereditario possidendam, conce aquadr , nostra eiusdem consuetudinibus et conseruata nobis firma et oldus Ermen | s , sub quibu C fo. 169° ginta uidelicet solidorum per annum [ii. 176]

herediGodwinus eam prius tenuerant eam.^9? Pro hac autem sua

capitulo tate, Nicholaus et Robertus homagium nobis in pleno et totus us Ingulf fecerunt. In hoc autem simul sedimus ego frater s, decanu lmus Wille conuentus. Cum Nicholao et Roberto affuerunt et datum recor m Rogerus filius Wigeri, et multi alii. Hoc autem pactu s uicini multis et confirmatum est in camera nostra, coram baronibus est, eorum mos ut nostris, qui in Natiuitate beatissime uirginis Marie,

apud nos conuenerant.**

258. Cirographum de quadam terra in Gersendona. 9? , Ego Adeliz et filius meus Hugo, annuente^ domino meo Roberto de terram auimus confirm ionem concessimus et iureiurando concess o de Gersenduna, que fuit Gilleberti aui mei, quam dedit Willelm omni ab quietam et liberam Botendona cum matre mea/ Agnete, Ingulfo domno et nie, calumpnia, Deo, et sancte Marie Abbendo

abbati,5 quia et mater mea eam Faritio abbati reddiderat, ita et ego * ditinere C ^ prolatis C * for defensionem ? unnecessarily repeated, or possibly the first instance should read iam / sua C columns C

633 See q above, p. 204. 9

^ either eam has been * xiii between

$35 See also above, pp. 48, 130. 6343 See above, p. c. of Gilbert Latimer. Both that daughters three the of one Agnes, for 48, 636 See above, p.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

259

own good be buried at that place, where his burial would prove that he had feigned the good faith which he owed his brethren [of Abingdon]; he should instead be taken to that monastery which he had chosen to inhabit, whether living or dead. However, he was detained by those who coveted his goods, and there he was snatched by the end of the present life and was buried. Moreover, with prelates neglecting the defence of their own possessions, the canons of St Frideswide withhold to this day, and strive to withhold forever, the part of the church which we have said belonged to Nicholas and now by right was ours. The honour of making the presentment, however, is reserved for us, together with our part. I have spoken for this reason, so that some day, through a man given by God, the just resumption of the other part should occur that much more swiftly, because the unjust seizure is found recorded in writing. 257. Cirograph concerning a dairy-farm at Oxford. Brother Ingulf and the whole convent in Abingdon to whom he has been given by God as a humble minister, to all their successors in Christ, greeting. Let it be known to you all that in full chapter we have granted to Nicholas the priest and Robert his nephew our dairyfarm which lies next to the bridge at Oxford, to possess by hereditary right, retaining its customs and keeping for ourselves our farm, that is 40s. a year, under which Ermenold and Godwine had previously held it.? Moreover, Nicholas and Robert did homage to us in full chapter for this their inheritance. In this, moreover, I Brother Ingulf and the whole convent sat together. Present with Nicholas and Robert were William the deacon, Roger son of Wiger, and many others. This agreement, moreover, was recorded and confirmed in our chamber, in the presence of our barons and many of our neighbours, who had gathered in our presence on the Nativity of the most blessed Virgin Mary [8 Sept.], as is their custom.°* 258. Cirograph concerning certain land in Garsington.9? I, Adeliza, and my son Hugh, with the agreement of my lord husband Robert, grant and confirm with an oath our grant to God, and to St Mary of Abingdon, and to lord Abbot Ingulf, free and quit of all claim, the land of Garsington which was Gilbert my grandfather’s and which he gave to William of Botendon with my mother Agnes.9? For my mother had given it back to Abbot Faritius, and so passage, and the rest of the present cirograph, strongly suggest that Agnes was Adeliza’s mother, despite the scribes’ use of ‘sua’ in this sentence.

HISTORIA

260

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

reddidimus. Huic concessioni interfuerunt [ii. 177] et Hugo filius meus eam ex parte abbatis: ipse domnus abbas,

testes ex utraque parte; Rogerius de MolWalterus, Alerannus monachi, et ex militibus ex parte ipsius ali? multi et lesford cum Willelmo milite suo, suus, et multi filius Hugo suus, Adeliz: ipsa Adeliz, Robertus uir alii.

[ii. 178]

259. De Stephano rege. Normannia uita Sexto igitur huius abbatis anno, Henricus rex in eius. Ortaque nepos nus, defungitur, cui successit in regnum Stepha tota Anglie regis, oris superi werra inter regem et imperatricem, filiam Ecclesia r. uexatu ualde annis ecclesia diuersis tribulationibus pluribus mentum detri suarum etiam ista illo in tempore plurimarum rerum

incurrit.

260. Carta de hundredo.9*

iti, et Stephanus rex Anglorum episcopo Sar’, et iusticiis, et uicecom ire, Berches de Anglis, omnibus baronibus et fidelibus suis, Francis et Marie sancte ecclesie salutem. Sciatis me concessisse Deo, et Abbendone, et abbati Ingulfo, et omnibus abbatibus successoribus Hornisuis, et monachis ibidem Deo seruientibus, hundredum de success omnibu et eis mera iure perpetuo tenendum et habendum , sicut soribus suis in legitima et liberima potestate sua et iusticia suam cartam per et t, fo. 161° Eadwardus rex Anglorum dedit et^ | concessi r, testifico esse lectam confirmauit, quam coram me et baronibus meis dona meus us auuncul et sicut Willelmus rex auus meus et Henricus Et regis Eadwardi’ per cartas suas concesserunt et corroborauerunt. futuri, et es present , uolo et firmiter precipio ut abbas et monachi predictum hundredum in pace et quiete et honorifice et libere teneant, cum omnibus consuetudinibus et quietationibus suis cum quibus melius et honorabilius tenuerunt tempore predictorum regum, inde se quicquam [ii. 179] scilicet quod nullus uicecomes uel eorum ministri et faciant. habeant intromittant, sed ipsi libere iusticiam. suam de Ipra." o Willelm Testibus comite Gaufrido, et Roberto de Ver, et

Apud Oxeneford.°” ^ B resumes here Belnaio, et Ricardo Chatsmorth, no. 342

? Edwardi B de Luci, Rainfenin'

* et Waltero de Bocheland', et Adam de Britone, et Hugo de Bolebec add. B and

637 Moulsford was in the Slotisford hundred of Berkshire; EPNS, Berkshire, ii. 506, 527-8.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

261

also I and my son Hugh give it back. At this grant were present witnesses from both sides; from the abbot’s side: the lord abbot himself, the monks Walter and Aleran and, of the knights, Roger of

Moulsford

with William his knight, and many

Adeliza’s side: Adeliza son, and many others.

herself,

Robert

others;

her husband,

259. Concerning King Stephen. In this abbot’s sixth year, in Normandy King Henry of his life, and his nephew Stephen succeeded him War broke out between the king and the empress, previous king, and for many years the whole church greatly troubled by various afflictions. At that time, incurred the loss of many of its possessions.

Hugh

from her

came to the end in the kingship. daughter of the of England was too, this church

260. Charter concerning the hundred.°* Stephen king of the English to the bishop of Salisbury, and his justices, and sheriff, and all his barons and faithful men, French and English, of Berkshire, greeting. Know that I have granted to God, and to the church of St Mary of Abingdon, and to Abbot Ingulf, and to all his successors as abbot, and to the monks serving God there, the hundred of Hormer for them and all their successors to hold and have by perpetual right in their lawful and most free power and justice, as Edward king of the English gave and granted and confirmed through his charter, which I witness was read in the presence of me and my barons, and as my grandfather King William and my uncle Henry through their charters granted and strengthened the gifts of King Edward. And I wish and firmly order that the abbot and monks, present and future, hold the aforesaid hundred in peace and undisturbed and honourably and freely, with all their customs and quittances with which they best and most honourably held in the time of the aforesaid kings; that is, that no sheriff or sheriff's officials interfere in anything therein, but they are to have and do their own justice freely. Witnesses: Earl Geoffrey, and Robert de Ver, and

William de Ypres. At Oxford.9? 638 RRAN iii, no. 4 , dating to c.1140 X 1143; Chatsworth, no. 342. Except for very minor changes, appropriate up-dating (e.g. William I is now referred to as the king’s grand-father) and different witnesses, the document is identical to Henry I’s charter, RRAN ii, no. 1477, above, p. 230.

639 In MS B, two further writs are included here; see below, p. 340.

HISTORIA

262

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

[ii. 180] 261. “De foro Abbendonensi." £29 is, uicecomiti, baroniStephanus rex Anglorum episcopo Sar’, iustici Francis et Anglis, de bus, et omnibus ministris et fidelibus suis, et ecclesie sancte^ Berchescira, salutem. Sciatis me concessisse Deo, his cum eo in ea Deo Marie de Abbendona, et Ingulfo abbati, et monac

seruientibus mercatum

in uilla de Abbendonia ‘ad diem Domini-

Vincentius" cam‘! sicut predicta ecclesia et abbates et ipse dabbas

[i. 181] B fo. 161"

rex Henricus eis unquam melius uel liberius tenuerunt, et die qua io quod omnes dedit et concessit abbatiam. Et uolo et firmiter precip tes, plene redeun homines illuc euntes, et ibidem morantes, | et inde bentur, distur e habeant meam firmam pacem, ne super hec iniust Apud Ipra de super decem libras forisfacture. Teste Willelmo Oxeneford.

262. / De terris huius ecclesie. °

bus, ministris, Stephanus rex Anglorum* iusticiis, uicecomiti, baroni ordscira et de Oxenef de et omnibus fidelibus suis, Francis et Anglis,

C fo. 169"

Berchesira.^ salutem. | Precipio quod abbas et monachi de’ Abben

et omnes res dona teneant et habeant omnes terras, et homines suos,

tenuerunt suas, ita bene/ in pace et honorifice et libere et quiete, sicut primum qua die et s, die qua rex Henricus fuit uiuus et mortuu in ueniam donec um placit coronatus fui, ne super hoc ponatur inde in de o Ricard ‘Teste me. prouinciam, quia nolo quod placitent nisi coram Luci. Apud Lundoniam. 1

263. ‘Vt non placitet abbas nisi coram rege." et Stephanus rex Anglorum iusticiis, et uicecomitibus, et baronibus, fii, 182]

de Oxeneministris, et omnibus fidelibus suis, Francis et Anglis, zo abbati waranti quia Sciatis fordscira et de Berchesira, salutem.

Abbendone ne ipse uel homines sui placitent de aliquo placito quod pertineat ad coronam meam nisi coram me et quando ero apud Oxeneford. Teste Willelmo de Ipra. Apud Londoniam.

of the hands 2 om., but an entry, probably De mercatu de Abbend" in dry point in one words have these ** B beate * B margin in rubricator the for guidance providing no. 353 been erased in C; in B, only the last has been erased; they remain intact in Chatsworth, * Willelmo de Caisn', et Ricardo de Luci, et Ricardo de ^4 Vincentius abbas B ^ Bercscira B * Anglie B Ff om. B, erasure in margin Camuilla add. B B om. writs to these €204/8 B add. et ! B ' om.

9€?

RRAN

‘

: : iii, no. s, dating to 1139 X 1154, on the basis that Richard de Lucy was in

Becks

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

263

261. Concerning Abingdon market.o Stephen king of the English to the bishop of Salisbury, and his justices, sheriff, barons, and all his officials and faithful men, French and English, of Berkshire, greeting. Know that I have granted to God, and to the church of St Mary of Abingdon, and to Abbot Ingulf, and to the monks there serving God with him in that church, the

market in the town of Abingdon on Sunday,™! as the aforesaid church

and abbots and Abbot Vincent himself ever best and most freely held, and as on the day on which King Henry gave and granted the abbey to them. And I wish and firmly order that all men going to that place and staying there and returning thence should fully have my firm peace, lest they be unjustly disturbed contrary to this, on £10 of forfeiture. Witness: William de Ypres. At Oxford. 262. Concerning the lands of this church.$* Stephen king of the English to his justices, sheriffs, barons, officials, and all his faithful men, French and English, of Oxfordshire and Berkshire, greeting. I order that the abbot and monks of Abingdon may hold and have all the lands and their men and all their possessions, as well in peace and honourably and freely and undisturbed as they held on the day on which King Henry was alive and dead and on the day on which I was first crowned. And let the church not be brought to court on this matter contrary to this, until I come into the region, since I do not wish that they plead except in my presence. Witness: Richard de Lucy. At London.

263. That the abbot is not to plead except in the king’s presence. Stephen king of the English to his justices, and sheriffs, and barons, and officials, and all his faithful men, French and English, of Oxfordshire and Berkshire, greeting. Know that I warrant to the abbot of Abingdon that neither he nor his men should plead concerning any plea which pertains to my crown, except in my presence and when I shall be at Oxford. Witness: William de Ypres. At London. England; Chatsworth, no. 353. Compared with the previous document, this writ shows considerably greater changes from Henry I’s equivalent grant of a market, above, p. 232. 1 The subsequent deletion of the words ‘on Sunday’ reveals concern about markets being held on the sabbath; see R. J. Bartlett, England under the Norman and Angevin Kings (Oxford, 2000), pp. 637-9, and below, p. 308. Chatsworth, no. 353 gives the full reading.

62 RRAN iii, no. 10, dating to 1139 X 54. $5 RRAN iii, no. 3, dating to 1139 X 54.

HISTORIA

264

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

264. Item de hundredo.5* m.5*? Precipio tibi Stephanus rex Anglorum lord’ de Podiis, salute edum suum et hundr tenere quod permittatis abbatem de Abbendona tempore regis tenuit melius sicut omnes tenuras suas bene et in pace, et cum habet, inde quas tur Henrici, et sicut carte regum testan Albaum Sanct Apud . clerico omnibus libertatibus suis. Teste A. num.^ $56

[ii. B fo.

B fo.

265. De priuilegio Romano. ecclesie cui Videns itaque abbas Ingulfus regis litteras" ad munimen disciregni ropter quia—p preerat modicum aut nichil proficere, unus quod et bant, obedie s dium—diuersi principes diuersis ducibu capitis um solati ad t, studeba confirmabat, alter irritum |facere uidebatur uni|uersalis ecclesie, quod ei potissimum (sicuti erat)

et confugit." Vnum ergo ex clericis suis ecclesie Romane, notum sedem am Roman ad $ hebisa in dicendo peritum, Gaufridum 'Trenc

se direxit, apostolice supplicans dignitati ut res ecclesie sibi commis qui ione incurs m hostiu ab et [ii. 191] auctoritate sua et litteris confirmaret, ilis iam imminebant defenderet. Cuius fauens petitioni, uenerab ns, preside e ecclesi e Roman apostolicus Eugenius tercius, tunc sancte ^^? direxit. uerba hec in litteras huic Abbendonensi ecclesie 266. Priuilegium Eugenii pape tercu. Eugenius episcopus seruus seruorum Dei dilectis filiis Ingulfo, abbati tam monasterii sancte Marie de Abbendona, eiusque fratribus, um. perpetu in s, professi uitam em presentibus quam futuris, regular Pie postulatio uoluntatis effectu debet prosequente compleri, quatia nus et deuotionis sinceritas laudabiliter enitescat, et utilitas postulat uires indubitanter assumat. Ea propter, dilecti in Domino filii, uestris iustis postulationibus clementer annuimus, et prefatam sancte Dei genitricis ecclesiam, in qua diuino mancipati estis obsequio, sub beati Petri et nostra ^ latter part of this mord erased C

9^ RRAN iii, no. 2, dating to 1136 X 54.

n of 645 Jordan witnessed a lost charter of Stephen, RRAN iii, no. 89. The identificatio in such a the toponym is uncertain, but Les Pieux (Dept. Manches) was always Latinized way. VCH, Oxfordshire, xi. 197, gives this surname as ‘Podio’ or ‘Putz’.

646 Ty MS B, three further writs appear here; see below, p. 342.

e.g. 67 For such resort to the pope instead of the king during Stephen's reign, see Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship, pp. 142-3. 648 In the bottom right hand corner of the bull has been added the words *Memoriale

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264. Likewise, concerning the hundred.“

Stephen king of the English to Jordan de Podiis, greeting.“ I order

you that you allow the abbot of Abingdon to hold his hundred and all his tenures well and in peace, as best he held in the time of King Henry and as witnessed by the kings’ charters which he has concerning this, and with all his liberties. Witness: A. the cleric. At

St Albans.

265. Concerning the Roman privilege. Abbot Ingulf saw that the king’s letters achieved little or nothing for the defence of the church of which he had charge, since different nobles followed different leaders because of the division of the realm, and what one confirmed the other strove to make ineffectual. He therefore fled for refuge to the comfort of the head of the universal

church, which seemed to him most powerful (as it in fact was).5" So

he sent to the see of Rome Geoffrey Trenchebisa,““ one of his clerics,

known to the Roman church and experienced in speaking, begging the apostolic dignity that he confirm by his authority and letters the possessions of the church entrusted to him, and defend them from the assault of the enemies who were now threatening. The venerable Pope Eugenius III, who was then in charge of the holy Roman church, agreed to his request and sent letters in the following words

to this church of Abingdon:*” 266. Privilege of Pope Eugenius ITI. Bishop Eugenius, servant of the servants of God, to his beloved sons Ingulf abbot of the monastery of St Mary of Abingdon and his brethren, both present and future, who have professed the regular life, in perpetuity. The request of a pious will ought to be fulfilled with the appropriate outcome, so that both the sincerity of devotion may shine forth in praiseworthy manner and the advantage requested may take effect without hesitation. Therefore, sons beloved in the Lord, we have mercifully agreed to your just requests, and we take under the protection of St Peter and magistri Galfridi trenchebise’. The hand is very similar to, and could be the same as, that of the scribe who wrote the History; see also Vol. i, Introduction, ‘Composition’. Despite

his importance here, I have been unable to discover more of Geoffrey. $9? Eugenius III was elected on 15 Feb. 1145, consecrated three days later, and died 8 Jul. 1153; I. S. Robinson, The Papacy 1073-1198 (Cambridge, 1990), p. 526. This document survives as an original in Lambeth Palace Library; for details, see J. Sayers, Original Papal Documents in the Lambeth Palace Library (Bulletin of the Institute ofHistorical Research, Special Supplement no. 6, London, 1967), p. 9.

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266

ABBENDONENSIS

ECCLESIE

egio communimus. protectione suscipimus, et presentis scripti priuil bona, inpremque quecu , siones Statuentes ut quascumque posses concessione um futur in aut etis sentiarum iuste et canonice possid one fideoblati pum, princi ione pontificum, liberalitate regum, largit adipisci, is poterit o, Domin nte lium, seu aliis iustis modis, presta eant. perman a illibat et s firma uobis uestrisque successoribu is. Ipsum In quibus hec propriis duximus exprimenda uocabul edum de hundr est, um fundat m locum in quo monasterium uestru tudiconsue et tibus liberta cum Hornimera, Abbandonam," et forum per et , serunt conces uobis eas nibus omnibus, sicut reges Anglie s omnibu et ,’ Bertuna et ora^ cartas suas confirmauerunt, cum Cumen nam, Draito m/ ltona Midde appenditiis^ hundredi. Mercheham,* | appenditiis suis. Ecclefo. 170° Saringeford, Wachenesfeld, cum omnibus suis. Ecclesiam de ntiis pertine [ii. 192] siam sancte Marie de Colum cum iam sanctorum Eccles t. adiacen que Cinsentona* et duas hidas cum eis sunt apud am ecclesi iuxta que Innocentum, et hospicia uestra ecclesiam et , Martini sancti iam Lundonias uia Westmonasterii. Eccles ord. Oxenef apud habetis iuris et sancti Aldadi, et quicquid terre

Ecclesiam de Niweham. Ecclesiam de Suttuna,’ Lacing, Gaing, ^^? oFernebergam, Witteham, Appelford, cum appenditiis suis. Offent

nam, Gosi,! Wrdham, Cerni, Weliford, Chiueleiam,’ Winechefeld,’

Wisseleiam,” cum appenditiis suis. Culeham," Cuthesdonam, Leoueochenoram, Thademertonam, Bedenam, Lechamstedam, Lewart que s omnibu cum r, fa*geflo dam, nam,9? 'Tubbeneiam, Linfor adiacent. In Gloucestrechira:’? Dumeltunam,’ et Cirne cum appen-

ditiis./5? In Chiltona quinque hidas. In Pesi duas hidas. In Dencheswrtha/ septem hidas. In Boclanda quinque hidas.9* In

quatuor hidas que fuerunt Radulfi Basset. In nouem hidas. In Cestretona unam hidam. In Hulla

B fo. 164" Chade|leswrtha? Gersendona

duas hidas. In Bereford quinque hidas.?? In Hernicota duas hidas. In Suttuna’ unam hidam, et molendinum de Henoura." In Fencota unam hidam. In Beneham? duas hidas ex dono Humfridi” de Bohum. ^ Abbadonam L * Mercham B ' Suttona L ™ Wisscleam B

7 appendiciis L Chadeleswróa B " Hunfridi L

^ Bertona L

^ appendiciis L

* Cinsentuna B * Chiueleam B ^ Glouecestreschira B

^ Innocentium B ! Winekefeld B ? Dumeltonam L

^ Cummenora L ^ Middeltunam B J Wurdham L " Chuleham B

” Dencheswrda L; Dencheswróa B * Suttona L

" Henouara B

* Chadeleswrda L; " Benneham

650 DB i, fo. 59°, states that ‘the abbey itself holds [West] Ginge, [Berks.], and always

held it’.

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ourselves, and we fortify by the privilege of the present document, the aforementioned church of the holy mother of God in which you are given over to divine service. We decree that whatever possessions and whatever goods you justly and canonically possess at present, or which you can in future acquire—with the Lord providing—by the grant of bishops, the liberality of kings, the generosity of princes, the offerings of the faithful, or in other just ways, remain to you and your successors firm and undiminished. We have decided to describe these by their own names. The place itself in which your monastery was founded, the hundred of Hormer, Abingdon, and the market with all liberties and customs as the kings of England granted them to you and confirmed by their charters, with Cumnor and Barton and all appendages of the hundred. Marcham, Milton, Drayton, Shellingford, Watchfield, with all their appendages. The church of St Mary of Colne with its appurtenances. The church of Kensington and two hides with whatever belongs to it. The church of the Holy Innocents and your houses which are next to the church in London on the Westminster road. The church of St Martin and the church of St Aldate and whatever lands and rights you have in Oxford. The church of Nuneham. The church of Sutton,

Lockinge, Ginge,9? Farnborough, Wittenham, Appleford, with their appurtenances. Uffington, Goosey,?' Longworth, Charney, Welford, Chieveley, Winkfield, Whistley, with their appendages. Culham, Cuddesdon, Lewknor, Tadmarton, Beedon, Leckhampstead, Lever-

ton,°* Tubney, Lyford, Fawler, with everything which belongs. In Gloucestershire, Dumbleton and Cerney with appendages.° In Chilton

five hides.

In Pusey

two

hides.

In Denchworth

seven

hides. In Buckland five hides.9* In Chaddleworth four hides which were hide. hides. hide.

Ralph Basset's. In Garsington nine hides. In Chesterton one In Hill two hides. In Barford five hides. In Arncott two In Sutton one hide and the mill of Hennor. In Fencott one In Benham two hides by gift of Humphrey de Bohun. In

$5! DB i, fo. 59°, states that ‘the abbey itself holds Goosey, [Berks.], and always held it’. 552? DB i, fo. 59°, states that ‘Hezelin holds Leverton, [Berks.] from the abbot’. $53 DB i, fo. 169", states that ‘Walter [son Roger] holds [South] Cerney, [Glos.]. . . . This manor has been claimed for the church of St Mary of Abingdon, but the whole county has witnessed that Archbishop Stigand held it for ten years while King Edward was alive. Earl William gave this manor to Roger the sheriff, Walter’s father.’

$5* DB i, fo. 59", states that ‘the abbey itself holds Buckland [Berks.]. ...Then and now five hides’.

$55 DB i, fo. 156", states that ‘Wadard’s son holds five hides in Barford [St Michael, Oxon.] from Roger, and he from the abbot [of Abingdon]’.

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* In Colebroc quicIn Niweham unam pischariam cum appenditiis. Crispini et Roberti is Milon quid terre et iuris habetis ex dono lmi Guizemboez, Wille dono Gernun ^In Dumeltuna‘ unam hidam ex unam hidam ona^ Stret In et dimidiam hidam ex dono Henrici regis. * nieo. et tres uirgatas ex dono Henrici de Alben tuorum quoObeunte autem te— nunc eiusdem loci abbate—uel astutia uel tionis surrep et libet successorum, nullus ibidem qualib su, uel consen ni commu uiolentia preponatur, nisi quem fratres et beati em timor Dei fratrum pars consilii sanioris, secundum bemus Prohi ndum. elige Benedicti regulam, canonice prouiderint s abbati e absqu em, ssion insuper ut nullus, post factam ibidem profe et fratrum suorum

licentia de eodem monasterio audeat discedere,

quoque ut in discedentem uero nullus audeat retinere. Statuimus si degunt, profes uitam arem monasterio uestro in quo fratres regul ibidem am regul cti nulli omnino^ liceat secundum beati Benedi futuris m oporu episc etiam constitutam? ordinem inmutare. Nullus , uestro terio monas de fratres temporibus audeat eiusdem religionis erii monast ^ e quoqu turam abbate et fratribus inuitis, expellere. Sepul illic sepeliri uestri^ liberam esse concedimus, ut eorum, qui se excommuforte nisi ati, deliberauerint, deuotioni! et extreme uolunt nicati sint, nullus obsistat. Preterea libertates omnes et rationabiles monasterii uestri consuescriptis tudines a regibus Anglie et episcopis uestris uobis concessas et s, tenuisti et s habuisti pace in eorum confirmatas, sicut eas hactenus omnino nulli ut ergo imus uobis in perpetuum confirmamus. Decern aut eius hominum liceat prefatum monasterium temere perturbare, ibet quibusl seu , minuere , possessiones auferre, uel ablatas retinere pro eorum entur, conseru uexationibus fatigare. Sed omnia integra omnimo usibus sunt a quorum gubernatione et sustentatione concess anorum dioces et ate, dis profutura, salua sedis apostolice auctorit episcoporum canonica iusticia et reuerentia. Si qua igitur in futurum ecclesiastica secularisue persona, huius nostre constitutionis paginam sciens, contra eam temere uenire non | reatum suum 170° temptauerit, secundo tercioue’ commonita, si que sui dignitate honoris congrua satisfactione correxerit, potestatis ta iniquitate perpetra de careat, reamque se diuino iudicio existere et Domini Dei sanguine cognoscat,* et a sacratissimo corpore et

[ii. 193]

C fo.

* appendicis L * Albenneio B L; om. B

* Gernum B ^ hominum add. L ' deuocioni L

/ tertioue L

^ Strattona L us uestri monasterii

- agnoscat B

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Nuneham one fishery with appendages. In Colnbrook whatever lands and rights you have by gift of Miles Crispin and Robert Gernon. In Dumbleton one hide by gift of William Goizenboded and half a hide by gift of King Henry. In Stratton one hide and three virgates by gift of Henry d'Aubigny. Moreover, when you—now abbot of this monastery—or any of your successors die, no one is to be set in charge in that place by any craft or violence of deceit; rather the brethren by common consent, or the party of brethren of wiser counsel, are to choose him to be elected canonically, according to fear of God and the rule of St Benedict. In addition, we forbid that anyone, after having made their profession here, dare withdraw from this monastery without the abbot and his brethren's permission, or indeed that anyone dare to harbour someone who is withdrawing. We also lay down that, in your monastery in which brethren live the regular life they have professed, no one be permitted to change in the least the order constituted there according to the rule of St Benedict. Nor is any bishop in future to dare to expel the brethren of this religious life from your monastery, against the will of the abbot and brethren. We also grant that your monastery's right of burial be free, so that no one may obstruct the devotion and final will of those who resolve to be buried there, unless by chance they have been excommunicated. Besides we confirm to you in perpetuity all the liberties and reasonable customs of your monastery granted to you by the kings of England and your bishops, and confirmed by their documents, as you have hitherto had and held them in peace. We accordingly decree that it be utterly forbidden to any man to disturb recklessly the aforementioned monastery or take away its possessions, withhold what has been taken away, or diminish or trouble them with any vexations. But everything is to be preserved whole, to be beneficial for all needs of those for whose direction and sustenance it was granted, save the authority of the apostolic see and the canonical justice and reverence of diocesan bishops. If, therefore, in future, any ecclesiastical or secular person who has knowledge of this and recklessly attempts to go against it, after receiving a second and third warning, if he does not correct his offence with proper satisfaction, let him be deprived of the dignity of his power and honour, and let him learn that he stands in divine judgment guilty of the iniquity he perpetrated, and let him be separated from the most sacred body and blood of God and our

270

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in extremo examine redemptoris nostri lesu Christi aliena fiat, atque loco sua iura eidem districte^ ultioni subiaceat. Cunctis autem us | et hic quatin i, Christ nostri Iesu [ii. 194] seruantibus, sit pax Domini em premia iudic ctum distri B fo. 164" fructum bone actionis percipiant, et apud eterne pacis inueniant. Amen. Amen. Amen.

Ego’ Eugenius catholice ecclesie episcopus subscripsi.°°

[ii. 195]

Ego Conradus Sabinensis episcopus subscripsi. Ego Ymarus Tusculanus* episcopus subscripsi. Ego Gregorius presbiter cardinalis titulo Calixti subscripsi. si. Ego Guido presbiter cardinalis titulo sancti Crisogoni subscrip em lerusal in Crucis sancte titulo is Ego Vbaldus presbiter cardinal subscripsi. Ego Guido presbiter cardinalis titulo sanctorum Laurentii et Damasi subscripsi. si. Ego Bernardus presbiter cardinalis titulo sancti Clementis subscrip si. subscrip Sauine sancte titulo s Ego Mansredus presbiter cardinali Ego Iordanus presbiter cardinalis titulo sancte Susanne subscripsi. Ego Odo diaconus cardinalis sancti Georgii ad Velum Aureum subscripsi. Ego Iohannes diaconus cardinalis sancte Marie Noue subscripsi. Ego Berardus? diaconus cardinalis sancte Romane ecclesie subscripsi. Ego Cinthius diaconus cardinalis sanctorum Sergii et Bachi subscripsi. Datum Viterbi, per manum^ Guidonis sancte Romane ecclesie diaconi cardinalis et cancellarii, decimo kalendas Ianuarii, indictione nona, incarnationis Dominice anno millesimo centesimo quadragesimo sexto, pontificatus uero domni Eugenii tercii pape anno secundo. ^ Ego in each case is preceded by a cross B. ^ directe B ^ Bernardus B deriving from the form in the original

* Tuperculanus B C, / annum B * om. B

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Lord Redeemer Jesus Christ, and let him in the Last Judgment be subject to severe punishment. But let all preserving that monastery’s rights for it have the peace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and let them receive the fruit of their good deed, and find in the presence of the severe Judge the rewards of eternal peace. Amen. Amen. Amen.

I Eugenius bishop of the Catholic church have subscribed. I Conrad bishop of Sabina have subscribed. I Imar bishop of Tusculum have subscribed. I Gregory cardinal priest of the title of Calissto have subscribed. I Guy cardinal priest of the title of S. Grisogono have subscribed. I Ubald cardinal priest of the title of S. Cruce in Gerusalemme have subscribed. I Guy cardinal priest of the title of S. Lorenzo in Damaso have subscribed. I Bernard cardinal priest of the title of S. Clemente have subscribed. I Mansred cardinal priest of the title of S. Sabina have subscribed. I Jordan cardinal priest of the title of S. Susanna have subscribed. I Odo cardinal deacon of S. Giorgio in Velabro have subscribed. I John cardinal deacon of S. Maria Nuova have subscribed. I Berard cardinal deacon of the Roman church have subscribed. I Cinthius cardinal deacon of SS. Sergio e Bacco have subscribed. Given at Viterbo by the hand of Guy the cardinal deacon and chancellor of the Holy Roman church, on the tenth of the Kalends of January [23 Dec.], in the ninth indiction, in the year of our Lord 1146, and in the second year of the pontificate of lord Eugenius III the Pope. $56 [n the original, the names of the cardinal priests form a left-hand column, those of Eugenius, Conrad and Ymarus a central column, those of the cardinal deacons a righthand column

272

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egium de possessionibus 267. Item eiusdem Eugenii pape tercii aliud priuil huius ecclesie." s filiis Ingulfo, abbati Eugenius episcopus seruus seruorum Dei dilecti e fratribus, tam eiusqu monasterii sancte Marie de Abbendona, in perpetuum. s, tuendi substi presentibus quam futuris, regulariter unitas potest is caritat nec Quoniam sine uere cultu religionis, t apostolice expedi ium, seruit subsistere, nec Deo gratum exhiberi* , auxiliante quieti earum et auctoritati religiosas personas diligere, Domino, salubriter prouidere. ationibus Ea propter, dilecti in Domino filii, uestris iustis postul e, pape memori felicis nostri clementer annuimus, et predecessoris diuino qua in iam, eccles am Innocentii, uestigiis inherentes, prefat tione protec nostra et Petri [ii. 196] mancipati estis obsequio, sub beati ntes Statue . nimus commu suscipimus, et presentis scripti priuilegio a ecclesi eadem bona, mque ut quascumque possessiones, quecu sione conces m futuru in aut t, inpresentiarum iuste et canonice posside fidelium, seu pontificum, largitione regum uel principum, oblatione uestrisuobis firma i, adipisc aliis iustis modis, Deo propitio, poterit que successoribus et illibata permaneant. reddiIn quibus hec propriis duximus exprimenda uocabulis. De in Aldadi sancti am ecclesi ; tibus^ altaris:°°° ecclesiam sancti Martini de am ecclesi suis; capellis Oxeneford; ecclesiam de Cumenora, cum am, cum Niweham; ecclesiam de Offentona; ecclesiam de Witteh am de ecclesi ona;* Cuthesd de molendino eiusdem uille; ecclesiam s; denario triginta et duos Wicheham;^ de ecclesia Kingestone, tenuit quam terram | ham; de Merche C fo. 171" dimidiam decimationem acras in Hannie; B fo. 165° Walman iuxta pontem Oxene |fordie;?? decem terre iuxta Coles solidata inta mansos tres; in Abbendona; quadrag ; decimadominio de eia ham; decimationem lane et casei in Heldesl in dominii tionem decima Winterburna; in dominii tionem m; Niweha in pratum unum Westlachinga;/ duo prata iuxta parcum;

unum mansum in Oxeneford, de dono Ermenoldi;'' tres solidatas terre iuxta pontem eiusdem ciuitatis; duas oras in Draituna, et unam uirgatam terre; in Mora octo solidos; in Wintonia, foris Sudgatha, dimidiam marcam; decimationem de Middeltuna. * exiberi B Lyell, no. 24 iiij

* Cudesdona B ^ reddibus B ^ Westlakinge B

657 Tyell, no. 24. 933 See above, p. xxix.

^ Wicham B

mach

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267. Likewise another privilege of the same Pope Eugenius III concerning the possessions of this church.°°’ Bishop Eugenius, servant of the servants of God, to his beloved sons Ingulf abbot of the monastery of St Mary of Abingdon and his brethren, both present and those in future taking their place according to the rule, in perpetuity. Since the unity of love cannot exist nor grateful service be rendered to God without the observance of true religion, it is right for the apostolic authority to love people of the religious life, and—with the Lord's help—to provide profitably for their freedom from disturbance. Therefore, sons beloved in the Lord, we have mercifully agreed to your just requests, and, following closely in the footsteps of our predecessor of happy memory, Pope Innocent, we take under the protection of St Peter and ourselves and we fortify by the privilege of the present document the aforementioned church in which you are

given over to divine service.?? We decree that whatever possessions

and whatever goods that church justly and canonically possesses at present, or in future can—God being merciful—acquire by the grant of bishops, the generosity of kings or princes, the offerings of the faithful, or in other just ways, remain to you and your successors firm and undiminished. We have decided to describe these by their own names. Concerning

the rents of the altar:9? the church of St Martin; the church of St Aldate in Oxford; the church of Cumnor with its chapels; the church of Nuneham; the church of Uffington; the church of Wittenham with the mill of that village; the church of Cuddesdon; the church of Wickham; from the church of Kingston 32d.; half the tithe of Marcham; the land which Walman held next to the bridge of

Oxford; ten acres in Hanney; three messuages in Abingdon; land worth 40s. a year next to Culham; the tithe of wool and cheese from the demesne in Ilsley; the tithe of the demesne in Winterbourne; the tithe of the demesne in West Lockinge; two meadows next to the park; one meadow in Nuneham; one messuage in Oxford, by gift of Ermenold;! land worth 3s. a year next to the bridge of that city; two ores in Drayton and one virgate of land; in Moor 8s.; in Winchester outside the south gate half a mark; the tithe of Milton. 659 Cf the rents of the altar as described in a list in MS

C in the same hand as the

History, below, p. 397. $6? This land cannot be precisely identified; for holdings next to the bridge of Oxford,

see above, pp. 204, 258.

$9! See above, p. 204.

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ABBENDONENSIS

Abbendonam, BerDe communi: francum hundredum, uidelicet , et Coleham earum s ditii tonam, Comenoram, cum omnibus appen sse; ecclesiam habui r c*ntu cum omni libertate quam hactenus dinos Offentonam, am, Gosei iam, de Suttuna, Mercheham, Wrdam," Cerne bergam, Ferne que, utras Saringeford, Wachenesfeldam, Lakingas

Chiueleiam,’ Bocsoram,’ Walifordam,’ Wicheham,

cum

omnibus

Appelfordam, Witteappenditiis earum; Draitonam, Middeltonam, s earum. ditii appen ham, Wichenefeldam, Wischeleiam,’ cum iuris habetis in et um In episcopatu Linconiensi: quicquid terrar [ii. 197] itiis earum, append cum Oxinefordio;/ Leuechenoram, Cudesdonam,’

m iuxta" Tademertuna et terram quam habetis in Hanweia;? ^terra Cernam patu: episco nensi Norhamtonam in Sitelhangar.* In Wigor

ensi episcopatu:' et Dumeltunam, cum appenditiis suis. In iCestr quod appellatur ium Cestretonam /In Londoniensi* episcopatu: cenob abbatis, cum cium hospi Coles; in Londonia,’ mansum unum ad niam" de Londo iuxta iam ecclesia sancte Marie que adiacet; eccles Windlede foreste totius Chinsentuna. Decimationem uenationis shora, que capitur in stabiliis regis. honIn parrochialibus quoque ecclesiis quas tenetis, liceat uobis idonei si quibus, are, estos sacerdotes eligere et episcopis present ut huiusfuerint, episcopi parrochie curam animarum committant uobis eant, respond is modi sacerdotes de plebis quidem cura episcop nt. exhibea tionem uero pro rebus temporalibus debitam subiec t Obeunte uero te—nunc eiusdem loci abbate—uel tuorum quolibe a uiolenti seu astutia ionis successorum, nullus ibi qualibet surrept preponatur, nisi quem fratres communi consensu, uel pars consilii rint sanioris, secundum Deum et beati Benedicti regulam, prouide eligendum. Decernimus ergo ut nulli omnino hominum liceat prefatum uel monasterium temere perturbare, aut eius possessiones auferre, sed fatigare, ibus uexation s ablatas retinere, minuere, uel aliquibu omnia integra conseruentur, eorum pro quorum gubernatione et sustentatione concessa sunt usibus omnimodis profutura, salua sedis apostolice auctoritate et diocesanorum episcoporum canonica iusticia. ^ Wardam B © Wischeleam B ** written twice B ™ Lundoniam B

x Chiueleam B ^ Oxenefordio B J Crestrentonam B

* Boxoram B * Cuthesdonam B * Lundoniensi B

^ Walingafordam B ^h iuxta terram B ! Lundonia B

160’. 662 In 1086 Hanwell, Oxon., had been held by Leofwine from the king; DB i, fo.

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Concerning the common fund: the free hundred, namely Abingdon, Barton, Cumnor, with all their appendages, and Culham, with all the liberty they are known to have enjoyed hitherto; the church of Sutton, Marcham, Longworth, Charney, Goosey, Uffington, Shellingford, Watchfield, both Lockinges, F arnborough, Chieveley, Boxford, Welford, Wickham, with all their appendages; Drayton, Milton, Appleford, Wittenham, Winkfield, Whistley, with their appendages. In the see of Lincoln: whatever lands and right-you have in Oxford; Lewknor, Cuddesdon, with their appendages; Tadmarton and the

land you have in Hanwell; the land next to Northampton in Shuttlehanger.?? In the see of Worcester: Cerney, and Dumbleton

with their appendages. In the see of Chester: Chesterton. In the see of London: the monastery which is called Colne. In London: one messuage at the abbot's residence with the church of St Mary which is nearby; the church of Kensington, next to London. The tithe of all game of Windsor forest, which is taken in the king’s

hunting enclosures.59*

Also in the parish churches which you hold, you are to be permitted to choose worthy priests and present them to bishops. The bishops will entrust the cure of the souls of the parish to them, if they are suitable, so that priests of this sort may indeed answer to the bishops concerning the care of the people, but may show you due subjection with regard to temporal things. Moreover, when you—now abbot of this monastery—or any of your successors die, no one is to be set in charge there by any craft or violence of deceit; rather the brethren by common consent, or the party of brethren of wiser counsel, are to choose the one to be elected, according to God and the rule of St Benedict. We accordingly decree that it be utterly forbidden to any man to disturb recklessly the aforementioned monastery or take away its possessions, withhold what has been taken away, or diminish or trouble them with any vexations. But everything is to be preserved whole, to be beneficial for all the needs of those for whose direction and sustenance it was granted, save the authority of the apostolic see and the canonical justice of diocesan bishops. In the twelfth century, according to VCH, Oxfordshire, ix. 115, it was ‘probably in the possession of the Vernons.’

$65 See above, p. 180. 664 «Stabilii probably refers to enclosures into which were driven game for hunting there; sce Barlow, William Rufus, pp. 129-33.

276

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persona hanc Siqua igitur in futurum ecclesiastica secularisue ue | nire temere eam contra B fo. 165" nostre constitutionis paginam sciens e conaction satisf non si temptauerit, secundo tercioue commonita, ue reamq , careat ate dignit grua emendauerit, potestatis honorisque sui a et cat, cognos tate se diuino iudicio existere de perpetrata iniqui nostri s ptori redem i sacratissimo corpore ac sanguine Dei et Domin ne districte ultioni lesu Christi aliena fiat, atque in extremo exami tibus, sit pax seruan subiaceat. Cunctis autem eidem loco iusta | bone actionis um fruct et hic C fo. 171" Domini nostri lesu Christi, quatinus inueniant. pacis eterne a percipiant, et apud districtum iudicem premi Amen. Amen. Amen.

[ii. 198]

Ego^ Eugenius catholice ecclesie episcopus subscripsi. Ego Hugo Hostiensis episcopus subscripsi. Ego Gregorius presbiter cardinalis titulo Calixti subscripsi. si. Ego Hubaldus presbiter cardinalis titulo sancte Praxedis subscrip si. subscrip Ego Iulius presbiter cardinalis titulo sancti Marcelli Ego Bernardus presbiter cardinalis titulo sancti Clementis sub[ii. 199]

Scripsi. Ego Octauianus presbiter cardinalis titulo sancte Cecilie subscripsi. Ego Rollandus presbiter cardinalis titulo sancti Marci subscripsi. Ego Gerardus presbiter cardinalis titulo sancti Stephani in Celio

Monte subscripsi.

Ego lohannes presbiter cardinalis sanctorum Iohannis et Pauli subscripsi. Ego Cencius presbiter cardinalis titulo in Lucina* subscripsi. Ego Henricus presbiter cardinalis titulo sanctorum Nerei et Achillei

subscripsi." "^ Ego in each case is preceded by a cross B

^ om., possibly because oflack of space B

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If, therefore, in future, any ecclesiastical or secular person who has knowledge of this document recording our decree recklessly attempts to go against it, after receiving a second and third warning, if he does not make amends with proper satisfaction, let him be deprived of the dignity of his power and honour, and let him learn that he stands in divine judgment guilty of the iniquity he perpetrated, and let him be separated from the most sacred body and blood of God and our Lord Redeemer Jesus Christ, and let him in the Last Judgment be subject to severe punishment. But let all preserving those things to which the monastery is entitled have the peace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and let them receive the fruit of their good deed, and find in the presence of the severe Judge the rewards of eternal peace. Amen. Amen. Amen.

I Eugenius bishop of the Catholic church have subscribed. I Hugh bishop of Ostia have subscribed. I Gregory cardinal priest of the title of Callisto have subscribed. I Hubaldus cardinal priest of the title of S. Prassede have subscribed. I Julius cardinal priest of the title of S. Marcello have subscribed I Bernard cardinal priest of the title of S. Clemente have subscribed. I Octavianus cardinal priest of the title of S. Cecilia have subscribed. I Rolland cardinal priest of the title of S. Marco have subscribed. I Gerard cardinal priest of the title of S. Stefano in Monte Celio have subscribed. I John cardinal priest of SS. Giovanni e Paolo have subscribed. I Cencius cardinal priest of the title [of S. Lorenzo] in Lucina have subscribed. I Henry cardinal priest of the title of SS. Nereo ed Achilleo have subscribed. * Lucia B

^ om., possibly because of lack of space, B

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278

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ABBENDONENSIS

ad Velum Aureum Ego Otto diaconus cardinalis sancti Georgii subscripsi." in septa solis subEgo Rodulfus diaconus cardinalis sancte Lucie SCripsi. ipsi. Ego Gregorius diaconus cardinalis sancti Angeli subscr subscripsi. u Portic in Marie sancte Ego Guido diaconus cardinalis dyn subCosmy in Marie sancte Ego lacinctus diaconus cardinalis Scripsi. et Bachi subEgo Iohannes diaconus cardinalis sanctorum Sergii^ Scripsi. e scriptoris, Datum Signie, per manum Bosonis sancte Romane ecclesi Domitionis incarna , decima quinta septimo idus Aprilis, indictione catus pontifi o, secund o agesim quinqu nice anno millesimo centesimo

uero domni Eugenii tercii pape anno octauo."

[ii. 200]

268. Item aliud priuilegium. fratribus Eugenius episcopus, seruus seruorum Dei, uenerabilibus S. ensi, Theodbaldo Cantuariensi archiepiscopo, Alexandro Lincoli apostoli Wigornensi, et Iocelino* Saresbiriensi episcopis, salutem et grauem cam benedictionem.™ Religiosorum fratrum Abbendonie , querelam accepimus, quod Willelmus Martel, Hugo de Bolebec , Willelmus de Bello campo, Iohannes Marescalus,’ et eorum homines er et plures etiam alii parrochiani uestri, possessiones eorum uiolent as indebit inuadunt, et bona ipsorum rapiunt et distrahunt,’ et

castellorum operationes ab eis exigunt./" Quia igitur nostri officii

debitum nos compellit rerum/ ecclesiasticarum peruasores animad endo uersione debita cohercere, per apostolica uobis scripta precipi mandamus quatinus prefatos, et alios parrochianos uestros, qui bona ipsius monasterii inuadunt et diripiunt et iniustis exactionibus inquietant, districte commoneatis ut ablata eidem monasterio restituant, de dampnis et illatis iniuriis condigne satisfaciant, et ab eorum infestatione omnino desistant. Quod si contemptores extiterint, de ^ om., possibly because of lack of space * distraunt B ^ Marescallus B

* Jocellino B ^ Gergii B Bo * ecclesaisticarum C ^ reum B

565 For Boso's title of scriptor, see Robinson, Papacy, pp. 95-6.

and 666 Theobald was elected archbishop of Canterbury in 1138, consecrated in 1139, 1125— died in 1161; Alexander was bishop of Lincoln 1123-48, Simon bishop of Worcester 232, 255, 278, 50, Jocelin bishop of Salisbury 1142-84; Handbook of British Chronology, pp.

270.

667 William Martel was Stephen’s steward, and a very frequent witness of his charters;

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I Otto cardinal deacon of S. Giorgio in Velabro have subscribed. I Rodulf cardinal deacon of S. Lucia in Septisolio have subscribed. I Gregory cardinal deacon of S. Angelo have subscribed. I Guy cardinal deacon of S. Maria in Portico have subscribed. I lacinctus cardinal deacon of S. Maria in Cosmedin have subscribed. I John cardinal deacon of SS. Sergio e Bacco have subscribed. Given at Segni by the hand of Boso scriptor of the Holy Roman church, on the 7th of the Ides of April [7 Apr.], in the fifteenth indiction, in the year of our Lord 1152, and in the eighth year of the

pontificate of lord Eugenius III the Pope.59 268. Likewise, another privilege. Bishop Eugenius, servant of the servants of God, to the venerable brethren Archbishop Theobald of Canterbury, and Bishops Alexander of Lincoln, Simon of Worcester, and Jocelin of Salisbury,

greeting and apostolic blessing. We have received the serious complaint of the religious brethren of Abingdon that William Martel, Hugh de Bolbec, William de Beauchamp, John Marshal, and their men, and also many other men of your dioceses, are violently invading their possessions, and seizing and taking away their goods, and demanding from them castle-work services which are not owed.?^ Since therefore the duty of our office compels us to subdue usurpers of church possessions with fitting punishment, by ordering you through papal documents we instruct that you severely urge the aforementioned and other men of your dioceses, who invade and seize and vex with unjust exactions the goods of that monastery, that they restore to the monastery what they have taken away, and suitably compensate for the damage and the wrongs inflicted, and utterly desist from their assault. If they remain insubordinate, you are see Cronne, Stephen, pp. 198-200. See Red Book, i. 308, VCH, Berkshire, iv. 288n., for Martel interests in Hanney and Watchfield, and esp. below, p. 342, for a writ of Stephen which suggests that William may have been harming the abbey's lands at Whistley and Winkfield. Note also Reading, ii, no. 1268, for William making a restoration to Reading. He had died by 1166, as it was his son who sent in a Carta; Red Book, i. 217. Hugh de Bolbec was both a tenant-in-chief and a very significant tenant of the Giffard family; for his family, see Red Book, i. 312, 316—17; Rotuli de dominabus, pp. xxxix-xli. William de Beauchamp (I) succeeded his father, Walter, in 1131 and lived until 1170; Sanders, Baronies, pp. 69—70. He was sheriff of Worcester and closely linked to Waleran de Meulan, apart from a rupture in relations in 1141; Crouch, Beaumont Twins, pp. 38-40, 47, 51, 71, 85, 174, 209. For his oppression of the abbey of Evesham in Stephen's reign, see Chronicon abbatize de Evesham ad annum 1418, ed. W. D. Macray (London, 1863), pp. 99-100. For John Marshal in Stephen's reign, see D. B. Crouch, William Marshal (London, 1990), pp. 11-18; the threat may have come from his castle at Hamstead Marshal, Berks.

280 B fo. 166"

[ii. 201]

HISTORIA

ipsis canonicam

ECCLESIE

iusticiam

faciatis.

ABBENDONENSIS

| Datum

Autisiodori,

quinto

decimo kalendas Augusti. 269. De decima in Hannie. e abbas, quandam Rainaldus, quondam huius Abbendonensis ecclesi sionis ecclesie, posses acras decimam de Hanni, decem uidelicet concessit, ita ut tenere t cuidam sibi familiari presbitero dum uiuere restitueret huic m eande absque aliqua calumpnia ante obitum suum ens, et per hoc confid gratia s ecclesie. Isdem uero presbiter de abbati a iure dotis, cognat sua m deprauatus, decimam predictam cum quada Rogero militi m cuida est, quod de re ecclesie agere contra ecclesiam

is dicto donauit." Hic, quia callidus erat, seruitia abbati sui tempor

C fo. 172"

[ii. 202]

quia iure que poterat exhibebat, quatinus decimam quam acceperat, iu uixit quamd et quod et; non poterat, gratia quadam sibi retiner abbas huius unc fus—t Ingul optinuit. Sed Rogero ad finem adducto, it, saisaiu m eande rit, accepe ecclesie —cum cognouisset* qualiter illam odum postm tamen is et annis plus minus quatuor tenuit. Assidu qui tunc precibus Roberti, Rogeri | predicti filii, et amicorum eius eorum ni petitio si ne potentes in werra erant, fatigatus, timens eret, incurr um dampn e contrairet, illorum odium et maius ecclesi se hanc uero us Robert it. decimam Roberto ad tempus tenere permis ad qui Sed . curauit e diu tenere posse diffidens, eam aliis uender ulte emendum uocati erant, contra ecclesiam cuius erat decima incons sacris, ad entibu defici ergo agere nolentes, emere recusabant. Istis unum stam huius ecclesie, Ricardum nomine, se contulit, qui oport restie ecclesi m ablata diu am tempus aduenisse uidens quo decim , preces trauit demons o Robert it tueret,”’! quam iniuriose eam tenuer pro restitutione adiungens, et, ut ad summum proficeret, septem ei marcas animo bono donauit. Quibus acceptis, Robertus super magnum altare, filio suo quem heredem habuit astante et idem confirmante, absque* aliqua in posterum calumpnia perpetuo decimam predictam concessit. Teste Hugone filio Berneri, Iohanne de 'Tubbeneia, Roberto de Wicham, Adam uicecomite, et aliis nonnullis

quos nominare non est necesse." Ricardus autem per hoc quod iam ^ Hannie B * abque B

^ Hisdem B C

668 1147; see Papsturkunden in England, Gottingen, 1930-52), iii. 193-203.

^ coonguisset B

ed. W.

^ potens B

Holtzmann (3 vols., Berlin and 99 See also below, p. 397.

970 Here, and below, p. 284, dos is used to mean dowry, that is, property given by a

to mean father to his son-in-law; in the chapter after this one, below, p. 282, it is used dower, that is, land assigned to a wife by her husband, or land deemed to be the equivalent

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to do canonical justice concerning these matters. Given at Auxerre on

the fifteenth of the Kalends of August [18 Jul.].°

269. Concerning the tithe in Hanney 6? Reginald, once abbot of this church of Abingdon, granted a tithe of Hanney, that is ten acres, which belonged to the church, to a priest who was close to him, to hold as long as he lived, in such a way that before his death he would restore it to this church without any claim. This priest, however, corrupted by his trust in the good grace of the abbot, gave the aforesaid tithe with a kinswoman of his to a knight named Roger, by right of dowry, thereby acting against the church

concerning the church’s possession.?^? Since he was crafty, Roger did

the abbot of his time those services he could, so that by abbatial favour he might retain the tithe he had received, since he could not retain it by right; and this he achieved as long as he lived. But Roger reached the end of his life, and when Ingulf—then abbot of this church—learnt how Roger had acquired that tithe, he seized it and held it for approximately four years. Afterwards, however, he was worn down by the persistent prayers of Robert, Roger's son, and his friends, who then were powerful in war, and fearing that if he opposed their request he would incur their hatred and greater harm to the church, he allowed Robert to hold that tithe for a while. Robert then doubted that he would be able to hold it for long and took steps to sell it to others, but those called upon to buy it were unwilling to act ill-advisedly against the church, whose tithe it was, and declined to buy. They defaulted and Robert therefore went to the sacrist of this church, named Richard, who saw that an opportune time had

arrived for restoring to the church the long lost tithe.?" He showed Robert how wrongfully he held it, added prayers for its restitution, and good-heartedly gave him seven marks so that he might attain complete success. Robert accepted these, and on the great altar granted the aforesaid tithe forever, with no claim in future, with his son whom he held as his heir present and confirming this. Witness: Hugh son of Berner, John of Tubney, Robert of Wickham, Adam the sheriff, and some others whom it is not necessary to name.?7 Moreover, when Richard had secured this outcome in of such an assignment. See also ‘Glanvill’, Tractatus de Legibus, bk. vi, c. 1, bk. vii, c. 1, ed. Hall, pp. 58-9, 69 for these two meanings. 671 On the place of Richard the sacrist within the History, see above, p. lviii. $7 On John of Tubney, see above, p. lxiv. Robert's surname may be from Wickham,

Berks.

282

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ABBENDONENSIS

ne per filium in diximus de patre securus effectus, suspicans nam optimam cerui ei zonam posterum perucrse quid accideret, ntu, Super conue coram lo, dedit et nummos duodecim, et in capitu alterum, per neque se per am, sacras reliquias iurare fecit quod nunqu teret. consis quereret quo pactio iam facta minus firma 270. De dimidia hida* in Boreshulla. 6? Boreshulla^ post Idem preterea Robertus dimidiam hidam^ terre in s auxilio, ui adiutu suorum rum amico mdam patris decessum, quoru dum uiueret et detinebat, quam abbas Vincentius patri suo Rogero,

us non aliter, aut dedit aut tenere concessit. ^ Abbas autem Ingulf

B fo. 166"

[ii. 203]

in curia sua terre predicte perditionem non leuiter ferens, Robertum quod dimiit, perdux se, laborio s quamui , euocatum, ad hoc tandem omnino | m quieta abbati suo herede cum diam illam hidam ipse abbas ratam recupe ita Quam t." reddidi manum clamauit, et manu in us Robert tamen Ne ipso. ab manu sibi a osculat sacriste Ricardo dedit, ei dedit t, mouere sum peruer aut ferret, graue aliquando super hoc super prius ei quos aginta quinqu alios preter , Ricardus solidos uiginti factum terram eandem, pro spe recuperandi, accomodauerat. Sicque hidam illam am dimidi tu, conuen astante toto us, est ut ipse Robert , atione reclam um poster in omni absque super magnum altare, sibi confirmaret. Postea tamen Roberti uxor asserens hanc in dotem t, regnaui anum Steph post qui , iuniore o Henric fuisse donatam, a rege hac super ut habens sensum , detulit o Ingulf breue quoddam abbati calumpnia rectum Jabbatem et mulierem^ examinaret. Breui autem perlecto, astante muliere, communi sapientium. plurimorum qui nil uocati erant consideratione, ostensum est de terra ad eam “ita hec causa ente, reuert a propri ad m quide e pertinere. Et mulier finita est.* 271. De decima in Westlakinge.9^ Cooperante eodem Ricardo, miles quidam, Giralmus de Curzun, decimam triginta acrarum de Westlakinge, quam parentes sui prius concesserant, et ipse altari sancte Marie concessit, addens de porcellis, siue agnellis, aut caseis, et rebus aliis que decimari solent, decimam, quam priores sui minime dederant. Hanc uero donationem super altare sancte Marie deuotus optulit, trium tantum acrarum ^ om. B ^ hidam B £f for abbatis et mulieris ?

* Boreshilla B ** est ita finita B

^ om. B

673 Berks. English Lawsuits, no. 378. See also below, p. 397.

* reddit B

674 The phrase *either given or granted' is peculiar. It may signify that the chronicler

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relation to the father, he feared lest in future some wrong might occur through the son, so he gave him an excellent deerskin belt and twelve penny coins, and made him swear on sacred relics in the chapter in the presence of the convent that he would never seek, through himself or another, that the current agreement be weakened.

270. Concerning half a hide in Boars Hill.°” After his father’s death, the same Robert, aided and assisted by some of his friends, forcibly detained half a hide of land in Boars Hill, which Abbot Vincent had either given or granted to Roger his father

to hold as long as he lived and not otherwise.** But Abbot Ingulf, not

bearing the loss of that land lightly, summoned Robert to his court, and after much time and labour achieved the following result: Robert with his heir entirely quitclaimed that half hide to the abbot, and gave it back, placing his hand in the abbot’s. The abbot gave the land thus recovered to Richard the sacrist, who kissed his hand. However, lest Robert at some time feel resentful about this or proceed to do wrong, Richard gave him 20s., besides the other 50s. which he had previously loaned him on the land in the hope of regaining it. And so it happened that Robert, in the presence of the whole convent, confirmed that half hide on the great altar, without any future claim. However, Robert’s wife afterwards asserted that this had been given to her in dower, and brought to Abbot Ingulf a writ from King Henry the younger, who reigned after Stephen, to the effect that, concerning this claim, he would examine the abbot and woman as to their right. The writ, then, was read in the woman’s presence and, by the common decision of the large number of wise men who had been summoned, it was shown that nothing from that land pertained to her. And the woman returned home, and so this case ended.

271. Concerning the tithe of West Lockinge.°” With the co-operation of the same Richard, a certain knight, Giralmus de Curzon, himself granted to the altar of St Mary the tithe of thirty acres of West Lockinge, which his parents previously had granted, and added the tithe of piglets, lambs, cheeses, and other goods which are accustomed to be tithed, which his predecessors had not given in the slightest. Moreover, he devoutly offered this gift on the altar of St Mary, keeping back from the was uncertain whether Abbot Vincent had made the initial grant to Roger, or had merely allowed him to continue in existing possession for the remainder of his life.

675 See also above, p. 44.

284

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ABBENDONENSIS

ata. Hanc eandem decima de triginta ccclesie de Wanetinge reseru coram omni conlo quoque donationem suam Giralmus, in capitu coco et aliis Sarico teste uentu, presente abbate Ingulfo, confirmauit,

monium uice pluribus.*" Sacrista uero ei decem solidos tunc in testi

@'fo. 172"

[ii. 204]

nescio qua postea caritatis dedit. Hic^ idem tamen Giralmus, | causa sed a Ricardo it, deprauatus, decimam predictam in horreo reposu a confregit et propri redargutus, penitentiam agens, horrei seras manu rum iurafactu us decimam ecclesie reddidit, nichilque tale se ampli optinuit e, tempor o mento confirmans. Aliquanto uero postea euolut statuto re tempo t odare Giralmus a sacrista ut ei septem^ solidos accom altero ente, adueni ito absque dilatione reddendos. Sed termino prefin ere adquir rat odaue quoque necnon et tercio, sacrista quod accom ut it, reposu horreo in nequiuit. Insuper iterum Giralmus decimam que* docum quomo m dum utrumque negaret, si unum redderet, alteru tandem ab retineret. Ricardus namque cum eo uerbis confligens, hoc aret, condon rat odaue eo extorsit, ut si ei septem" solidos quos accom rios quarta ei tres eret, et decimam quam acceperat gratis conced ulla e absqu am decim frumenti cum gratiarum actione daret, et us Ricard maret. reclamatione perpetuo concederet et testibus confir us testib aliis multis et autem petitionibus eius consentiens, coram his i, Ricard filio e Hugon confirmari idem^ fecit: Petro de Vernun,

m Osmundo de Graua, Simone de Churlintuna/^" Hoc ergo tande ita se habuit et talem exitum accepit. |

B fo. 167°

272. De una uirgata terre in Draituna. a Quidam, Radulfus uocabulo, uirgatam unam terre in Draitun anno omni denarios duos triginta tenebat, que altari sancte Marie reddebat, quam idem Radulfus cuidam Rogero cum filia sua in dotem

donauit. Cum autem obisset Rogerus, filius eius Thomas, fauente

sibi matre, cum annis pluribus debitum altari persoluere non posset, ad Ricardum sacristam se contulit, petens ut ei aliquid supra quod debebat® conferret, quatinus ei uirgatam illam animo bono omnino habendam concederet. Cumque eidem "Thome in denariis et rebus ^ initial om. C / Churlintune B

^ om. B * debeat B

* quocumque B

“vi. B

* om. B

67 See below, p. 396, for a list of the kitchen’s rents in the same hand as the History, which mentions a Saric. an 677 For a Vernun family with lands in Oxfordshire and Berkshire, see Anglo-Norm called Families, p. x10, HKF ii. 276; Peter may have been a member of this family. A monk son of Peter de Vernun witnessed C.H., no. 1a, which dates from 1165 x 1175. For a Hugh honour of Richard active in Faritius’s time, see above, pp. 158, 216. The 1166 Carta of the

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285

thirty only the tithe of three acres for the church of Wantage. Giralmus also confirmed this gift of his in the chapter before all the convent in Abbot Ingulf’s presence, with Saric the cook and many

others as witness."5 The sacrist then gave him ros. as a free gift in

testimony. However, this Giralmus was afterwards led astray by I know not what cause, and once more placed the aforesaid tithe in his barn. But rebuked by Richard, he did penance and with his own hands broke the bolts of the barn and gave the tithe back to the church, confirming with an oath that he would do nothing similar again. After some time had passed, however, Giralmus obtained from the sacrist that he would lend him 7s., to be repaid without delay at a fixed time. But when the set time arrived, the sacrist could not acquire what he had lent, nor could he do so on a second or even a third occasion. Furthermore, Giralmus again placed the tithe in his barn, so that—while he refused to give either the loan or the tithe—if he gave back one he would retain the other no matter what. But Richard spoke and reasoned with him and at length extracted from him that if Richard excused Giralmus the 7s. loaned, and freely granted him the tithe which he had taken, Giralmus would give him three quarters of corn in thanks, and would grant and by witnesses confirm the tithe in perpetuity without any further challenge. Richard agreed to Giralmus’s requests and had this confirmed in the presence of the following and many other witnesses: Peter de Vernun, Hugh son of Richard, Osmund of

Grove, Simon of Charlton.®”’ This therefore went on for a long time thus and had the above outcome. 272. Concerning one virgate of land in Drayton. A certain man named Ralph was holding one virgate of land in Drayton, which each year rendered 32d. to the altar of St Mary. Ralph gave this virgate to a certain Roger as a dowry with his

daughter. But after Roger died, his son Thomas was for very many years unable to pay what was due to the altar, so, supported by his mother, he went to Richard the sacrist and sought that Richard might confer on him something in addition to what he owed, so that he would good-heartedly grant Richard that virgate to have completely. And when Richard had compensated Thomas with pennies Wallingford and Osmund further mile 678 For a

records a Hugh son of Richard owing two knights; Red Book, i. 309. Simon were probably of Charlton, about one mile from West Lockinge, and Grove a away; both are in Berkshire. Ralph holding land in Drayton, sce below, p. 387.

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ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

ceteris satisfecisset, predicta uirgata a Ricardo officium sacristerii est redacta. [ii. 205]

libere saisiata, in

273. De quadam domo. s, presHuius quoque Ricardi adquisitione sollerti, quidam Robertu omnino et biter de Mercham, domum^ quandam, quam sibi liberam ille" quia quietam parauerat, Deo et altari sancte Marie donauit. Et ultima infirmitate iam laborabat et illuc ire non poterat, cuidam Waltero de Coleshulle, cognato suo, uice sua domum eandem super magnum altare offerre precepit, omni astante conuentu, clericis

quoque et laicis pluribus."? Quod postquam ut uoluit factum est,

us, ipse a uita presenti decessit. Postea tamen quidam Willelm terram cognomento Pincun, quia pars aliqua predicte domus supra suam nam proxima erat fundata uidebatur, calumpniam mouit et frequenter in litigium uenit. Cuius importunitatem sacrista deuitans, assidua prece/ eiusdem et aliorum. amicorum eius plurimorum, domum eandem pro duodecim nummis per annos singulos Willelmo tenere permisit, ita ut idem Willelmus domum erga prepositum

acquietaret, et si quid aliud reddendum pro ea contingeret.^99??

274. De domibus Scalegrat in ista uilla. Ricardo adhuc persuadente, quidam ‘Scalegrai’ uulgariter nominatus de domibus suis ecclesiam heredem facere cogitauit. Quod cum duo eius propinqui audirent, Robertus uidelicet de Lakinge et alius quidam Robertus, hereditariam super domos illas*^ calumpniam [ii. 206] mouerunt. Qui causa in communi hallimot ad hoc tandem perducta est, ut uterque calumpniator, quia ibi nichil iuris habebat, uacuus a spe sua, ut iustum erat, recederet. Sicque predictus Scalegrai domos suas uoluntarie huic ecclesie donauit, et quia iter longinquum transire habebat, sacrista noster marcam unam libenter ei ad uiaticum largitus est, et causam istam domibus ad se receptis taliter terminauit.

C fo. 173°

275. Item de alia quadam terra.” | Mulier iterum quedam Beliardis dicta, Sturnelli cuiusdam uxor, huius Ricardi industria prouocata, post uiri sui decessum. domos suas altare sancte Marie attitulare disposuit. Sed et talia cogitanti, calumpniatores/ quidam, qui iuris ibi* aliquid se habere ^ donum

^ continget B

^ ille C

* alias B

^ ends with half completed s C; preces B

^ calumniatores B

679 Walter was presumably associated with Coleshill, Berks.

* sibi B

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and other things, the aforesaid virgate was freely seized by Richard and restored to the office of the sacristy. 273. Concerning a certain house. Also through Richard’s skilled procurement, a certain Robert, priest of Marcham, gave to God and to the altar of St Mary a house which he had obtained for himself free and entirely undisturbed. And since he was now suffering his final illness and could not go there, in his place he ordered his kinsman, Walter of Coleshill, to offer that house on the great altar, with all the convent present and also very many

clerics and laymen.*^ After this was done as he wished, he departed

the present life. However, afterwards a certain William, surnamed Pincun, moved a claim and frequently brought lawsuits that part of the aforesaid house appeared to rest on his adjoining land. The sacrist ignored his insistence, but William and very many other friends of his were persistent in their requests, so Richard allowed William to hold that house for twelve penny coins each year, in such a way that William acquitted the house regarding the reeve and if there were

anything else which ought to be rendered for it.59? 274. Concerning the houses of Scalegrai in this place.&?! Also at the Richard's urging, a man named in the vernacular Scalegrai considered making the church heir of his houses. When two of his relatives, namely Robert of Lockinge and another Robert, heard this, they moved a hereditary claim on those houses. At length this case was held in the common hallmoot with the following result, that both claimants left emptied of hope, as was just since they had no right there. And so the aforesaid Scalegrai of his free will gave his houses to this church, and since he had a long distance to travel, our sacrist gladly gave him one mark for his travelling expenses. Thus, after receiving the houses for himself, he brought this case to an end. 275. Likewise, concerning certain other land. Roused again by the labours of this Richard, a certain woman called Beliardis, wife of one Sturnell, following the death of her husband, decided to consign her houses to the altar of St Mary. But some claimants, who thought they had some right there, rose against her as 680 A list in MS C in the same hand as the History, below, p. 397, includes 12d. from the land of William Pincun among the revenues of the altar.

$81 English Lawsuits, no. 379; sce also below, p. 397, a list in MS C in the same hand as the History. $2 English Lamsuits, no. 380;.sec also above, p. xciii.

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sapientibus, putabant, insurrexerunt; sed ueritatis inuestigatione a iniustam niam calump qui causam utramque tractabant, utpote Mulier sunt. repulsi | postmodum, ut rectum erat, B fo. 167" inferentes, Marie sancte altari suas autem iam libera utens potestate domos hac pro solidos rdecim animo bono concessit, eique Ricardus quatuo donatas muliere a concessione in manum posuit, et domos taliter rinus, recepit. Nec pretereundum quod quidam canonicus transma ubi se sed , aduenit Sturnelli predicti filius, calumpniam mouens , nec recessit uenerat nichil proficere posse attendit, ad locum unde ulterius ut calumpniam moueret rediit."

[ii. 207]

276. De terra Rogeri Haliman.9? Rogerius quidam sacerdos de Walingefor,’ cui cognomen erat Haliman, cum filio nomine Thoma, in ista ecclesia Abbendonensi habitum monachi suscipiens,* mansiones duas' domorum sui iuris pertinentes altari sancte Marie donauit, sed in werra ui militum in eodem castello manentium per aliquod tempus fuerunt alienate. Facta autem pace sub rege Henrico iuniore, omnes barones simul congregatos illius oppidi una cum Henrico filio Geroldi, tunc quidem oppidano illius castelli, Ricardus sacrista adiit, et in tantum coram eis profecit, quod miles, Ricardus nomine, qui terram eandem tenebat, coram

omnibus ecclesiam istam saisiaret./? Sed quia idem miles nouas

domos super iam dictam terram fecerat, interuentu eorum qui ibi congregati erant, iterum eum resaisiauit, recepturus ab eo aut qui ibi manserit annuatim sex denarios, et pro domo altera in qua manebat quidam Gerardus Rufus, iterum alios sex denarios. 277. De terra quadam in Walingaford. Similiter quidam de uilla eadem desiderium habens, /Eilwinus dictus,5 ut cum filio paruulo in hac ecclesia monachus fieret, inter cetera domos suas cum terra altari sancte Marie optulit, que in werra, ueluti multe res” alie, parum utilitatis ecclesie contulerunt. Sed werra cessante, quia domus predicte confracte erant, terram eandem sacrista cuidam burgensium pro duodecim denariis per annum dimisit. ^ reddit B

^ Walingeford B

^ suas B

^ corr. from rex C; rex B

683 See also below, p. 397. 684 On priests with children, see C. N. L. Brooke, *Gregorian reform in action: clerical marriage in England, 1050-1200’, Cambridge Historical Journal, xii (1956), 1-21. For this gift, see also Testa de Nevill, i. 110. 685 Henry son of Gerold was also Henry II’s chamberlain; see further Amt, Accession of Henry II, pp. 60-1, Boarstall Cartulary, p. 309. The 1166 Carta for Wallingford includes

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she was considering these matters. However, as one might expect for those bringing forward an unjust claim, they were afterwards repulsed, as was just, through investigation of the truth by the wise men who were treating both sides’ case. Moreover, the woman used her unrestricted power and granted her houses good-heartedly to the altar of St Mary, and for this grant Richard placed 14s. in her hand, and received the houses given thus by the woman. And it should not be passed over that a canon from overseas, the son of the aforesaid Sturnell, came and moved a claim, but when he recognized that he could make no progress, he returned to the place whence he had come and never came back to move a claim again. 276. Concerning the land of Roger Haliman.8? A certain Roger, priest of Wallingford, who had the surname Haliman, assumed the monk’s habit in this church of Abingdon, together with his son named Thomas. He gave to the altar of St Mary two holdings of houses which were his property, but during the war they were alienated for a time by the force of the knights who were resident in Wallingford castle. But when peace had been made under King Henry the younger, Richard the sacrist came to a gathering of all the barons of that fortress, together with Henry son of Gerold, then castellan of that castle, and in their presence he achieved such success that the knight named Richard, who was holding the land

concerned, seised the church in the presence of all.5? But since that knight had built new houses on the aforesaid land, the sacrist reseised him again on the intervention of those gathered there, and in future would receive from him or whoever lived there 6d. a year, and again another 6d. for another house in which a certain Gerard Rufus lived.

277. Concerning certain land in Wallingford.

Likewise a man of that town, called AZilwin,®° desired to become a monk in this church, together with his little son, and offered to the altar of St Mary his houses with land, amongst other things. During the war, these, like many other possessions, brought negligible advantage to the church. But with the war ending, the sacrist bestowed that land on one of the burgesses for 12d. a year, since the aforesaid houses had been destroyed. more than one knight named Richard; Red Book, i. 308-11. Lyell, no. 255 gives Richard the surname ‘le Blunt’. $86 This is probably the /Filwin son of Wulfreuen mentioned in Testa de Nevill, i. 110, as making a gift when he became a monk. See also below, p. 397, and above, n. 541, on the name form.

HISTORIA

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278. De festiuitate reliquiarum." [ii. 208]

ista^ multe Considerans hic idem sacrista Ricardus quia in ecclesia nulla celeis tempor sanctorum reliquie reseruantur, quorum tunc Martis diem us, conuent brabatur memoria, consensu abbatis et totius relim omniu quo t, qui primo post quindecim dies Pasce occurri quadra t, institui quiarum huius ecclesie habetur memoria primus quo ns, adiunge itum ginta solidorum redditum proprio labore adquis perpetuo inter festa principalia dies ille honorifice, ut dignum est, celebretur.

279. De organis. ista Organa^ quoque, de sumptu proprio, idem Ricardus in ecclesia m posteru in quo ns, attitula m constituit, de adquisitione sua redditu ferro ex r similite Genuas^ reparari aut manuteneri^ possent. In decenter compositas, primus in ecclesia hac fabricari fecit. s, campani uel ris candelab alterius, uasis uero argenteis aut metalli ecclesie pertinentibus, mag|na B fo. 168" uel rebus pluribus ad ornatum habetur in hac ecclesia istius uiri memoria. Hec de iam mortuo enarraui, nec me suspicabitur aliquis uelle adulari cineribus. Ex

hinc ad alia transeamus.^??

280. De Suinlea.*? Abbatis istius Ingulfi tempore, quedam ecclesie possessiones, quasi’ sub specie recti quia abbate uolente, iniuste tamen quia ad ecclesie dampnum, sunt distracte. In werra enim terra quedam ecclesie, Swinleia dicta, possessoribus predantium metu eam tenere non uidentes, C fo. 173” ualentibus, sicuti | plures et ipsa deserta iacebat. Quod prece tam adierunt, Ingulfum abbatem Stretford monachi albi de annum per solidos sex ipsis ut optinere, nitentes eo [ii. 209] quam pretio ab

reddentibus terram illam habere concederet." Quorum uerbis et

muneribus abbas adquiescens, consentientibus sibi aliquibus fratribus’ quos monachi predicti munere placauerant, terram. quam petebant eis tradidit, et litteris suis et sigillo ecclesie contra conuentus uoluntatem confirmauit. Sigillum enim ecclesie sub potestate propria detinebat, et quod uolebat illo confirmabat. Vnde etiam factum est, ut ^ om. B

^ initial contains small picture of organ with pipes C

^ [ take genuas to be intended as a version of ianuas

* Suuinlea B

* manu teneri B

/ quas B

* fribus B

687 See above, p. cvi.

688 Richard appears to have died after the coronation of Henry II, 19 Dec. 1154, but before the death of Ingulf, 19 Sept. 1158.

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291

278. Concerning the festival of the relics.°’ The same sacrist Richard contemplated that there were preserved in this church many relics of saints of whom no commemoration was then celebrated. With the consent of the abbot and the whole convent, he was the first to institute the Tuesday immediately after the Easter fortnight as the day on which the commemoration of all this church’s relics is held, and added 4os. rent, acquired by his own toil, whereby that day would be honourably celebrated for ever amongst the principal feasts, as is fitting.

279. Concerning the organs. That Richard also set organs in place in this church at his own expense, consigning from his own acquisition rent by which they could be repaired or maintained in future. Similarly he was the first to have suitably formed iron doors constructed in this church. Also in this church vessels of silver or other metal, candlesticks, bells, and a great many other things which adorn the church preserve the great memory of this man. I have related these matters concerning a man now dead, and no one will suspect me of wishing to flatter ashes. Let

us pass hence to other matters.59? 280. Concerning Swinley.°° In Abbot Ingulf’s time, some of the church’s possessions were taken away with a veneer of propriety, in that the abbot so wished, but unjustly, in that it harmed the church. For during the war, some of the church’s land, called Swinley, lay abandoned; like many others, its possessors were unable to hold it out of fear of predators. Seeing this, the White Monks of Stratford came to Abbot Ingulf, striving to obtain from him by both prayer and payment that he grant to them to

have that land, in return for rendering 6s. a year.9?? The abbot agreed to their words and gifts, and, with the consent of certain of the brethren whose favourable disposition the monks of Stratford had gained with gifts, handed over to them the land which they sought, confirming this by his letters and the church’s seal, against the will of the convent. For he kept the seal of the church under his own control and confirmed with it what he wished. Therefore after his death it 689 Swinley was in Winkfield; VCH, Berkshire, iii. 87. On the writer’s attitude to Ingulf, see above, p. lii. $99 The Cistercian house at Stratford Langthorne, Essex, had been founded on 25 Jul. 1135; Heads of Religious Houses, p. 144.

292

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ABBENDONENSIS

frangerentur. post eius obitum “pleraque sigilla ab eo inutiliter facta," t, et in detinen sic ntes, Monachi uero terram prefatam recipie

perpetuum detinere nituntur.

281. De Hachamste." uillam Iterum quidam clericus de Luuechenora, Ansgerus‘ dictus, potuit que seruitia eique tenuit, eandem de abbate Ingulfo diu quam prece tam , uenisset fauorem exhibuit. Qui cum in abbatis de um membr m quodda ate heredit et pretio ab eo optinuit in feudo tenere, inta quadrag solidis pro dictum, Luuechenora, Hachamstede^ tem quod antea quinquaginta reddere solebat.? Quod contra uolunta sigillo ecclesie et litteris abbatis et est, et utilitatem conuentus factum quod (ut diximus) in manu propria habebat confirmatum.

[ii. 210]

282. De terra quadam apud Bertuna. Similiter huius abbatis concessu, Hugo filius Berneri terram, que a Bertuna curiam uersus itinerantibus dextrorsum est (quam uenerandus abbas Faritius a predicto Bernero escambiauit pro terra que Blachegraua! dicitur pro / solidos per annum) optinuit sine conuentus assensu, reddentem undeuiginti solidos, sine aliis consuetu-

dinibus, et nouem denarios.^?

Item’ huius abbatis dono Willelmus, cognomento Paulinus, nouem acras de dominio de Bertona adeptus est, et contra ecclesiam" istam detinet. Talibus modis possessiones ecclesie debilitantur, donec per uirum a Deo datum iterum aliquando unde sublate sunt restituantur. 283. De pecunia quam rex in ecclesia ista accepit. Non solum autem in exterioribus possessionibus magnum detrimentum ecclesia ista illo tempore passa est, uerum etiam in interioribus. Nam pecuniam permaximam quam ipse abbas congregauerat, et quicquid in ecclesia custodiendi causa depositum fuerat, per’ proditionem quorundam abbatis amicorum ad exercitus sui stipendia rex Stephanus depredauit. Postea uero, circa finem abbatis, quicquid ^* plerique sigilli ab eo inutiliter facti ^ Hacamsteda B * Angerus B * preceded by rubricated heading of minims B pro C; pro B

B C

^ Hachamsted' over erasure B ^ x erased C * Blakegraua B ! probably corr. from ^ ecclesia B C

9! See Monasticon Anglicanum, ed. W. Dugdale, J. Caley et al. (6 vols. in 8, London, 1817-30), v. 588, for a charter of Henry II confirming to the monks of Stratford grants of various donors, including the grange at Swinley, with its appurtenances, which they have from the monks of Abingdon; Lyell, no. 362, for a final concord between the abbots of

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203

was ensured that many seal impressions harmfully made by him were broken. But the monks who received the aforementioned

withhold it thus and strive to withhold it for ever.??!

land still

281. Concerning Ackhamstead. Again, a certain cleric of Lewknor, called Ansger, long held that village from Abbot Ingulf and did him what service he could. When he came into the abbot's favour, by both prayer and payment he obtained from him a member of Lewknor, called Ackhamstead, to hold in fee and inheritance for 40s., which previously was accustomed to render 50s." This was done contrary to the will and interests of the convent, and was confirmed by the abbot’s letters and the church's seal, which, as we have said, he had in his own possession. 282. Concerning certain land at Barton. Likewise, by grant of this abbot, without the assent of the convent, Hugh son of Berner obtained the land which is to the right for travellers from Barton towards the court and renders 19s. 9d. without any other customs. The venerable abbot Faritius had received this in exchange from the aforesaid Berner for the land which is called Blagrove for [blank] shillings a year.9?? Likewise, William surnamed Paulinus acquired nine acres of the demesne of Barton by this abbot's gift and retains it against this church. In such ways the possessions of the church are impaired, until, through a man given by God, they may sometime be restored again whence they have been taken away. 283. Concerning the money which the king seized in this church. Moreover, this church suffered great loss at that time not only in external possessions, but also internal ones. For through the treachery of some of the abbot's friends, King Stephen plundered, for his army's pay, the vast amount of money which Abbot Ingulf had gathered and whatever had been deposited in the church for safekeeping. Later, moreover, around the time of the abbot's end, almost Abingdon and Stratford concerning land at Swinley; the document can be dated to 1189 X 1197. $2? On Ackhamstead, see above, p. 140. 993 See above, p. 202, for the exchange. For the area of the monastic precinct known as the court, see Plan, p. cv.

204

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ecclesia pene auri et argenti in scriniis sanctorum uel uasis in tum. distrac ipsrus repertum est pro reddendis | debitis .

B fo. 168"

ABBENDONENSIS

694

284. “De Henrico rege tumore. Interea rege Stephano defuncto anno nonodecimo regni sui, Henricus iunior successit in regnum, cessauitque mirabilis werra totius Anglie." [ii. 211]

C fo. 174°

lii. 212]

285. Carta de decima Ciliune." Notum sit presentibus et futuris, testimonio huius scripti sigillo mei signati, quod ego Nicholaus filius Turoldi de Estuna, pro salute anime mee parentumque meorum, et pro eo quod licitum mihi esset^ ab ecclesia de Abbendona cimiterium haberi capelle mee de Winterburna, concessi firmiter et finaliter dedi predicte ecclesie Abbendo quam mee terre nensi singulis annis in perpetuum habendas decimas in dominio meo teneo in uilla Chiltune; in blado scilicet ad ostium grancie mee suscipiendo, et in caseis et in uelleribus et agnis et porcellis, et in omnibus que decimari solent.9? Insuper firmiter statui ecclesiam de Chiuelea singulis annis de duabus acris? ex dominio meo in Winterburna, unus^ frumenti et alius auene, uel duobus solidis, recognoscendam in electione mei post discessum Helie clerici, et ita quod deinceps ego prefate capelle de Winterburna seruiende personam eligam | et ponam, saluo iure rerum episcopalium. Hec donatio facta est in die sancti Laurentii, in capitulo Abbendonensi, anno secundo Henrici regis, presente Ingulfo abbate, et Waltero priore, ceterisque fratribus. His testibus etiam subscriptis: Rogero archidiacono, magistro Rannulfo, Helia clerico de Chiuelea, Ricardo fratre eiusdem Nicholai, Hamone Pirun, Ricardo de Henreda,* Iohanne de Tubbeneia, Henrico de Pisia.997 Concedente itaque abbate, predicta decima ad usum pauperum et peregrinorum consignata est, ipso Nicholao astante et magnopere" gratias agente, quod elemosinam suam ad tale negotium deputasset.°* a—a ^ the text here appears to be * esse B C ^ heading erased B om. B flamed; the addition of aphrase such as decimas recepturam mould start to restore the sense ^ magnoopere B * Henereda B ^ uerum B * unius BC

4 See above, p. liv, for the different account of Stephen's plundering of Abingdon in De abbatibus, CMA 11. 291-2.

$5 Nicholas’s toponymic surname was from Aston Tirold, Berks.; on this family,

tenants of the earls of Warwick, see VCH, Berkshire, iii. 453, iv. 63-4, Red Book, i. 326. Lyell, nos. 356, 484, Chatsworth, no. 83 (= English Lamsuits, no. 617), show Nicholas in dispute with Abingdon in 1186 x 9 over the advowson of the church of Winterbourne. On the tithe, see also CMA ii. 327, a list concerning rents due to the almoner, in a hand 996 For Walter, see above, p. lvii. different from that of the History.

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295

all the gold and silver found in the saints’ reliquaries and in the church vessels was removed to pay his debts.” 284. Concerning King Henry the younger. Meanwhile, King Stephen died in the nineteenth year of his reign, Henry the younger succeeded to the kingdom, and the extraordinary war ceased throughout England.

285. Charter concerning the tithe of Chilton. Let it be known to men present and future, by testimony of this document sealed with my seal, that I, Nicholas son of Thorold of Aston, for the salvation of my soul and of my parents, and in return for it being allowed me by the church of Abingdon that my chapel of Winterbourne have a cemetery, have granted firmly and definitively have given to the aforesaid church of Abingdon to have each year in perpetuity the tithes of my land which I hold in my demesne in the village of Chilton; that is, in corn to be received at the door of my grange, and in cheeses and fleeces and lambs and piglets, and in

everything which is accustomed to be tithed.? In addition, I have firmly laid down that the church of Chieveley each year receive tithes from two acres of my demesne in Winterbourne, one of wheat, the other of oats, or 2s., for recognizing my choice after the death of the cleric, Helias, in such a way that henceforth I may choose and install the parson to serve the aforementioned chapel of Winterbourne, save the right of episcopal matters. This gift was made on the day of St Laurence in the chapter at Abingdon, in King Henry's second year, in the presence of Abbot Ingulf and Walter the prior and the other

brethren [10 Aug. 1156].°° Also with the following witnesses: Roger the archdeacon, Master Ranulf, Helias the cleric of Chieveley, Richard brother of this Nicholas, Hamo Piron, Richard of Hendred, John of Tubney, Henry of Pusey.9? "Therefore, the aforesaid tithe was assigned by the abbot's grant to the use of the poor and pilgrims, with Nicholas present and particularly giving thanks that his alms were assigned to such business. 9? Roger was archdeacon of Berkshire at least from 1150 x 7 Sept. 1151; Fasti: Salisbury, p. 29. A Master Ralph, conceivably the same as the Master Ranulf mentioned here, witnessed Oseney, vi, no. 1068, a charter of Robert bishop of Lincoln, in 1163 x 6. Hamo Piron lived at least until the later 1160s, when he was succeeded by his son, Henry; see Boarstall Cartulary, p. 316. On Richard of Hendred's family, see VCH, Berkshire, iv. 303. 998 See above, p. xl on the abbot’s oath to preserve the possessions of the church, the wording of which the present text may echo.

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ABBENDONENSIS

286. Cirographum de quadam terra in Oxeneford. quod ego Nouerint presentes et futuri, clerici et laici, Franci et Angli, noster tus conuen e totusqu Ingulfus, Dei gratia abbas Abbendone, iure nobis de am tenend unam concessimus Radulfo Britoni terram filius dus Gaufri quam sitam, hereditario, infra forum Oxeneford pro uiginti M(atjilde tenuit, que ad altare ecclesie nostre pertinet, acquiinsuper Et dis.°” redden solidis singulis annis sacriste nostro um secund s denario im sexdec etabit eandem terram erga regem, per us Radulf ipse libere et bene ita consuetudinem uille Oxeneford, et ut liberius et melius eum ante et heredes eius teneant sicut ullus prefatam terram de nobis tenuerat.

[ii. 213]

B fo. 169°

287. Testamentum domni Ingulfi abbatis. onie Notum sit presentibus et futuris quod ego Ingulfus abbas Abbend udines consuet omnes nostro ui conuent concessi et finaliter^ concedo quas habuit in singulis obedientiis suis, sicut melius et plenius stabilite fuerunt tempore predecessoris mei domni Vincentii abbatis, et sicut eas inueni; uidelicet in cellario, in refectorio, in elemosinario, in mandato, in sacristario, in domo infirmorum, in coquina, in camera, in consuetudine seruientium, in curia, in hospitibus suscipiendis, in lignagio, et in operibus ecclesie. Insuper concedo in perpetuum ad sagimen fratrum Wisselegam et Winekefeld, cum

omnibus redditibus suis." Et | presenti scripto, sub conditione

anathematis, potestate quam habeo, confirmo ut nullus successorum meorum supradictam dispositionem nostram in aliquo diminuat, nec donationes nostras subtrahat quas nos ecclesie dedimus, scilicet sacristerie quadraginta solidos, in Middeltona^ uiginti solidos, et de monasterio sancti Aldadi de Oxeneford uiginti solidos, et in Wechenesfeld redditum molendini, ad celebranda festa sanctorum Swithuni

et /Ethelwoldi.' ^?! [ii. 215]

B fo. 169"

288. De Walchelino abbate. Anno igitur uicesimo nono regiminis sui, uir Deo deuotus, senex et plenus dierum,"? domnus Ingulfus abbas egritudinem incurrit. In ^ familiariter B

^ Middeltuna B

* Adthelwoldi B

9 See below, p. 397, a list in MS C in the same hand as the History, for the land which

Ralph Brito holds in Oxford owing 205. in rent for the altar. Salter, Medieval Oxford, p. 28 identifies the land as that which later was 58-61 Cornmarket; in the Hundred Rolls, it paid r6d.

700 De abbatibus records that Ingulf gave to the monks’ kitchen Whistley, Winkfield,

Shippon, and the mills of Ock and Watchfield; CMA ii. 291. See also below, p. 395, and above, above, p. Ixxxvil.

THE

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207

286. Cirograph concerning certain land in Oxford. Let men present and future, cleric and lay, French and English, know that I, Ingulf, by the grace of God abbot of Abingdon, and our whole convent have granted to Ralph Brito one piece of land to be held from us by hereditary right, situated within the market-place of Oxford, which Geoffrey son of M(at)ilda held, which pertains to the altar of

our church, in return for 20s. each year to be rendered to our sacrist.°?

In addition, according to and his heirs had best and

he will acquit this land towards the custom of the town of Oxford, so are thus to hold as well and freely as most freely held the aforementioned

the king for 16d. that Ralph himself anyone before him land from us.

287. Testament of lord Abbot Ingulf. Let it be known to men present and future that I Ingulf, abbot of Abingdon, have granted and definitively grant to our convent all the customs which it had in each of its offices, as they were best and most fully established in the time of my predecessor lord Abbot Vincent and as I found them; that is, in the cellar, in the refectory, in the almonry, in the maundy, in the sacristy, in the house of the sick, in the kitchen, in the chamber, in the custom of servants, in the court, in the receiving of guests, in the provision of wood, and in the works of the church. In addition, I grant Whistley and Winkfield with all their rents in perpetuity for the brethren's provision of fat.’ And by the present document I confirm, under condition of anathema, by the power I have, that none of my successors may diminish in anything our aforesaid arrangement, nor take away our gifts which we have given to the church, that is 40s. to the sacristy, in Milton 20s., and from the minster of St Aldate of Oxford 20s., and in Watchfield the rent of a mill, for celebrating the feasts of Saints Swithun [2 Jul.|and /Ethelwold [r, 2 Aug.]."'

288. Concerning Abbot Walkelin. Therefore, in the twenty-ninth year of his period of rule, lord Abbot

Ingulf, a man devoted to God, ‘old and full of days," fell ill. During 71 Cf above, p. 255 n. 629; sce also below, p. 395 for the mill at Watchfield, p. 397 for income from Milton and St Aldate's. De abbatibus specifies that Ingulf gave the sacrist the church of St Aldate and 20 shillings in Drayton; CMA ii. 291. Cf. above, p. Ixxxvi. In MS B there follow sections concerning pasture in Uffington and the ornaments of Abbot Ingulf; below, p. 344. For celebration at Abingdon of the feasts of St Swithun and St 7Ethelwold, the latter on two days, see Benedictine Kalendars, i. 25—6.

ZI Genk 35:29:

HISTORIA

298

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

ine* qua diu laborans, in capitulo fratrum se deduci fecit, pre egritud suis s peccati a os subiect enim ire non poterat, ibique omnes sibi

absoluit, humiliter rogans ut siquid* et ipse in eis peccauerat ipsi pro

[ii. 2x6]

Deo dimitterent. Sicque eis ultimum ualefaciens et benedicens, s paucis post diebus e mundo migrauit, tercio decimo kalenda rege, a Cui s." iuniori Octobris, anno uidelicet quarto Henrici regis in loco pastoris, substituitur Walchelinus, ecclesie Eoueshamnensis monachus. uir circa possessiones ecclesie sibi commisse fidelis et prudens, in reuocandis quoque priorum pastorum negligentia perditis in studiosus. Qua de causa a rege plurimum dilectus, de eo iam it: transmis scripta abbatem promoto primoribus Anglie talia

289. “Littere regis de eodem abbate. "* Henricus rex Anglorum et dux Normannorum et Aquitanorum et comes Andegauorum, archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comitibus, baronibus, iusticiis, uicecomitibus, ministris, et omnibus fidelibus | Sciatis me C fo. 174" suis, Francis et Anglicis, totius Anglie, salutem. concessisse et dedisse Walchelino

B fo. ro"

[ii. 217]

abbati abbatiam

de Abbendona,

cum omnibus rebus ipsi abbatix^ pertinentibus. Et ideo uolo et firmiter precipio quod predictus abbas predictam abbatiam habeat et teneat cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, bene et in pace, libere et quiete, plenarie et integre et honorifice, cum saca et soca et toll et them et infangenetheof, et gritbruche et forstel et hamsocna et flemeneformthe, in burgo et extra burgum, in bosco et plano, in pratis et molendinis, in aquis et riuis, in uiis et semitis, in festo et sine festo, et cum omnibus aliis consuetudinibus, sicut unquam aliquis antecessorum suorum | melius et liberius, quietius et honorificentius tenuit tempore regis Henrici aui mei, et sicut carta ipsius testatur. Testibus episcopo Ebroic, et episcopo Baioc, et Willelmo de Caisneto. Apud Rothom'. 290. Littere regis Henrici iunioris de hundredo. 5 Henricus rex Anglorum et dux Normannorum et Aquitanorum? et comes Andegauorum episcopo Saresb', baronibus, iusticiis, uicecomiti, ministris, et omnibus fidelibus suis, Francis et Anglicis, * at ipsi pro Deo dimitterent, Sicque cis m * four lines written over erasure in. B margin im brown ink im ene ef the hands providing guidance for the rubricater B

* monacus B

* illustration of Henry 11 B

* abbatie B

f Aquitanie B

7?" See also Cambridge, University Library, Kk. i 22, fo. 5". The Winchester annals mention Ingulf’s death s.4. 1139; Ammales monastici, ii. 56.

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299

his lengthy struggle with illness, he had himself brought into the brethren’s chapter, for the illness prevented him walking, and there he absolved of their sins all subject to him, humbly asking that they remit in God’s name any sin he had committed towards them. And a few days after he had thus said good-bye and blessed them for a last time, he departed from the world, on 19 September, in the fourth

year of King Henry the younger [1158].? The king replaced him in

the position of pastor with Walkelin, a monk of the church of Evesham, a man faithful and prudent concerning the possessions of the church entrusted to him, and also diligent in recalling what had been lost by the negligence of previous pastors. For this reason he was greatly loved by the king, who sent to the leading men of England the following letters about Walkelin, now promoted to abbot:

289. Letters of the king concerning this abbot."* Henry king of the English and duke of the Normans and Aquitainians and count of the Angevins to his archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justices, sheriffs, officials, and all his faithful men, French and English, of the whole of England, greeting. Know that I have granted and given to Abbot Walkelin the abbey of Abingdon with everything pertaining to this abbey. And so I wish and firmly order that the aforesaid abbot may have and hold the aforesaid abbey with all its appurtenances, well and in peace, freely and undisturbed, fully and completely and honourably, with sake and soke and toll and team and infangentheof, and grithbrech and foresteal and hamsocn and flemenforthe, in borough and out of borough, in wood and plain, in meadows and mills, in waters and streams, on roads and tracks, in feast and without feast, and with all the other customs, as best and most freely and undisturbedly and honourably as any of his predecessors ever held in the time of King Henry my grandfather, and as his charter witnesses. Witnesses: the bishop of Evreux, and the bishop of Bayeux, and William de Chesney. At Rouen.

290. Letters of King Henry the younger concerning the hundred.^ Henry king of the English and duke of the Normans and Aquitainians and count of the Angevins to the bishop of Salisbury, his barons, justices, sheriff, officials, and all his faithful men, French and English, The editors of the Acta of Henry IT suggest the date ?May 1159 for this and the following seven writs; Lyell, no. 92; Chatsworth, no. 346. Henry was south of the Channel from Aug. 1158 until Jan. 1163. De abbatibus says that Henry appointed Walkelin at the urging of Queen Eleanor; CMA ii. 292; also above, p. liv. The exact date of his

appointment in 1159 is not certain.

75 Lyell, no. 91, Chatsworth, no. 343.

300

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

et ecclesie sancte de Berchesira,’ salutem. Sciatis me concessisse Deo, s abbatibus omnibu et lino, Walche Marie Abbendone, et abbati hundredum tibus, seruien Deo ibidem successoribus suis, et monachis et omnibus eis dum haben et um de Hornimera iure perpetuo tenend et iusticia, sua te potesta a liberim et successoribus suis in legitima^ meus auus rex us Henric et rex^ mus sicut Eadwardus rex ^et Willel uolo Et nt. maueru confir suis cartis et predicte ecclesie concesserunt de i monach et linus Walche abbas us et firmiter precipio ut predict ice honorif et quiete et pace in edum Abbendona predictum hundr cum teneant, cum omnibus consuetudinibus suis et quitantiis suis torum predic ibus tempor unt tenuer quibus melius et honorabilius se regum, scilicet quod nullus uicecomes uel eorum ministri inde et t habean suam am iustici libere ipsi quicquam intromittant, sed po episco us "Testib r. testatu mei aui faciant, sicut carta Henrici regis Ebroic" et Philippo episcopo Baioc’, et Willelmo de Caisneto. Apud Rothom’.

[ii. 218]

291. De mercatu Abbendonie.’”° Henricus rex Anglorum et dux Normannorum et Aquitanorum et comes Andegauorum, episcopo Saresb’, baronibus, iusticiis, uicecomiti, ministris, et omnibus fidelibus suis de Berchesira,’ salutem. Sciatis me concessisse ecclesie sancte Marie de Abbendona, et abbati Walchelino, et monachis ibidem Deo seruientibus, mercatum Abbendone, sicut ecclesia predicta et antecessores sui abbates unquam melius et liberius habuerunt tempore regis Henrici aui mei, et sicut carta illius testatur. Et teneant predictum mercatum bene et in pace, libere et quiete, integre et honorifice. Testibus episcopo Ebroic’, et episcopo Baioc’, et Willelmo de Caisneto. Apud Rothom’.

292. De theloneo."

Henricus rex Anglorum et dux Normannorum et Aquitanorum et comes Andegauorum, iusticiis, uicecomitibus, ministris, et omnibus bailliuis suis totius Anglie et portuum maris, salutem. Precipio quod monachi de Abbendona sint quieti de’ theloneo, de passagio, de pontagio, de lestagio, et de omnibus consuetudinibus per omnes terras meas et portus maris, de omnibus rebus quas homines sui poterunt affidare esse suas proprias, sicut carta Henrici regis aui mei ^ Berchescira B * Berchescira B

^ legittima B ^ omni add. B

7* Lyell, no. 94; Chatsworth, no. 208.

om.

^ Eboric B

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301

of Berkshire, greeting. Know that I have granted to God, and to the church of St Mary of Abingdon, and to Abbot Walkelin, and to all his successors as abbot, and to the monks serving God there, the hundred of Hormer, for them and all their successors to hold and have by perpetual right in their lawful and most free power and justice, as King Edward, and King William, and King Henry my grandfather granted and by their charters confirmed to the aforesaid church. And I wish and firmly order that the aforesaid Abbot Walkelin and the monks of Abingdon hold the aforesaid hundred in peace and undisturbed and honourably with all their customs and their quittances, with which they best and most honourably held in the times of the aforesaid kings; that is, that no sheriff or sheriff’s officials interfere in anything therein, but they are to have and do their justice freely, as the charter of King Henry my grandfather witnesses. Witnesses: the bishop of Evreux, and Philip bishop of Bayeux, and William de Chesney. At Rouen. 291. Concerning the market of Abingdon.’ Henry king of the English and duke of the Normans and Aquitainians and count of the Angevins to the bishop of Salisbury, his barons, justices, sheriff, officials, and all his faithful men of Berkshire, greeting. Know that I have granted to the church of St Mary of Abingdon, and to Abbot Walkelin, and to the monks serving God there, the market of Abingdon, as the aforesaid church and his predecessors as abbot ever best and most freely had in the time of King Henry my grandfather and as his charter witnesses. And let them hold the aforesaid market well and in peace, freely and undisturbed, completely and honourably. Witnesses: the bishop of Evreux, and the bishop of Bayeux, and William de Chesney. At Rouen.

292. Concerning toll. Henry king of the English and duke of the Normans and Aquitainians and count of the Angevins to his justices, sheriffs, officials, and all his bailiffs of the whole of England and the sea-ports, greeting. I order that the monks of Abingdon be quit of toll, of transport due, of bridge-due, of lastage, and of all customs throughout all my lands and sea-ports, concerning all goods which their men can pledge their faith to be their own, as the charter of King Henry my grandfather 7? Lyell, no. 98. See above, p. 116 for Henry I’s charter. MS B mistakenly repeats this writ at fo. 171’.

ABBENDONENSIS

ECCLESIE

HISTORIA

302

disturbet, super testatur. Et prohibeo ne quis eos uel homines eorum po, Willelmo episco Lux’ o decem libras forisfacture. Testibus Arnulf '. Rothom Apud de Kesneto, Willelmo de Hastinguis." H

(fo. 175. B fo. 170” [ii. 219]

293. De decima uenationis foreste Windlesores." norum et Henricus rex Anglorum et dux Normannorum et Aquita omnibus et iis, forestar comes Andegauorum iusticiis, uicecomitibus, conme Sciatis . ministris suis de foresta de Windesora, salutem dona Abben de Marie cessisse et confirmasse Deo et ecclesie | sancte de Wintotam | decimam de uenatione que capta fuerit in foresta consua carta et it desora, sicut Henricus auus meus eis concess po episco po Philip et , firmauit. Testibus Rotroldo episcopo Ebroic’ ’. Baioc’, et Willelmo de Caisneto. Apud Rothom .

294. De siluis Cumenore* et Bachelee.^ '? et Henricus rex Anglorum et dux Normannorum et Aquitanorum uiceco, comes Andegauorum episcopo Saresb', baronibus, iusticils et miti, forestariis, ministris, et omnibus fidelibus suis, Francis asse confirm Anglis, de Berchesira, salutem. Sciatis me concessisse et s Deo, et ecclesie sancte Marie de Abbendona, et abbati, et monachi in am habend ibidem Deo seruientibus, in perpetuam elemosinam omnes et a, custodia eorum siluam de Cumenora et de Bageleg capreolos quos ibi inuenire poterint accipiant. Et ceruos et ceruas non capiant nisi mea licentia, et ego nemini dabo licentiam ibi uenandi nisi illis, et omnes foresfacturas sartorum condono eis, sicut rex Henricus auus meus eis concessit, et sicut carta ipsius eis testatur. Testibus Rotroldo episcopo Ebroic', et Philippo episcopo Baioc', et Willelmo de Caisneto. Apud Rothom’.

[ii. 220]

295. De warennis huius ecclesie. 7? Henricus rex Anglorum et dux Normannorum et Aquitanorum et comes Andegauorum iusticiis, uicecomitibus, forestariis, et omnibus ministris suis Anglie, salutem. Concedo quod abbas de Abbendona habeat warennas in omnibus terris suis in quibus antecessores sui warennas habuerunt tempore regis Henrici aui mei. Et prohibeo ne quis in eis fuget uel leporem capiat sine eius licentia super decem ^ Hastingis B * Bageleia 5

^ Windelesores B

* Cumenor B

^ Bacchelea B

75 Lyell, no. 83. 709 L yell, no. 77; The Cartz Antique, Rolls 11—20, ed. J. Conway Davies (Pipe Roll Soc.,

THE

HISTORY

THE

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303

witnesses. And I forbid that anyone disturb them or their men, on £10 of forfeiture. Witnesses: Arnulf bishop of Lisieux, William de Chesney, William of Hastings. At Rouen. 293. Concerning the tithe of the game of the forest of Windsor.” Henry king of the English and duke of the Normans and Aquitainians and count of the Angevins to his justices, sheriffs, foresters, and all his officials of the forest of Windsor, greeting. Know that I have granted and confirmed to God and to the church of St Mary of Abingdon the entire tithe of the game which is taken in the forest of Windsor, as Henry my grandfather granted and confirmed to them by his charter. Witnesses: Rotrou bishop of Evreux, and Philip bishop of Bayeux, and William de Chesney. At Rouen. 294. Concerning the woods of Cumnor and Bagley.’” Henry king of the English and duke of the Normans and Aquitainians and count of the Angevins to the bishop of Salisbury, his barons, justices, sheriff, foresters, officials, and all his faithful men, French and English, of Berkshire, greeting. Know that I have granted and confirmed to God, and to the church of St Mary of Abingdon, and to the abbot, and to the monks serving God there, to have in their custody in perpetual alms the wood of Cumnor and of Bagley, and they may take all the roe deer which they can find there. And they are not to take red deer stags and hinds except by my permission, and I shall give no one permission to hunt there except them. And I pardon them all forfeitures concerning assarts, as King Henry my grandfather granted them and as his charter witnesses for them. Witnesses: Rotrou bishop of Evreux, and Philip bishop of Bayeux, and William de Chesney. At Rouen. 295. Concerning the warrens of this church.’'° Henry king of the English and duke of the Normans and Aquitainians and count of the Angevins to his justices, sheriffs, foresters, and all his officials of England, greeting. I grant that the abbot of Abingdon may have warrens in all his lands in which his predecessors had warrens in the time of King Henry my grandfather. And I forbid that anyone may hunt in them or take a hare without his permission, on New Series xxxiii,, 1960), no. 573 (where it is wrongly dated to 1105, presumably on account of the royal title, which must have been abbreviated). 710 Lyell, no. 99, Chatsworth, no. 352.

ECCLESIE

HISTORIA

304

ABBENDONENSIS

po Baioc’. libras forisfacture. Testibus episcopo Ebroic’, et episco Apud Rothom'. E

711

296. Confirmatio possessionum huius ecclesie. anorum et Henricus rex Anglorum et dux Normannorum et Aquit comitibus, comes Andegauorum archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, fidelibus s omnibu et is, ministr s, mitibu uiceco baronibus, iusticiis,^ conme Sciatis . salutem Anglie, totius s, suis, Francis et Anglici Marie sancte e ecclesi et Deo, masse confir cessisse et presenti carta soribus suis Abbendone, et Walchelino abbati et omnibus succes edum de hundr tibus, seruien Deo ibidem is abbatibus, et monach a^ et legitim in dum haben et um tenend uo Hornimera iure perpet in dam haben eis o conced a Pretere . iusticia et liberima potestate sua capiant quod et ,' Bagelea de et ora Cumen de custodia eorum siluam non omnes capreolos quos ibi inuenire poterint, et ceruos et ceruas illis, nisi i uenand ibi am licenti do nemini et , capiant nisi mea licentia et omnes’ forisfacturas sartorum condono eis. Concedo etiam eis totam decimam de uenatione que capta fuerit^ in foresta mea de um Windesores. Et concedo eis habendum libere et tenendum mercat a ecclesi a predict quod o precipi r firmite et uolo de Abbendona. Quare et bene teneant et t habean a predict hec omnia i et abbates et monach honorifice, cum [ii. 221] in pace, libere et quiete, integre et plenarie et in omnibus suis bus tudini consue liberis et tibus omnibus liberta s, quietius liberiu et melius m unqua sicut rebus, s locis et in omnibu i aui Henric regis e tempor unt tenuer et unt s habuer et honorificentiu us "Testib uit. | irma conf suis cartis et it concess eis ipse B fo. 171 mei, et sicut mo Willel et Baioc’, po episco po Philip et , Ebroic’ po Rotroldo episco de Caisneto, et Willelmo filio Iohannis, et Huberto de Vaus. Apud Rothom’. ~

297. Quot porcos ‘abbas debeat habere in Kingesfrid.’"” Henricus rex Anglorum et dux Normannorum et Aquitanorum et comes Andegauorum Ricardo de Luceio et forestariis de Windesores,

salutem.^?

Precipio quod sine dilatione faciatis recognosci per

sacramenta legalium hominum de hundredo quot porcos quietos de 4 omnis del. by expunction dot, with Bageleia B legittima B * om. B omnes added in central margin in brown ink in one of the hands providing guidance for the £f debeat abbas B * erat B rubricator B

7 Lyell, no. 95, Chatsworth, no. 340.

7? English Lawsuits, no. 400, dating to 1159 x 62. *Kingsfrid' means ‘king’s wood’, see EPNS, Berkshire, i. 35, iii. 862, 870. For its location in the parish of Old Windsor, see

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305

410 of forfeiture. Witnesses: the bishop of Evreux and the bishop of Bayeux. At Rouen. 296. Confirmation of the possessions of this church.” Henry king of the English and duke of the Normans and Aquitainians and count of the Angevins to his archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justices, sheriffs, officials, and all his faithful men, French and English, of the whole of England, greeting. Know that I have granted and by the present charter confirmed to God, and to the church of St Mary of Abingdon, and to Abbot Walkelin, and to all his successors as abbot, and to the monks serving God there, the hundred of Hormer to hold and have by perpetual right in their lawful and most free power and justice. Besides, I grant to them to have in their custody the wood of Cumnor and of Bagley, and that they may take all roe deer which they can find there, and that they are not to take red deer stags and hinds except by my permission, and I give no one except them permission to hunt there, and I pardon them all forfeitures concerning assarts. Also I grant to them the entire tithe of game taken in my forest of Windsor. And I grant to them to have freely and to hold the market of Abingdon. Wherefore I wish and firmly order that the aforesaid church and abbots and monks may have and hold all these aforesaid things well and in peace, freely and undisturbed, completely and fully and honourably, with all their liberties and free customs in all places and in all possessions, as ever they had and held best and most freely, most undisturbedly and most honourably, in the time of King Henry my grandfather, and as he granted them and confirmed by his charters. Witnesses: Rotrou bishop of Evreux, and Philip bishop of Bayeux, and William de Chesney, and William son of John, and Hubert de Vaux. At Rouen.

297. How many pigs the abbot ought to have in Kingsfrid."" Henry king of the English and duke of the Normans and Aquitainians and count of the Angevins to Richard de Lucy and the foresters of Windsor, greeting."? I order that you without delay cause to be recognized by oath of lawful men of the hundred how many pigs the Calendar of the Patent Rolls preserved in the Public Record Office. Edward III (16 vols., London, 1891-1916), xiii. (1364-7), p. 95. See DB i, fo. 56", for references to pannage under the king’s holding at Windsor. 713 Richard de Lucy was a prominent administrator of Stephen and justiciar of Henry IL; see W. L. Warren, Henry IT (London, 1973), esp. pp. 54-5; E. Amt, ‘Richard de Lucy, Henry II’s justiciar', Medieval Prosopography, ix (1988), 61-87. During the period of this writ, he accounted as keeper of Windsor and its forest.

HISTORIA

306

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

in foresta mea que pasnagio abbas de Abbendona solebat habere mei. Et sicut | aui Kingesfrid uocatur, tempore regis Henrici et monachis dona de Abben C fo. 175" recognitum fuerit, ita Walchelino abbati sero Biset Manas Teste ibidem Deo seruientibus iuste habere faciatis. dapifero. Apud Rothom'."* [ii. 225] B fo. 171"

298. | De porcis in Kingesfrid. s de hundredo Secundum itaque preceptum regis, per legales homine Kingesfrid foresta sacramento recognitum est abbatem Abbendonie in et regis solere, trecentos porcos habere sine pasnagio antiquitus succeset abbati Henrici tempore habuisse. Quod et ita Walchelino est. soribus suis ex regis iussu concessum et confirmatum 299. De militibus huius ecclesie." ? norum et Alienor regina Anglorum ducissa Normannorum et Aquita de abbatia de comitissa Andegeuorum militibus et hominibus qui et iuste quod o Abbendona terras et tenuras tenent, salutem. Precipi e plenari ona sine dilatione faciatis Walchelino abbati de Abbend soribus anteces seruitium suum quod antecessores uestri fecerunt iusticia suis tempore regis Henrici aui domini regis. Et nisi feceritis, iam, Winton regis et mea faciat fieri. ‘Teste Ioscelino de Bailol.^ Apud per breue regis de ultra mare.

B fo. 172" [ii. 226]

300. "De decima de Mercheham." "^ Tempore quo Turstinus Simonis | filius terram et ecclesiam de Mercham, ut supra diximus, iniuste tenebat, decimam quoque eiusdem uille saisiauit, que ad ecclesiam illam non pertinebat, sed

ad luminare altaris huius ecclesie." Ea de causa quidam ex fratribus

ad regem trans mare dirigitur, ut per eius iusticiam et auctoritatem rectum suum ecclesie restitueretur. Quod et ita factum est, rediens enim frater qui missus fuerat breue a rege transmissum in hec uerba reportauit:!?

Henricus rex Anglorum: et dux Normannorum et Aquitanie et comes Andegauorum uicecomiti suo et ministris suis de Berchesira, salutem. Si ecclesia de Abbendona habuit decimam de Mercham ad luminare ^ Baillol B

b> om. B

* om. B

714 In MS B, this is followed by nine further writs, of which two have already appeared in the text; see above, pp. 249 n. 610, 301 n. 707, below, pp. 346-52.

75 Y. C. Holt, Colonial England 1066-1215 (London, 1997), p. 79, dates this writ to

Aug. x Dec. 1158.

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307

abbot of Abingdon was accustomed to have quit of pannage in my forest which is called Kingsfrid, in the time of King Henry my grandfather. And as it is recognized, so you are to make Abbot Walkelin of Abingdon and the monks serving God there have justly. Witness: Manasser Biset the steward. At Rouen."!* 298. Concerning the pigs in Kingsfrid. Therefore, according to the king’s order, it was recognized on oath through lawful men of the hundred that the abbot of Abingdon was accustomed of old to have, and in King Henry’s time had, 300 pigs in the forest of Kingsfrid without pannage. And by the king’s order it was granted and confirmed thus to Abbot Walkelin and his successors. 299. Concerning the knights of this church. ? Eleanor queen of the English, duch*ess of the Normans and Aquitainians, and countess of the Angevins to the knights and men who hold land and tenures from the abbey of Abingdon, greeting. I order that justly and without delay you do fully to Walkelin abbot of Abingdon his service which your ancestors did to his predecessors in the time of King Henry, grandfather of the lord king. And if you do not, the king’s and my justice is to ensure that it is done. Witness: Jocelin de Balliol. At Winchester. Through writ of the king from beyond the sea. 300. Concerning the tithe of Marcham.’'® During the time when, as we have said above, Thurstan son of Simon was unjustly holding the land and church of Marcham, he also seized the tithe of that village, which pertained not to that church but to the lighting of the altar of this church [of Abingdon]."" One of the brethren was sent overseas to the king concerning this matter, so that the church of Abingdon’s own right be restored by his justice and authority. And this occurred, for the brother who had been sent brought back on his return a writ sent from the king in these words:’"*

Henry king of the English and, duke of the Normans and of Aquitaine and count of the Angevins to his sheriff and his officials of Berkshire, greeting. If the church of Abingdon had the tithe of Marcham for the 716 English Lawsuits, no. 442. See also Royal Writs, ed. van Caenegem, pp. 168-9 n. 5, 203 n. 4, and no. 98. See above, p. 238. 717 See above, p. 244, and note also below, p. 272. 71$ See above, p. xvii n. 1, on the dating of this writ.

HISTORIA

308

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

die qua fuit ecclesie tempore Henrici regis aui mei, et anno et et sine iudicio, mortuus et uiuus, et post, et inde sit dissaisita iniuste Et ita bene et tunc precipio quod sine dilatione inde eam resaisiatis. s tenuit in pace et libere et iuste tenere faciatis, sicut melius et liberiu nus Tursti quando quod o precipi Et mei. tempore Henrici regis aui m plenu onie Abbend abbas m,^ filius Simonis redierit in Anglia s Simoni filius nus Tursti tus rectum habeat de terra quam predic non quod onare disrati tenet de feudo abbatie. Et si abbas poterit ei in defecerit de recto predicto Turstino in curia sua, abbas inde ord. Oxenef de curia sua rectum teneat. Teste magistro lohanne

Apud Turon’. manifeste Cum uero perlectum esset regis breue in pleno comitatu, et ad compertum totius comitatus testimonio quoniam prefata decima us Turstin eam quod et et, pertiner Marie luminare altaris sancte iniuste tenebat, uicecomes ex parte regis illum dissaisiauit, et eam altari cui adiacebat restituit. Qualiter autem ecclesia cum terra coram ii rege disrationata fuerit, superius in gestis uenerandi abbatis Vincent

memorauimus.'

[ii. 227]

301. De foro Abbendonie. In primo tempore aduentus abbatis Walchelini ad hanc ecclesiam, adierunt regem istum Henricum iuniorem Walingefordenses cum his de Oxenefordia, de foro ei Abbendonensi suggerentes quoniam aliter esset quam esse deberet, uel Henrici regis aui sui tempore fuerit. Multa preterea uerborum dolositate et fallaciis insistebant, ut regis assensum de foro defendendo adquirerent. Quibus cum rex credendum putaret, precepit quidem interim mercatum defendi preter parua uenalia que ibi uendi solebant quousque ipse de transmarinis partibus (ad quas tunc properabat) reuerteretur, et super hoc causam subtilius

examinaret."?! Illi uero accepta potestate a fori defensione, donec rex

C fo. 176°

|ret^ abstinuerunt, sed postea quasi libero utentes malitie transfreta sue impetu, assumpto secum regis constabulario de Walingeford, “die Dominico^ Abbendoniam aduenerunt, ex regis uerbo^ omnes qui uenalia sua illuc detulerant abire precipientes, rusticisque uim X ^ Anglia B C. Both C and B follow this word by repeating quod unnecessarily "^ corr. from uerba B C ^* erased in B damaged, text completed from B »

See above, p. 234. See above, p. xxxi, on such cross-referencing. . 2 * 79 English Lawsuits, no. 406.

719

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

309

lighting of the church in the time of King Henry my grandfather, and on the year and day on which he was dead and alive, and afterwards, and has been disseised thereof unjustly and without judgment, then I order that you reseise it thereof without delay. And make the church hold as well and in peace and freely and justly, as it best and most freely held in the time of King Henry my grandfather. And I order that when Thurstan son of Simon returns to England, the abbot of Abingdon is to have full justice concerning the land which the aforesaid Thurstan son of Simon holds of the abbey’s fee. And if the abbot can prove that he did not default concerning justice to the aforesaid Thurstan in his own court, let the abbot do justice to him in his court concerning this. Witness: Master John of Oxford. At Tours. The king’s writ was read out in the full county court and it was manifestly found by the testimony of the whole county that Thurstan was holding the afore-mentioned tithe unjustly, since it pertained to the lighting of the altar of St Mary. The sheriff on the king’s behalf disseised him and restored it to the altar to which it belonged. Moreover, we recorded above, among the deeds of the venerable Abbot Vincent, how Marcham church with the land was deraigned in

the king’s presence.’” 301. Concerning the market at Abingdon.’ Soon after Abbot Walkelin came to this church, the men of Wallingford, together with those of Oxford, went to King Henry the younger and made the following complaint to him concerning Abingdon market: that it was held in a way other than it should be and other than it had been in the time of King Henry his grandfather. With great verbal deceitfulness and with lies, they strove to acquire the king’s assent to the banning of the market. Since the king thought he should believe them, he indeed ordered that the market should be forbidden provisionally, except the small goods which were customarily sold there. The ban was to last until he would return from overseas (where he was then hastening) and examine the case in greater detail.’”! However, those men, after receiving the power to forbid the market, refrained from doing so until the king made his crossing, but afterwards they gave free rein to their malice and, taking with them the king’s constable of Wallingford, they went to 7! Henry crossed to Normandy in Aug. 1158; R. W. Eyton, Court, Household, and Itinerary ofKing Henry II (London, 1878), p. 40.

HISTORIA

310

ABBENDONENSIS

ECCLESIE

inferentes? Abbendonenses autem fori sui defensionem grauiter

B fo. 172°

aduenerant ferentes, assumpta nescio unde audatia, omnes qui repulsione aduersarios cum dedecore a uilla longius abegerunt. Qua um amplius aduersarii ad malum | instigati, regis in patriam aduent

r eis non sine non expectantes, ad eum ubi erat uenerunt, et qualite

Imporiniuria regis euenerit, multa super addentes uana, retexerunt. eis tunitati quorum cum legis equitate satisfacere uolens, quodam fori breue tradito, repatriare permisit. Reuertentes uero, et prorsus am [ii. 228] Abbendonensis euersionem in litteris contineri putantes, ad iustici

Anglie, Robertum uidelicet comitem Legecestrie, peruenerunt. ^? Lectum

“est ergo^

coram

iusticia,

abbate

Walchelino

assistente,

breue huiusmodi habens sensum: et Henricus rex Anglorum* et dux Normannorum et Aquitanorum Pre"* m. salute comes Andegauorum Roberto comiti Legecestrie, cipio ut, conuocato omni comitatu Berchesire, quatuor et uiginti homines de senioribus, qui Henrici regis aui mei tempore fuerunt, eligere facias. Qui si iurare poterint quod in diebus eius plenum mercatum in Abbendonia fuerit, ita sit et nunc. Si uero nec uiderint nec iurare poterint, ut rectum est prohibeatur, ne amplius inde clamorem audiam. Quo perlecto, confusi sunt a spe sua qui portauerant, utpote de ueritate sibi conscii. Precipiente tamen comite, Adam uicecomes comitatum plenum apud Ferneburgam congregans, homines, qui secundum regis preceptum iurare deberent, electos constituit. Qui cum iuramento asseruerunt se rerum omnium uenalium mercatum plenissimum inibi uidisse et interfuisse. His ita finem habentibus, et rege ad regnum proprium reuertente, conuenerunt ad eum iurgatores

predicti[/? Fingentes iuramentum falsum factum fuisse, et quia

quidam eorum qui iurauerant de abbatia erant, quod eis utile uidebatur et non quod rei ueritas docebat protulisse. His uerbis rex 7^7 ergo est B

^ Anglie B

* Berchescire B

5 abbatie C

722 The identity of this constable is not absolutely certain; PR 6 HIT, p. 21, and PR 7 HII, p. 53, have a William Salnarius rendering account for Wallingford, which was in royal hands from early in Henry IPs reign; Sanders, Baromees, p. 05. See above, p. 263 n. 641, on markets being held on Sundays. 73 Robert, earl of Leicester 1118-68, was a leading figure in the reigns of Henry 1, Stephen, and Henry I, under the last of whom he was justiciar, see Crouch, Beaumont Twins. 7M This

writ, preserved in neither cartulary, is diplomatically odd in its lack of witnesses and place date.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

31I

Abingdon on a Sunday."? On the king's word, they ordered to go

away all who had brought to that place their goods for sale, and attacked the country people. But the men of Abingdon took bitterly the banning of their market, and with an audacity acquired from I know not where, they drove away from the town, in a state of shame, all their opponents who had come there. The opponents were inspired to further evil by this rebuff. They did not wait for the king's arrival in the country, but went to him where he was and, adding many falsehoods, revealed to him what had happened to them and the harm to the king it involved. Wishing to satisfy their insistence with the equity of the law, he handed over a writ and allowed them to go home. They moreover returned and, thinking that the complete destruction of Abingdon market was contained in the letters, went to the justiciar of England, namely Robert earl of Leicester.? Therefore the writ, with the following content, was read out before the justiciar and in Abbot Walkelin's presence: Henry king of the English and duke of the Normans and Aquitainians

and count of the Angevins to Robert earl of Leicester, greeting." I order that, after summoning together all the county of Berkshire, you are to choose twenty-four of the older men who were alive in the time of King Henry my grandfather. If these men can swear that in his days there was a full market in Abingdon, let it be so now. But if they neither saw nor can swear to this, let it be forbidden as is just, so that I do not hear further complaint concerning this.

When this had been read through, those who had brought the writ were confounded in their hope, as they were aware of the truth. However, at the earl's order, Adam the sheriff gathered the full county court at Farnborough and ordained that the men who had been chosen according to the king's order should swear. They asserted with an oath that they had seen and been present at the fullest market there, with all types of goods for sale. Faced with this outcome, the aforesaid litigious men went to the king, who had

returned to his own kingdom.^? They pretended that a false oath had been made, and that since some of those who had sworn were men of the abbey, they had expressed what seemed advantageous to them and not what the truth of the matter taught. The king was somewhat 75 The following events took place in the early months of 1163; see Eyton, Henry II,

pp. 58-62.

312

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

Oxenefordam iterum aliquantulum. commotus, precepit ut apud coram iusticiis esire Berch Walingefordenses et omnis comitatus entur, qui eliger uiri es suis conuenirent, et ex utraque parte senior si iuradonen Abben secundum quod eis uerum uideretur pro foro ne esset, ibus rent, ita tamen ut de abbatia nullus de iurant isset, precep cum suspicarentur aliqua de causa uelle peiurare. Quod suis ad audienis justici us omnib est, tus profec rex ad Saresbiriam ut rex iusserat, uniuersi, et [ii. 229] dum relictis. Congregati sunt ergo, suam confundesegregati qui iurarent, diuersis opinionibus causam regis senioris ci Henri am nunqu bant. Walingefordenses^ enim iurabant, donia Abben in uendi tempore, preter panem uel ceruisiam, inibi tum merca se nt) Oxenefordenses uero (nam et ipsi iuraba et iis onerar us nauib ampliorem ceteris, non autem plenum, ut in m plenu nt, iuraba quadrigis, uidisse dicebant. Qui uero de comitatu us tantum omnium rerum mercatum uidisse se asserebant, de nauib tamen onerariis per aquam Tamisie currentibus dubitabant, abbate strie, qui nauibus suis ad ea que uellet utente. Comes autem Legece nichil super iusticia et iudex aderat, eorum uidens opiniones uariare, que gesta ei tus profec regem ad sed , hoc iudicare presumpsit inscius te uerita huius rei de rex B fo. 173° fu|erant indicauit. Ne tamen us testat se re tempo regis ci Henri dubitaret, idem comes plenum esset puer adhuc cum est, us C fo. 176" est uidisse" | mercatum, et, quod ulteri et apud Abbendonam nutriretur regis Willelmi tempore. Rex autem ndum tanti uiri testimonio delectatus plus soli uerum dicenti crede us.° dantib sentiuit, quam multis per contentionem a ueritate discor i Interea rege apud Radingam existente, conuenerunt ad eum prefat si calumpniatores, dicentes se eius uillas minime tenere posse pro s . Quibu neret perma donia Abben in t, mercatum, ut cepera male mentis pertinatia rex indignatus, eosdem a se turbulenter abegit. Precepitque ut a die illo mercatum plenissimum ibi esset, nauibus tantum exceptis, abbate tantummodo suis utente. Et.ne aliquis. dissipare niteretur quod Henrici regis aui sui tempore dispositum constabat, et ipse tunc confirmabat, calumpniantibus silentium imponens, perpetuum interdixit. Tamen antequam res hec ad hunc finem perueniret, non modicum pertulit abbas Walchelinus laborem. ^ Walinkefordenses B discordentibus B C

^ uidisse rep. at start of fo. 176° C

* corr. from

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

313

shaken by these words and ordered that the men of Wallingford and all the county court of Berkshire should again come together before his justices at Oxford; older men from each side should be chosen, who would swear according to what seemed true to them concerning the market of Abingdon, in such a way, however, that none of the abbey’s men be among the oath-takers, lest they be suspected of wishing to commit perjury for any reason. When he had ordered this, the king set out for Salisbury, leaving behind all his justices for the hearing. Therefore everyone gathered as the king had ordered, and those who were to swear were separated off, but confused their case by the diversity of their opinions. For the men of Wallingford swore that in the time of King Henry the elder there was never anything sold in Abingdon except bread and beer; but the men of Oxford (for they also swore) said that they had seen there a relatively large-scale market but not a full one, as in cargo boats and carts. But the men of the county who swore maintained that they had seen a full market of all goods, and only had doubts about cargo boats coming on the waters of the Thames, although the abbot used his own boats for whatever he wanted. Now when the earl of Leicester, who was present as justice and judge, saw that their opinions varied, he presumed to make no judgment on this, but went to the king and told him what had happened. However, so that the king was not left in doubt through ignorance of the truth of the matter, Earl Robert testified that he had seen a full market in the time of King Henry, and, what’s more, when he was still a boy and was being raised at Abingdon in the time of King William. The king, moreover, was delighted with the testimony of such a great man and felt he should believe one man speaking what was true rather than many who, through strife, were at variance with truth. Meanwhile the aforementioned claimants went to the king who was at Reading, saying that they could hardly maintain his towns if the market continued in Abingdon as it had begun. The king was angry with them for the persistence of their evil minds, and he violently sent them from him. He ordered that from that day the fullest market should exist at Abingdon, with the sole exception of boats, the abbot only using his own. And he imposed silence on the claimants and forbade forever that anyone seek to weaken what it was agreed had been settled in the time of King Henry his grandfather, and what he was then confirming. However, before this matter reached such a conclusion, Abbot Walkelin had expended no little effort.

314 [ii. 230]

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

’”° 302. De centum solidis male uicecomiti datis. elini, quia dierum et Ingulfus itaque abbas, predecessor huius Walch t, centum solidos per prouecte erat etatis et comitatus sequi non potera de Berchesira dare annos singulos plurimo tempore uicecomiti tractaret, et eos in lenius consueuit, ea de causa ut abbatie homines adiuuaret. Quod ent, placitis et hundredis, siquid necesse haber m est, centum uersu nem postquam processu temporis in consuetudi suo essent, tu reddi de quidem solidos de abbatia uicecomes, ac si proficiebat. nichil us prors accipiebat, ipsis uero pro quibus dabantur , pro tali niret perue m Cuius noticia cum ad abbatem Walchelinu abbatiam ad sui tus aduen ecclesie dampno doluit, et post annum

non illos primum solidos dare distulit? Requisitus autem quare

contra ecclesiam centum solidos persoluisset, respondit ne usus malus minime fuisse. ita ribus suam inoleret, cum utique priscis tempo ci regis aui Henri ita si s Iubente uero rege,^ inquisita est rei uerita in comitatu fuisse non scilicet sui tempore fuisset. Quod cum ita reddi uel a s solido rex iuramento manifestatum^ esset, prohibuit m ad se centu s elinu Walch quoquam in posterum exigi. Sicque abbas ecclesie usum ad et it, solidos, male ante annuatim perditos, retrax amplius profuturum deputauit.

303. De quodam molendino.”* |ii. 231]

Eo tempore quo seditio orta inter regem Stephanum Henricum pro regno optinendo, utrimque seuiebant, Boterel constabularius de Walingeford, pecunia accepta Ingulfo abbate, res ecclesie Abbendonensis a suo exercitu surum promisit. Sponsionis ergo sue inmemor, in uillam

et ducem Willelmus a domno se defenCuleham,

que huic cenobio adiacet, quicquid inuenire potuit depredauit."? Quo

audito, abbas quosdam de fratribus ad eum direxit, suppliciter o quod tueri B fo. 173” postulans ut predam | restitueret, admirans quomod ibus, nichil redeunt domum Quibus set. diripuis nequior deberet, fure uerunt. reporta t noluisse reddere predam quod sum preter respon riorum Cantua aldo Theodb iubente s, Ingulfu abbas Coactus itaque sancte am uindict ad o, episcop riensi Saresbi * Iocelino et archiepiscopo

ecclesie confugit, et Willelmum anathematis uinculo dampnauit.’*° ^ C damaged, text completed from B

^ manifestum B

* Tocellino B

79 English Lawsuits, no. 390. 77 Walkelin’s first year as abbot ended at some point in 1160. 73 The mill is in Benson, Oxon. DB i, fo. 154", mentions that the king’s holding at

385 is Benson in 1086 included two mills, value 4os. Lyell, no. 341, Chatsworth, no. . Peter’s charter concerning this gift; see also Chatsworth, no. 386, for a later confirmation

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

315

302. Concerning 100s. wrongly given to the sheriff.’ Since Abbot Ingulf, Walkelin’s predecessor, was of advanced age and could not attend the county courts, he was long accustomed to give annually roos. to the sheriff of Berkshire for the following reason, that he treat the abbey’s men more leniently and help them in pleas and hundreds, if they had any need. Afterwards, the progress of time turned this into a custom, and the sheriff used indeed to receive from the abbey the 100s. as if they were his rent, but this brought no profit at all for those on whose behalf the money was given. When Abbot Walkelin heard of this, he was upset by such damage to the church, and after his

first year in the abbacy, he refrained from giving the shillings.””” Asked

why he had not paid those 1oos., he answered that it was to prevent an evil usage growing up against his church, since it had not been so at all in earlier times. At the king’s order, indeed, the truth of the matter was sought, as to whether it was so in the time of King Henry, that is his grandfather. When it was made clear by oath in the county court that it had not been so, the king forbade that the shillings be rendered or demanded by anyone in future. And thus Abbot Walkelin took back for himself the roos. a year which had earlier been wrongly lost, and assigned them for the more profitable use of the church. 303. Concerning a certain mill.’ At the time when violent discord arose between King Stephen and Duke Henry over possession of the kingdom, and both sides were behaving with ferocity, William Boterel the constable of Wallingford received money from lord Abbot Ingulf and promised that he would

protect the possessions of the church of Abingdon from his troops.’ Then, oblivious of his promise, he seized as plunder whatever he could find in the village of Culham which belongs to this monastery. When the abbot heard this, he sent some of the brethren to him, asking humbly that he restore the plunder, and wondering how he, more depraved than a thief, could loot what he ought to protect. When they came home, they brought back nothing save the answer that he was unwilling to give back the plunder. Thus compelled, Abbot Ingulf, at the order of Theobald archbishop of Canterbury and Jocelin bishop of Salisbury, resorted to the retribution of the holy Church and condemned William to the bond of anathema." Yet, 7? William Boterel witnesses charters associated with knights of Wallingford in the 1150s; Eynsham, i, no. 127, Oseney, vi, no 1086. 730 No archiepiscopal or episcopal documents recording such an order survive, and the History need not imply that a written order ever existed.

HISTORIA

316

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

anathemate“ absoluDampnatus autem, de commisso ueniam uel de it. Tandem uero neglex are tionem usque ad diem exitus sui postul s accepit, quod uulnu letale one iusto Dei iudicio, in prenominata sediti iandum siue auxil ad ps deince ei protinus loquelam extorsit, et miserie Cuius est. atus desper nocendum inutilem reddidit, qui et fratre pro ex^ suppl em abbat l condolens frater eius Petrus Botere

rogaturus

adiit, ut ueniam

morienti

impetraret."

Promittente

turum, frater eius quoque eo se quicquid depredatum fuerat reddi et defunctus est. tus absolu s) Willelmus (quem desperatum diximu Henrico ad duce a tis' ac|cep s C fo. 177° Post cuius decessum, Petrus litteri t condodebeba quid sibi abbatem uenit, orans ut pro ducis amore

oni, naretur7?Abbas uero litteris ducis contradicere metuens, petiti

[ii. 232]

Transeunte quamuis non ex corde bono, ad tempus tamen adquieuit. parum uel Petrus idem animo autem aliquanto tempore, uoluebat in nulla num damp graue tam quod nichil fratri suo mortuo profuisse, igitur ns Venie esset. atum restitutione, nisi sola condonatione, emend et totius in capitulum fratrum, in presentia abbatis Walchelini geWalin iuxta , ntuna Bensi conuentus, molendinum quoddam de utione restit in quasi s, redden ford,’ quinque solidos per annum d uel dampni predicti, optulit. Abbas uero utilius iudicans aliqui dinum molen e, perder totum parum accipere, quam parum negligendo dente et accepit, et ad necessaria fratrum infirmorum, ipso Petro conce ^? sit. conces tuum manum super altare ponente, in perpe 304. De quodam Ricardo. Contigit etiam ut quidam, Ricardus nomine, de Warwicsira^ quodam pro negotio quod cum Willelmo de Lega, milite istius ecclesie,

habebat,

Abbendoniam

ueniret.”*

Sine consensu

enim

ecclesie

Abbendonensis, de cuius feudo erat terra quam Willelmus tenebat et quod ab eo accipere debuit, causam suam consummare non potuit. Residente autem abbate Walchelino cum fratribus in capitulo, in predictus Ricardus, accepta fratrum societate, assensum eorum" ^ anathemathe B C ^ Bensingtuna B ^ om. B

^ suppex B * Walingaford B

* C damaged, text completed from B * Wareuuikescira B ^ damni B

1212 73 PR r; HII, p. 72, shows that Peter had died by 1165. Testa de Nevill, i. 117 (a

II. inquiry), says Peter Boterel held Chalgrove after the first coronation of Henry before 732 "These letters do not survive. For Henry’s governmental activities in England 69-76. 45-55, pp. Reform, and Restoration White, see king, he became mill to the 73 Cf. De abbatibus, which attributes to Abbot Ingulf the grant of the infirmary; CMA ii. 291.

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

317

despite this condemnation, until the day of his death he neglected to seek forgiveness concerning his misdeed or absolution concerning the anathema. But at long last, by God’s just judgment, he received in the aforementioned war a deadly wound, which immediately took away his speech, and rendered him henceforth useless for giving aid or doing harm, and he was despaired of. Feeling compassion for his misery, his brother Peter Boterel came as a supplicant to the abbot, to ask on his brother’s behalf that he might obtain forgiveness for the

dying man.^! Peter also promised that he would give back to the

abbot whatever had been plundered, and then his brother (whom we have said had

been

despaired

of) was

absolved

and

died.

After

William’s death, Peter received letters from Duke Henry and went to the abbot, praying that for love of the duke he be pardoned what he

owed.’*” The abbot indeed feared to contradict the duke's letters and temporarily agreed to the request, although unhappily. Some time later, however, Peter was turning over in his mind that he had done little or no good for his dead brother, because such a great sin had been corrected not by restitution but only by a pardon. Therefore he came into the brethren’s chapter and, in the presence of Abbot Walkelin and the whole convent, offered a mill at Benson, next to Wallingford, rendering 5s. a year, as it were in restitution for the aforesaid damage. The abbot judged that it would certainly be more profitable to accept something or a little, rather than to lose everything by neglecting the little. He therefore accepted the mill and granted it in perpetuity to the needs of the sick brethren, with Peter himself granting and placing his hand on the altar.^? 304. Concerning a certain Richard. It also happened that a certain man named Richard, from Warwickshire, came to Abingdon about some business which he had with

William of Bessels Leigh, a knight of this church.”** For he could not achieve his purpose without the consent of the church of Abingdon, of whose fee was the land which William held and what Richard should receive from William. But when Abbot Walkelin was in the chapter with the brethren, the aforesaid Richard received the society of the brethren, and then requested 734 The 1166 Abingdon Carta records that William of ‘Lega’, i.e. Bessels Leigh, owed two knights; Red Book, i. 305, below, p. 390. See also Lyell, nos. 253, 254 for two of his grants to Abingdon; CMA ii. 329, for 5s. due to the infirmarer from a tithe from William. A deed recording a grant of his made in 1165x 1175 survives; C.H.,

no. Ia.

318

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

scerent, duodecim negotio suo postulauit, et ut facilius adquie singulos annos in per m totide et , nummos super analogium posuit ue heredes, uel suosq se t tenere ia recognitionem quod de eccles lmo accepit, Wille a tunc ipse quod it quicumque in posterum tenuer mauit. confir ue perpet et it promis um ad domum infirmorum datur [ii. 233] 305. De una hida in Appelford.

Appelford Quidam, Paganus nomine, hom*o ecclesie huius, in uilla coquinam ad annis, s singuli solidis uiginti pro unam hidam tenendam

B fo. 174°

mona|chorum

reddendis, acceperat. Sed per tempus multum,

bat. Quod prelatis sui temporis sibi fauentibus, reddere differe Pagano eodem cum nter freque linus, animaduertens abbas Walche Quod at. aufereb im annuat iniuste quod egit, ut ecclesie restitueret abbatis huius tia constan tamen hoc ad ferret, quamuis Paganus graue heredem adductus est, ut in capitulum fratrum, cum filio quem ecclesia de s“ Stoche in quam alia et terra, illa habuit, ueniret, et pro

tenebat, cum abbate et conuentu" talem pactionem confirmaret.’*° Pro dampno uero preterito in misericordiam graphum autem taliter se habet:

abbatis se posuit. Ciro-

306. Cirographum. gratia Sciant tam futuri quam presentes quod ego Walchelinus, Dei imus concess ecclesie eiusdem us conuent e totusqu abbas Abbendonie, de m tenenda rio heredita iure suis us heredib et d* Pagano de Apelfor de et rd Appelfo de suam am tenatur tuum inperpe ecclesia nostra annis singulis solidis uiginti pro tura," purpres omni Stoches, excepta ad coquinario ecclesie nostre reddendis pro omni seruitio, scilicet sancte ationem Annunti ad et solidos, decem is Michael festum sancti Marie decem solidos. Et ut hec conuentio firmior et stabilior sigillis nostris munitum [ii. 234] haberetur, nos prefato Pagano cirographum* suus ex sua parte, in filius s Robertu et Paganus ipse et contradidimus, rum et multorum clerico orum plurim et capituli totius presentia omni simulatione sine heredes suos et se unt iurauer laicorum, subscriptis: testibus His os. seruatur esse ionem conuent prefatam ^ Steches B * cirgraphum B

^ conuentui B C

* Appelford B

^ purpestura B C

735 Pain is recorded as holding a hide at Appleford in a list of tenants from Henry I or

had been Stephen's time, below, p. 394. It seems plausible that this is the same hide which son held by William son of Abbot Reginald, Simon the dispenser of Henry I, and Thurstan land this of sub-tenant been have even may Pain 240. 234, 190, pp. above, see of Simon, when it was under the dispensers’ control. They may well be the great men who favoured

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

319

their assent in his business. He placed twelve penny coins on the lectern so they might agree more easily, and promised and perpetually confirmed that each year he and his heirs, or whoever in future held what he then received from William, would give equally much to the house of the sick, in recognition that he held from the church. 305. Concerning one hide in Appleford. A certain man of this church, named Pain, received one hide in the village of Appleford to hold for 20s. to be rendered annually to the

monks’ kitchen.’** But for a long period, when the great men of his

time were favouring him, he refrained from rendering the rent. Noticing this, Abbot Walkelin frequently raised with Pain that he restore to the church what he was unjustly taking away each year. Even though Pain took this badly, still he was brought by the abbot's constancy to come to the brethren's chapter with the son whom he held as his heir, and to confirm the following agreement with the abbot and convent for that land and the other land which he was

holding from the church in Stoke." And indeed he placed himself in the abbot's mercy following form:

for the past wrong.

The cirograph

is of the

306. Cirograph. Let men both future and present know that I Walkelin, by the grace of God abbot of Abingdon, and the whole convent of that church have granted to Pain of Appleford and his heirs to hold by hereditary right from our church in perpetuity his tenure of Appleford and of Stoke, except all purpresture, for 20s. to be rendered annually to the kitchener of our church for all service, that is 10s. at the feast of St Michael [29 Sept.] and at the Annunciation of St Mary [25 Mar.] ros. And so that this agreement be firmer and more stable, we have given in return to the aforementioned Pain a cirograph strengthened by our seals, and Pain and Robert his son, on their side, have sworn in the presence of the whole chapter and of very many clerics and many laymen that they and their heirs will preserve the aforementioned convention, without any dissimulation. With the following witnesses: him. See also a list of revenues devoted to the kitchen, in MS C in the same hand as the

History, below, p. 395, which mentions 20s. from Appleford. 736 [ have not been able to identify this place with certainty; North Stoke, Oxon., or another of the nearby Stokes is a possibility. See also above, p. 180, for Stoke Bruern, Northants.

320

HISTORIA

ECCLESIE

ABBENDONENSIS

filio suo, Clemente decano, Radulfo de Sancto Martino et Rogero ao filio Nichol mite, uiceco Martino presbitero et Helia clerico, Adam et Wilróa^ Seuecu de Turoldi, Iohanne de Tureberuilla," Roberto mo de Willel suo, filio o lelmo filio suo, Iohanne de Tubeneia et Ricard eLuuech de o Henric Lega,‘ Bomundo de Bed’, Rannulfo de Morles,

nora, et multis aliis." ^ Turberuilla 5

^ Seuecurd B

* Leia B

Martin's, a rural dean of 737 Ralph of St Martin is presumably Ralph, priest of St Rooms, ed. Salter, Muniment Oxford in Charters see years; twenty over for Oxfordshire Red Book, i. 338 294. p. above, d mentione , Chieveley of no. 77. Helias inay be the clerk William earl of Ferrers. records a John de ‘Turbelvulle’ having had one knight's fee from iv. 297. A John de He may have held East Hendred from Abingdon; VCH, Berkshire, Pusey. For the Seacourt g concernin 424A, no. iv, Oseney, witnessed also le’ ‘Turbervil *Buamundus de Leges', family, see above, p. lxii. The 1166 Abingdon Carta mentions a

THE

HISTORY

THE

CHURCH

ABINGDON

321

Clement the deacon, Ralph of St Martin and Roger his son, Martin the priest and Helias the cleric, Adam the sheriff, Nicholas son of Thorold, John de Turbeville, Robert of Seacourt and William his son, John of Tubney and Richard his son, William of Bessels Leigh, Bomund of Beedon, Ranulf of Morles, Henry of Lewknor, and many

others.’°”

Red Book, i. 306, below, p. 390. PR 13 HII, p. 9, records that ‘Bedena Boamundi redd' comp’ de dimidia m’. In thesauro liberauit. Et quietus. The fact that he owed three knights, and was associated with Beedon, suggests that he was the successor of Walter and Jocelin de Rivers, but a later list of knights in MS C has a W. de Rivers holding eleven hides in Beedon, CMA ii. 312. See also below, p. 397, for a Ralph of Morles appearing in a list in MS C in the same hand as the History. A Ranulf and a William of Morles witnessed C.H., no. ra, a charter dating from 1165 x 1175. Their toponymic surname may relate to the land of Morelese or Morehelese at Abingdon, Lyell, no. 188, EPNS, Berkshire, ii. 442; it may derive from Mosles (Dept. Calvados) in Normandy.

APPENDIX

I: ADDITIONS

in MS B, up to the This appendix gives the additional passages which appear thereafter appears ation continu B’s MS C. MS in end of the period covered of the passage location the indicate I x appendi present the In II. as Appendix which marks number a first by reference to the manuscript, and second by e sections exampl for ; inserted be where in the main text the addition should text. main the in 5 no. section follow no. sa and no. sb below

(i) MS B, fos. 120—121 nia. [ii. 4] sa. Hii sunt milites tenentes de Abbendo fo. 120"

tune vii. Gueres de Palences: iiiior. milites, pro Samford et Leowar

hidas, in Chiltune v. hidas, in Dentune ii. hidas, in Wateleia i.

hidam, in Baiwrde et Suningewelle iit. hidas. et Reginaldus de Sancta Helena: iii. milites, pro v. hidis in Gerstune, in hidis ii. et pro iiiior. hidis in Frileford, et iii. hidis in Liford,

Henrepe.? in Ansgil: ii. milites, pro Seuecurt, et v. hidis in Baiuurpe, et i. hida Mercham.? Warinus: iii. hidas in Suggepurpe, pro seruitio dimidii militis.*

Hubertus: i. militem, pro v. hidis in Witham.’ Raimbaldus: militem et dimidium, pro ii. hidis in Sunningeuuelle, et in Kenitune iii. hidis, in Gareford ii. hidis, in Boxore ii. hidis, in Cumenore ii. hidis et terram de Blachegraue, et in Frileford i. hida quam dedit Bernerus Turstino de Sancta Helena, in purpa i. hida.° [ii. 5] Raimbaldus: i. militem, pro Tubbeneia.’ Aschetillus: ii. milites, pro Leia et Cestretunz.* ' Denton, Oxon., is not named in Domesday; it lies between two other Abingdon possessions, Cuddesdon and Garsington. Gueres does not appear elsewhere in the History, nor does he appear in Domesday Book, unless—as was suggested by Stenton, VCH, Oxfordshire, i. 381—he is to be identified with the Wenric who held Chilton and Sandfordon- Thames from the abbey, DB i, fos. 59", 156". However, no connection is apparent with the other estates in Domesday. ? DB i, fos. 58", 59', confirms Reginald as tenant of these lands in Frilford and Lyford; Domesday does not link him with lands in Garsington or Hendred. Domesday does not mention any Abingdon land in Hendred, but see below, p. 388, for another reference to

APPENDIX

I: ADDITIONS

(i) MS B, fos. 120—121" 5a. These are the knights holding from Abingdon. Gueres de Palences: four knights, for Sandford and Leverton seven hides, in Chilton five hides, in Denton two hides,' in Wheatley one hide, in Bayworth and Sunningwell four hides. Reginald of St Helen: three knights, for five hides in Garsington, and for four hides in Frilford, and three hides in Lyford, and two hides in

Hendred.? Anskill: two knights for Seacourt, and five hides in Bayworth, and one hide in Marcham.?

Warin: four hides in Sugworth, for the service of half a knight.*

Hubert: one knight, for five hides in Wytham.? Raimbald: a knight and a half, for two hides in Sunningwell, and in Kennington three hides, in Garford two hides, in Boxford two hides, in Cumnor two hides and the land of Blagrove, and in Frilford one hide which Berner gave to Thurstan of St Helen, in Longworth one

hide.*

Raimbald: one knight, for Tubney.’ Ansketel: two knights, for Bessels Leigh and Chesterton.? Hendred in a list of Abingdon tenants; note also the discussion in Charters of Abingdon Abbey, pp. 224—5. t 3 DB i, fo. 58", confirms Anskil as tenant of these lands. DB i, fo. 59', also attributes Fawler to him, which this list attributes to Baldwin de Colombiéres.

^ > ® 7 *

DB i, fo. 58", confirms Warin as tenant of these lands. DB i, fo. 58°, confirms Hubert as tenant of these lands. On Blagrove, see above, p. 202; on Rainbald's lands, see also above, p. lxiii. DB i, fo. 58", confirms Rainbald as tenant of one hide in Tubncy. Domesday does not mention Ansketill as a tenant of Abingdon.

324

APPENDIX I

hidas.? Herebertus filius Hereberti: i. militem, pro Lechamstede x. Walterus de Riparia: ii. milites et dimidium, pro Bedena. ^

Pro Bradeleia, dimidium militem." Walterus Giffard: i. militem, pro Liford vii. hidas." Hugo de Boclande: i. militem, pro Boclande x. hidas." in Gillebertus de Culumbers: ii. milites, pro Horduuelle et vi. hidis

Offentune.'* in Gillebertus: i. militem, pro duabus hidis in Pusie, et ii. in Mora et Draicote, et i. hida in Lakinges.'°

Baldeuuinus de Culumbers: i. militem, pro Flauflor.'^ Raerus de Aure: i. militem, pro Sudcote." Henricus filius Oini: i. militem, pro iii. hidis in Abbendonia et ii.

hidis in Hulle."® Gillebertus Marescal: vii. hidas et dimidium in Gersentune, et Sueting auus Mathie in Wateleia i. hidam et dimidium, pro seruitio unius militis.'° sb. Hec sunt nomina eorum qui tenent minutas partes que pertinent ad cameram domni abbatis. Walterus de Gersindon': dimidium militis. Benedictus de Westona: dimidium militis.

Petrus de Aldebiri: v. partem unius militis.^? * s(ecundum) alios iii. m(ilites) added at top of this column in brown ink in one of the hands used to provide guidance for the rubricator ? DB i, fo. 58", attributes these lands to Rainbald. The Abingdon list derived from Domesday, below, p. 381, attributes them to Herbert the chamberlain, on whom see also above, pp. 126, 196. Herbert son of Herbert was a tenant of Abingdon in the mid-twelfth century; PR 2-4 HII, p. 35, and the Abingdon Carta of 1166, Red Book, i. 306, and below, p. 390, reveals him owing one knight. 0 DB i, fo. 58’, confirms Walter as tenant of Beedon; it also specifies that he held two hides in Benham; see also above, p. 188. !! This is probably Bradley in Chieveley, see above, p. 188. 12 DB i, fo. 59", confirms Walter as tenant of these lands. 5 Cf DB i, fo. 59’, which states that ‘the abbey itself holds Buckland’, for five hides. See below, p. 393, for William of Buckland holding five hides there; also above, p. 266. ^ On Hardwell as a dependency of Watchfield, see above, p. 227; DB i, fo. 59, confirms Gilbert as tenant of the lands in Uffington, and attributes to him three hides and one virgate in Watchfield. Note, however, that the Abingdon Carta of 1166 also records a later Gilbert de Colombiéres owing Abingdon two knights in 1166; Red Book, i. 306, and

below, p. 390.

ADDITIONS IN MS B

325

Herbert son of Herbert: one knight, for Leckhampstead ten hides.’ Walter de Rivers: two and a half knights, for Beedon.'°

For Bradley, half a knight." Walter Giffard: one knight, for Lyford seven hides." Hugh of Buckland: one knight, for Buckland ten hides." Gilbert de Colombiéres: two knights, for Hardwell and six hides in

Uffington.'^

Gilbert: one knight, for two hides in Pusey, and two in Moor and in

Draycott, and one hide in Lockinge.? Baldwin de Colombiéres: one knight, for Fawler.!^ Raer de Aure: one knight, for Southcote."

Henry son of Oini: one knight, for three hides in Abingdon and two hides in Hill.'? Gilbert Marshal: seven and a half hides in Garsington, and Sueting grandfather of Matthias one and a half hides in Wheatley, for the

service of one knight.’ 5b. These are the names of those who hold very small portions which pertain to the chamber of the lord abbot. Walter of Garsington: half a knight. Benedict of Weston: half a knight.

Peter of Aldebiri: one fifth of a knight.” 5 DB i, fo. 59°^, confirms Gilbert as tenant of two hides in Pusey, and attributes to him one hide in Draycott, and one hide and a church with half a hide in Lockinge. 16 Baldwin was not a Domesday tenant of Abingdon. The Abingdon Carta of 1166 records a Baldwin of Fawler owing Abingdon one knight; Red Book, i. 306, and below, . 390. s P The Abingdon Carta of 1166 records a *Raerus de Alra’ owing Abingdon one knight; see Red Book, i. 305, and below, p. 390. A 'Reherius de Aura’ was joint custodian of Glastonbury Abbey in 1186-87; PR 33 HII, p. 27. A list of hidages, below, p. 388,

specifies that Ralph de A/ra was tenant of seven hides in Denchworth. Another list in MS C, in a later hand, has a Ralph de Aura holding six hides in Southcote; CMA ii. 311. See also Lyell, no. 213, Testa de Nevill, i. 294, ii. 844, 847, 852. Southcote, or Circourt, is in Denchworth, EPNS, Berkshire, ii. 473, VCH, Berkshire, iv. 281. I have not been able to identify the family toponym with any certainty; one English possibility might be Awre, Glos., where in 1221 a man named Ralph held land (VCH, Gloucestershire, v. 26), while in 1220 a Ralph held four carucates in Southcote (Testa de Nevill, i. 294). '8 On Henry, see above, p. 202; he was not a Domesday tenant of Abingdon. ? DB i, fo. 156", confirms Gilbert and Sueting as tenants of these lands. 20 Red Book, i. 306, has Peter contributing to making up one and a half knights owed to Abingdon in 1166; the Abingdon version of the Carta, below, p. 391, does not specify the

APPENDIX

326

Petrus de Gosie: v. partem unius militis. eye?

unius militis. Iohannes filius Roberti: apud Hanni, quintam partem militis. Robertus Francolanus de Lakinges: quintam partem unius quintam Filie Willelmi Grim: apud Mercham et apud Westuuike, partem unius militis.^* .

fo. 121"

“qe

”° Terra que fuit Galfridi de Samford: sextam partem unius militis. Ricardus Gernun de Wateleia: sextam partem unius militis.”° |

partem [ii. 6] Terra que fuit Willelmi Chaumum apud Wichtham: quartam

unius militis."

e huius Wuillelmus de Suttuna: quintam partem unius militis, tempor

abbatis." Item Iohannes militis.

filius Roberti:

apud Abbendun,

vi. partem

unius

Sed isti duo, Willelmus et Johannes, dant scuagium et non faciunt wardam. ” Wuillelmus de Wanci: in Kenintona, quintam partem unius militis.” (ii) MS B, fos. 122°—123” [ii. 12] fo. 122"

15a. Quomodo Robertus de Oili reddidit ecclesie Abbendonie Tademertun.??

Fius^ temporibus, ^?! et temporibus duorum regum, scilicet Willelmi qui Anglos deuicerat et filii eius Willelmi, erat quidam constabulus ^ corr. from Eiusdem.

There is also a b above the u, to indicate that this should follow

which is marked mith the next section, which is marked with an a, but be before the next but one,

^ teporibus MS

holding amount of his contribution. The hidage list below, p. 394, has a Robert of Aldebirt 1. 245. one and a half hides. The name may relate to part of Chieveley, EPNS, Berkshire, ? Red Book, i. 306, has Reginald of Goosey contributing to making up one and a half knights owed to Abingdon in 1166; the Abingdon version of the Carta, below, p. 391, specifies that his contribution was one fifth of a knight. ? John was a late twelfth- to early thirteenth-century tenant of Abingdon; see e.g. Lyell, nos. 205, 256. He may have been the son of the Robert mentioned in connection with Boars Hill, above, p. 282. Red Book, i. 306, has a Robert son of the dapifer contributing to making up one and a half knights owed to Abingdon in 1166; the Abingdon version of the Carta, below, p. 391, specifies that his contribution was one sixth of a knight; cf. Lyell, no. 205. Another list in MS C, in a later hand, has John son of Robert holding one hide in Hanney and two hides in Abingdon; CMA ii. 311. 23 Another list in MS C, in a later hand, has a John ‘Frankelannus’ holding one hide in Sandford; CMA ii. 311. This is an earlier instance of Francolanus apparently being used as a surname than any of those which appear in DMLBS, fasc. iv., s.v. franclingus. 24 Red Book, i. 306, has William Grim contributing to making up one and a half knights owed to Abingdon in 1166; the Abingdon version of the Carta, below, p. 391, specifies that

ADDITIONS

IN MS B

327

Peter of Goosey: one fifth of a knight.?! John son of Robert: at Hanney, one fifth of a knight.” Robert Franklin of Lockinge: one fifth of a knight.? The daughters of William Grim: at Marcham and at West Wick, one fifth of a knight.?'

The land which was Geoffrey of Sandford’s: one sixth of a knight. Richard Gernun of Wheatley: one sixth of a knight.”° The land which was William Chaumum’s at Wytham: a quarter of a

knight." William of Sutton: one fifth of a knight, in the time of this abbot.28 Likewise John son of Robert: at Abingdon, one sixth of a knight.

But these two Williams and John give scutage and do not do guard service.

William de Wanci: in Kennington, one fifth of a knight.? (ii) MS B, fos. 122—123" 15a. How Robert d'Oilly gave back Tadmarton to the church of Abingdon.??

In his [Abbot Reginald's]"' time, and in the times of two kings, that is of William who had conquered the English and of his son, William, his contribution was one fifth of a knight. See also below, p. 397, for the rents of the altar including three shillings from the tithe of William Grim. See below, p. 387, for Roger Grim holding half a hide in Hinksey; this could be the same as West Wick, if the latter is a dairy farm just south of Oxford. ?5 Red Book, i. 306, has Geoffrey contributing to making up one and a half knights owed to Abingdon in 1166; the Abingdon version of the Carta, below, p. 391, specifies that his contribution was one fifth of a knight. © Red Book, i. 306, has Richard contributing to making up one and a half knights owed to Abingdon in 1166; the Abingdon version of the Carta, below, p. 390, specifies that his contribution was one sixth of a knight. 7 See above, p. 123. 78 See below, pp. 388, 394, for Edward of Sutton holding one hide.

? Testa de Nevill, i. 292, 297, has a William de Wancy acting as collector of carucage in Berkshire in 1220, and holding lands in Leverton and Compton. Testa de Nevill, ii. 843, has a Geoffrey de Wancey holding one fee in Leverton; ii. 846, 853, have Geoffrey de Wancy and the prioress of Littlemore holding one fee in Leverton from the fee of the abbot of Abingdon. Note that Leverton is in the south of Berkshire, Kennington in the north. A possible origin of the family toponym may be Wanchy (Dept. Seine Maritime), but this

cannot be certain. For East Anglian Domesday tenants of the honour of Warenne from Wanchy, see Anglo-Norman Families, p. 111.

3° Cf. above, pp. Ixx, 32. 31 The rearrangement of sections marked in the manuscript indicates that this section was meant to follow that on the.coming of Abbot Reginald.

APPENDIX

328

[ii. 13]

fo. 123°

erat illo tempore Oxonie, Robertus de Oili dictus, in cuius custodia de ore regis ut adeo factis, prouincia illa, in preceptis et in nec pauperi diuiti erat, ualde proferretur^ illi accio. Diues enim sicut qui icari, multipl gazas e sibiqu as parcebat exigere ab eis pecuni t amor *Cresci dicens , hendit compre us breui uersiculo de similib pecutate cupidi uero as Ecclesi ? t. cresci nummi, quantum pecunia t scilice onie, Abbend am abbati e maxim , niarum infestabat ubique oque quand , grauare s placiti in nter freque et possessiones abstracte, quoddam in misericordiam regis ponere. Inter cetera mala, pratum abstraxit erio monast a rege, tiente consen situm, extra muros Oxonie tati et in usum militum castelli deputauit. Pro quo dampno contris simul sunt fratres Abbendonenses magis quam pro aliis malis. 'T'unc s Duncongregati ante altare sancte Marie, quod dedicauerat sanctu lacricum stanus archiepiscopus et sanctus Apeluualdus episcopus, erii monast Oili mis prostrati in terram, deprecantes | de Roberto de conuer em action depredatore uindictam facere, aut illum ad satisf

tere.??

Interea dum sic per dies et noctes beatam Mariam inuocassent, decidit ipse Robertus in egritudine ualida, in qua laborabat multis diebus inpenitens, donec uidebatur ei quadam nocte in palatio cuiusdam regis magni insistere, et hinc inde multitudinem magnatuum hominum assistere, et in medio illorum quandam gloriosam supra tronum sedere in muliebri habitu speciosam ualde, et ante illam stare duos fratres ex congregatione predicti cenobii, quorum nomina cognouit. Et cum ipsi duo uidissent ilum in palatium intrare,

flectabant genua ante illam dominam dicentes cum 5magno suspirio"

*Ecce, domina, iste est qui possessiones ecclesie tue sibi usurpat et pratum, unde clamorem facimus, nuper a monasterio tuo abstraxit.’ At illa, commota aduersus Robertum, illum iussit foras eicere et ad pratum ducere, quod a monasterio abstraxit, ibique illum torqueri. Ad cuius preceptum surrexerunt duo iuuenes ex circumastantibus et duxerunt eum in predictum pratum, ibique eum fecerunt sedere. Et statim conuenerunt ibi turpissimi pueri, portantes fenum de ipso prato super humeros suos, irridentes et ad inuicem dicentes *Ecce, karissimus noster. Ludamus cum eo." Tunc fasciculos de humeris suis ^ profereretur MS

vic

’ corr. from magna suspiria, or vice versa

9 Juvenal, Sat. xiv. 139. 33 Dunstan was archbishop of Canterbury 959-88; see St Dunstan. His Life, Times, and Cult, ed. N. Ramsay, M. Sparks, and T. Tatton-Brown (Woodbridge, 1992). For his involvement in the dedication of Abingdon, see Bk. i, c. 71 (CMA i. 349); for /Ethelwold's involvement, see Wulfstan, Life of Zthelwold, ed. Lapidge and Winterbottom, p. 24.

ADDITIONS

329

there was a certain constable of Oxford called Robert d'Oilly, who then had custody of that region regarding orders and deeds, to such an extent that directions for action came to him from the king’s own mouth. For he was extremely rich, and used to spare neither rich nor poor from demanding their money and multiplying his own treasure, as is dealt with in the brief verse concerning similar people, saying

“The love of riches grows as much as wealth grows.’? Indeed, he

vexed churches everywhere with his greed for wealth, especially the abbey of Abingdon; he took away its possessions and frequently oppressed it in pleas, sometimes placing it in the king’s mercy. Amongst his other evils, with the king’s consent he took away from the monastery a meadow situated outside the walls of Oxford, and assigned it to the use of the knights of the castle. The brethren of Abingdon were more distressed by this loss than by the other evils. Then all gathered before the altar of St Mary, which St Dunstan the archbishop had dedicated with St /Ethelwold the bishop, and with tears they prostrated themselves on the ground, praying that St Mary take vengeance concerning Robert d'Oilly, or persuade him to make amends.? Meanwhile, as they were thus invoking the blessed Mary day and night, Robert himself fell into a severe illness, in which he— impenitent—suffered for many days, until it seemed to him one night that he was standing in the palace of some great king. A multitude of important men stood on both sides, and in the middle of them a glorious woman sat on a throne, extremely splendid in female clothing. Before her stood two brethren from the congregation of the aforesaid monastery, whose names he knew. And when these two saw him enter the palace, they genuflected before that lady, saying with a great sigh, ‘Behold, lady, that is the man who usurps for himself the possessions of your church, and has recently taken away from your monastery the meadow regarding which we complain to you.' Enraged with Robert, she ordered him to be thrown outside and led to the meadow which he had taken from the monastery, and to be tortured there. At her order, two young men from amongst those in attendance rose to their feet, led him into the aforesaid meadow, and made him sit there. And at once the most disgusting boys gathered there, bearing on their shoulders hay from that meadow, mocking, and saying to one another 'Behold, our dearest friend. Let's play with him.’ Then they put down the

330

APPENDIX I

et sic fumigauerunt deponentes et desuper mingebant, igne subposito, et in fatiem eius ant, facieb feno illo eum. Quidam ex eis tortas de in tali angustia uero Ille nt. maueru [ii. 14] iactabant. Alii barbam eius inflam Maria, indulge a ‘Sanct o:^ detent i “sopor positus, clamare cepit, adhuc iacebat et eius um lectul iuxta eius mihi, iam moriar. Vxor autem ." At ille dormis enim graue , euigila euigilauit illum, dicens ‘Domine, um demon medio in quia graue, *Vere expergefactus a sompno, dixit * malo." omni ab te iat custod nus erat.’ Illa respondit, dicens ‘Domi at flagell nus *Domi illa et sue, uxori Tunc ille narrauit sompnium

e eum omnem filium quem recipit.?? Post paucos uero dies, cogent

ibi ante altare, uxore sua, ad Abbendoniam eum nauigare fecit, et et amicorum m fratru e" gation congre coram abbate Reginaldo et omni reditum, um librar decem e ertun suorum circumastantium, Tadem remit)o* omni(n t, exegera dono usque quas Apelelmi abbatis illuc inde ne ," siones posses rerum se post tens, contestatur suarum quam s ampliu et simul ur;; queret quicquam exactionis ultra itorum centum librarum summam, suorum pro emendatione preter quod catione reedifi erii monast quoque commissorum, sinuanda/ optulit altare super uit, inchoa ri amplia nuper antea abbas Reginaldus ut tunc ad presens. Qui adeo monasterii* renouationi intendit tunc, arent. acceler re fabrica a illud toto illo anno sine penuri Post predictam autem uisionem quam uiderat, iussu Dei ge|nifo. 123" tricis se a satellitibus malis torqueri, non tantum ecclesiam sancte Marie de Abbendonia curabat erigere, uerum etiam alias parrochianas ecclesias dirutas, uidelicet infra muros Oxonefordie et extra, ex [ii. 15] sumptu suo reparauit Nam sicut ante uisionem illam depredator ecclesiarum et pauperum erat, ita postea effectus est reparator ecclesiarum et recreator pauperum, multorumque bonorum operum patrator. Inter cetera pons magnus ad septemtrionalem plagam Oxonie per eum factus est. Qui mense Septembrio obiens, in capitulo Abbendonensi in parte aquilonis sepulturam meruit. Vxor autem eius in sinistra eius condita requiescit. ^ abbate in margin in different but possibly contemporary ^* for sopore detentus ? 4 for possessores, as * cf. above, p. 32 hand, which also appears e.g. at fo. 113" as above, f. 32 iuuanda, pro for ^ 32 p. above, as quereretur, for * above, p. 32 ^ raparauit MS * corr. from monasterium

4 Cf. Ps. 120 (121): 7, ‘Dominus custodit te ab omni malo.’

filium, 35 Cf. Heb. 12: 6, ‘Quem enim diligit dominus, castigat: flagellat autem omnem quem recipit."

ADDITIONS

IN MS B

331

bundles from their shoulders, urinated on them, and, by setting fire to them from below, thus engulfed him in smoke. Some of them made coils from the hay and threw them in his face. Others set fire to his beard. Placed in such affliction, he began to cry out whilst still fast asleep, ‘St Mary, forgive me as I’m dying now.’ His wife, who was lying beside him on his bed, woke him up, saying ‘Lord husband, awake, for you are sleeping badly.’ Then he awoke from his sleep, and said ‘Truly badly, since it was in the midst of demons. She answered him, saying ‘“The Lord shall preserve

you from all evil.”?*

Then Robert told his dream to his wife, and she said ‘ “The Lord

scourgeth every son whom he receiveth."'? So, after a few days, at his wife's instigation, he had himself taken by boat to Abingdon, and there, before the altar, in the presence of Abbot Reginald and with all the congregation of the brethren and his friends in attendance, he entirely remitted the £10 rent from Tadmarton which until then he had demanded by gift of Abbot Adelelm, and solemnly declared that those possessing his property after him would henceforth seek no exaction therefrom. At the same time, he for the moment offered on the altar a sum of more than £100 to emend for his past misdeeds, and to help the rebuilding of the monastery which Abbot Reginald

had recently begun to enlarge. So enthusiastic was he then about the rebuilding of this church that throughout that year those building it were able to speed up the work without any shortages. Moreover, after seeing the aforesaid vision in which he was tortured by evil attendants on the order of the mother of God, he not only took steps to erect the church of St Mary of Abingdon, but also repaired at his own expense other ruined parish churches, that is within and outside the walls of Oxford. For, just as he had been a plunderer of churches and the poor before that vision, so afterwards he was made a repairer of churches and a reviver of the poor and a perpetrator of many good works. Amongst other things,

the great bridge to the north bank at Oxford was built by him.?* He died in September, and deserved burial in the northern part of the chapter of Abingdon. Moreover his wife lies at rest there, buried on his left. 56 Folly Bridge. Lennard, Rural England, p. 71 suggests that ‘the sentence in the chronicle which describes the bridge as ad septemtrionalem plagam Oxoniae . . . must be a slip for australem plagam; however, from the perspective of Abingdon, the bridge might be seen as spanning to the northern side at Oxford.

APPENDIX I

$42.

(iii) MS B, fos. 154—155"

de ecclesia. [ii. 146] 214a. De operibus Faricii abbatis et maxime fo. 154” Quodam tempore uenerabili patre Faritio fundamenta edificii Abben-

more solito donensis cenobii magna et pulcherrima iaciente, dum quidam ret, ammone s sedulu opus uisitans, operarios opera indulgere magna quam ilis, uenerab ex comfratribus adulatorie dixit ei *O pater sumptu sine non sunt fundamenta que iacis, que proculdubio placitum premaximo opus efficient consummatum. Si igitur uestre ’ libras aginta dilecte fuerit paternitati, panis nostri communis“ (quadr um mmand statere appendentis), quartam uobis partem ad opus consu Quibus .’ inceptum uoluntate unanimi libentissime concederemus sum ad auditis, uir per omnia mansuetissimus Super hiis respon tu in presens dare dissimulauit. Sequenti uero die, fratrum conuen r, concapitulo more solito coadunato, abbas polliciti non inmemo i qui uniuers uoce una quod sum, consen t uentus super hiis requiri pastor igitur dens Perpen arunt. acclam ter aderant dignum fieri gauden ut benignus commissi sibi gregis animum deuotissimum, uultu fratres *O uerbis: in erupit tim semper erat iocundo, huiusmodi confes mi, testem uobis propono altissi[ii. 147] et commilitones in Christo carissi m mum me nec predicti panis uestri stateram^ sed neque aliaru

consuetudinum

uestrarum,

quamdiu

uitalis carpserit aura,"

, quouis modo infringere tenorem; quin immo domus mihi credite e sollicit ata in quantum potero, dispersa restaurans,? et restaur pondus conseruans, ad prefatam panis mensuram dimidie marce augebo, ut quicquid cenantibus fuerit residuum in opus misericordie egenis erogandum reseruetur.' Quod donum, ne quis sibi in posterum abbatum succedentium presumeret infringere, sub Dei omnipotentis nomine prohibuit, et omnes infringentes in conuentu sollempniter anatematizauit. Succedente uero temporis interuallo, cum idem uenerabilis pater Faritius, commissa sibi ecclesia, bonorum operum polleret studiis, instinctu diaboli (qui bonorum omnium semper est emulus) agentibus quibus eidem patri nostro insidiantibus, Willelmo uidelicet ^ comunis MS

^ figure over erasure

^ staterem MS

7 Vergil, Aen. i. 387-8; see also below p. 354, and Vol. i, c. B44 (CMA i. 56).

38 See above, Introduction, p. xl, on the abbot's vow to regather the unjustly dispersed possessions of the church.

ADDITIONS

333

(iii) MS B, fos. 154°—155"

214a. Concerning the works of Abbot Faritius and especially concerning the church. At the time when the venerable father Faritius was laying the substantial and very fine foundations of the building of the monastery of Abingdon, and was visiting the building work, as he was accustomed to do, he diligently urged the ‘workers to devote themselves to the works. One of the brethren flatteringly said to him *O venerable father, how great are the foundations you are laying, which doubtless will become the completed work . . . but not without great expense. Therefore, if it pleases your beloved fatherhood, our unanimous wish is that we would most willingly grant to you a quarter of our common bread, weighing forty pounds.’ When he had heard this, that most gentle man refrained from answering them for the time being. But on the following day, when the convent of brethren had gathered in the chapter as usual, the abbot, who was not forgetful of the promise, sought the convent’s consent on these matters. With one voice, all who were present gladly acclaimed that this was a fitting action. The kind shepherd, therefore, carefully assessed the very devout character of the flock entrusted to him, and—as ever with an agreeable expression—immediately spoke out in words of the following kind: ‘O dearest brethren and fellow soldiers in Christ, I place before you the Highest as witness that I will not infringe in any way either the weight of your bread or the terms of your other customs so long as I **draw the breath of life".?? But rather by restoring, as far as I can, the dispersed possessions of the house entrusted to me,?? and carefully conserving what has been restored, I will add the weight of half a mark to that measure of bread, so that whatever is left over by those dining is reserved for the charitable work of giving food allowances to the needy.’ Under the name of Omnipotent God, he forbade that any of the abbots succeeding him in future presume to infringe this gift, and in the convent he solemnly anathematized all those infringing it. In the following time, however, when that venerable father Faritius, to whom the church was entrusted, was devoting his energies to good works, a general grumbling arose in the convent about that venerable man, at the instigation of the devil, who is always envious of everything good. The ring-leaders were certain men who were making a treacherous attack on our father Faritius—that 1s

334

APPENDIX

uirum ueneprecentore eidem ecclesie et Pondio,? circa eundem

ratio; eo quod rabilem in conuentu generalis est exorta murmu sancti patris utione instit ab , fuerat frusta^ casei, ut eis uisum quod ad ," orata inmin et nt assere ata nostri Adelwoldi immut . gatum diuul est , scente crebre fama noticiam regis Henrici, ta fratrum Rex igitur, ut semper erat pacis amator, ut predic m archiriense Cantua fum Radul r,’ ueretu commotio totaliter inting em de Hugon et em, iriens Saresb pum episcopum, et Rogerum episco

tos Boclande Abbendoniam destinauit;!! quos pater uenerabilis suscep

fo. 155° [ii. 148]

est allocutus: honorifice, | coram omni congregatione in capitulo sic , me numentiam excell lateat nolo‘ , domini *Vestram, uiri, fratres, sancti tiones institu tum, suscep honus officii quam, post pastoralis ecclesi res neque sed sse; infregi est, um Adeluuoldi, ut mihi obiect is augend his in uerum isse, diminu ecus asticas intrinsecus seu forins um, semper toto mentis annisu, post susceptum regiminis offici congregata ut us, Domin me misit hoc ad elaborasse. Non enim fratrum feci, et quod arem; coadun dilapsa dilapidarem, sed ut fratres duo aginta quinqu o, inuent ibidem us numero a me primit toris redemp in quos ibus, pauper inis peregr adiciens, exceptis tribus quem potu et pane eodem os singul dies per nostri memoriam, tribus a tis, pulmen duobus et casei frustis conuentus dabat, cum

fratribus manibus deuote lotis et pedibus, refocillari constitui."

m, Tunc archiepiscopus: *His^ omnibus nostrum prebemus assensu tamen frustis De amus. diiudic i obseruar posteris et inperpetuum a 4 suscepti, with the last * uolo MS ^ for extingueretur ? ^ frustra MS encouraging the mistaken tmo letters on a different line from the rest of the mord, thereby perhaps but this mould destroy agreement with regiminis. An alternative emendation might be suscepi * Is MS the parallel with the phrase earlier in the sentence

39 For this dispute, see Introduction, pp. xxxviii, xlvii.

associated with 4 Note Vol. i, c. B207 (CMA i. 345-7) for food arrangements (an ‘Abingdon nse’ Abbendune ‘pondus a days five every that down JEthelwold. These lay obedientiarius wey’), that is 22 stones of cheese was to be distributed. According to the De cy in (CMA ii. 404), the weight of a wey should be eighteen stones. Such inconsisten For ‘weys’, see calculation of weights is not unusual, but may have encouraged disputes. Zupko, Weights and Measures, pp. 434-8. Doubt has been cast upon the authenticity of the arrangements attributed to /Ethelwold, B, and e.g. Knowles, Monastic Order, pp. 716-17, in part because they only appear in MS English in a somewhat different form in De abbatibus, CMA ii. 279. Likewise, Brett, Church, p. 133, feels that the account of the dispute under Faritius should be treated with as scholar suspicion, because it only appears in MS B. However, M. Lapidge, */Ethelwold 'that the and teacher’, Bishop /Ethelmold, ed. Yorke, pp. 89—117, at 106 n. 105 points out and words English Old of number a includes B] MS [in transmitted as information a expressions (e.g. Polla /Ethelwoldi) which are unlikely to have been fabricated by

ADDITIONS

335

William, precentor for this church, and Pondius.?? This was the issue: they asserted that the portions of cheese, as it seemed to them, had been changed and diminished from the disposition of our holy father /Ethelwold." As news of this spread, it was brought to the notice of King Henry. The king, therefore, as he was always a lover of peace, sent Ralph archbishop of Canterbury, and Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Hugh of Buckland to Abingdon in order that this dissension among the

brethren be totally doused.*! These men were honourably received,

and the venerable father spoke thus in the chapter, in the presence of the whole congregation: *Men, brethren, lords, I do not wish it to be concealed from your excellence that, after undertaking the burden of pastoral office, I have never broken the dispositions of St /Ethelwold, as I have been accused; nor have I diminished the church's internal or external possessions, but have always striven with every effort of my mind to increase them, after I undertook the office of the abbacy. For the Lord did not send me to squander what has been gathered, but to gather together what has been squandered, and I have done this, adding fifty-two brethren to the number of brethren first found by me here; not counting the three poor pilgrims whom, in memory of our Redeemer, I have established to be refreshed with the same bread and drink each day which the convent used to give, with pieces of cheese and two dishes of pottage, and with their hands and feet devoutly

washed by three of the brethren.'? Then the archbishop said ‘We give our assent to all these things, and decree that they should be observed in perpetuity by men to come. Nevertheless, concerning the portions of cheese about which thirteenth-century chronicler.’ Moreover, according to the De abbatibus, /Ethelwold specified that ‘a wey of cheese’ (pondus casei’) was to be distributed every ten days; CMA ii. 279. Then Faritius specified that the amount of cheese which /Ethelwold fixed for forty-three monks for ten days was to be granted to eighty monks every five days; CMA ii. 287. This fits better with the present text, and the consistency is the more significant if these sections of De abbatibus pre-date the first manuscript of the History; see above, p. xxii. 4! Ralph's election as archbishop 26 Apr. 1114 gives a terminus post quem for the royal intervention; Handbook of British Chronology, p. 232. ®” For the ‘three poor pilgrims’, cf. Regularis Concordia, ed. T. Symons (NMT, 1953), p. 61: ‘without fail the service of the Maundy may be rendered to three poor men chosen from among those who are wont to receive their support from the monastery; and let the same foods of which the brethren partake that day be given to them.’ See also De obedientiarüs for the washing of the feet of three poor men every day; CMA ii. 405. Pulmenta, here translated as ‘pottage’, were dishes of vegetable or cereal foods, sometimes served in addition to the common monastic dishes, sometimes as substitutes for them; for ‘generals’, ‘pittances’, and ‘pulmenta’, see Harvey, Living and Dying, pp. 10-12.

336

APPENDIX

supersederit animo casei, pro quibus mota est altercatio, quid uestro ignotum sanctitati fiat non e nobis insinua.' Abbas ad hec: ‘Vestr ere, ut talia sint suffic non hec institutionem sancti Adelwoldi ad sit multiplicatus, us numer m frusta, cum per Dei uoluntatem fratru ptamen si in Verum res. paucio qualia fuerunt cum essent multo diebus decem prius quod s, commune cunctis placuerit, ut pondu ue diebus quinq is, gation congre distribuebatur, nunc, pro augmento ario, infirm et n necno orio refect attituletur, cucullatis dumtaxat in protime perop e,^ uolent te , cum tribus pauperibus prenominatis quinto die igitur s orariu Refect curabimus in perpetuum obseruari. suscipiens, illis solummodo quos pre[ii. 149] prefatum pondus ex more buet. Tunc nominauimus diebus quinariis, ut dictum est, distri diiudiuanda obser et n necno nda archiepiscopus: *Hec omnia lauda uerit, inuita quos m fratru et tum, caremus, si mensa abbatis, hospi meis us ssorib *Succe abbas: Cui predicto pondere non participaret.’” m mensa ad ra ponde sex a agint abbatibus in tantum prouidi, ut quadr et us piscop archie m demu suam annuatim possideat. Tunc prouis abbati t, aderan qui us Rogerus Saresbiriensis, cum omnib erantes, hec dentiam simul et beniuolentiam erga conuentum consid obseruari, er firmit m petuu inper is omnia, ut prefata sunt, a poster carunt. diiudi sua itate auctor sine aliqua omnimodo diminutione, mi, unani u assens ntus conue Rogatu igitur abbatis Faritii et tocius pontius Roger et us piscop s archie Radulfus uenerabilis Cantuariensi confex Saresbiriensis, idem quoque pater prefatus, cum totius huius is, accens is candel s, induti 'sacerdotibus stolis uentus s institutionis tenorem omnes inposterum uiolatores seu diminutore inferis ordini bus, fratri ceteris solempni perculerunt^ anathemate, oris, uoce submissa, ‘Fiat, fiat, fiat acclamantibus. fo. 155"

Iste^ sunt

wike que tot pisas inue|nire

debent:**

Sellinge-

ford, xxx. pondera. De wika Roberti, vi. pondera. De Lakinges, decem pondera. De Tropa, iii. pondera. ^ De duabus wikis de ^ obuolente MS, my emendation being speculative ^ sacerdotili stolis induti MS; this form MS more limited emendation, simply replacing sacerdotili 4^ pertulerint MS still somewhat awkward margin in one of the hands providing guidance for the The last word is hard to decipher

^ participarent but fitting the sense does not make good grammatical sense. A with sacerdotes might be possible, but is * De wichis abbatie, in dry-point in rubricator. This mas the intended heading.

wey a 5 VCH, Berkshire, i. 306 n. 1, suggests that the forty-six weys constituted one week, except for the six weeks of Lent. ** See also above, Introduction, p. Ixxxii; VCH, Berkshire, i. 306.

ADDITIONS

IN MS

337

this dispute arose, make known to us what remains upon your mind.’ To these words the abbot replied ‘Let it not be unknown to your holiness that the disposition of St /Ethelwold does not suffice for these arrangements, as there are only as many portions now when by God's will the number of brethren has multiplied, as there were when there were many fewer brethren. Nevertheless if it pleases everyone in common, and you so wish, we will provide most clearly that it be for ever observed that the weight which previously was distributed every ten days be now assigned every five, because of the increase in the congregation, at least for the cowled monks in the refectory and also in the infirmary, together with the three poor men specified above. Therefore, the refectorer on the fifth day is customarily to receive the afore mentioned weight, and to distribute it, as has been said, every five days, solely to those specified above.’ Then the archbishop said ‘We adjudge all these arrangements praiseworthy and they are to be observed, if the table of the abbot, the guests, and the brethren whom he invites there, does not share in the aforesaid weight.’ To this the abbot replied ‘I have provided for my successors as abbot in

as much as he may each year possess for his table forty-six weys.? Then at last the archbishop and Roger of Salisbury and all who were present, bearing in mind the prudence of the abbot along with his good will towards the convent, decreed by their authority that all these arrangements, as mentioned above, should be firmly observed in perpetuity by those to come, with no diminution in any way. Therefore, at the request of Abbot Faritius and with the unanimous assent of the whole convent, Ralph, the venerable archbishop of Canterbury, and Roger bishop of Salisbury, and also the afore mentioned father, together with the priests of the whole convent put on their stoles, and, with candles lit, struck with solemn anathema all who in future violated or diminished the terms of this decree, with the other brethren, in lesser orders, expressing their approval in a low voice, ‘so be it, so be it, so be it.’ These are the dairy-farms which ought to find the following number of weys:^ From Shellingford, thirty weys.? From Robert’s wick, six

weys. From Lockinge, ten weys.

From Thrupp, four weys.*® From

^5 Note also the entry for Shellingford, DB i, fo. 59°: ‘£4 16s. 8d. from the custom of cheeses’. ^9 Thrupp, Berks., is just east. of Abingdon.

APPENDIX

338

xvi. pondera. Et de Goseie, xxviii. pondera. De wika de Cerneia,

Herbalduna, x. pondera." [ii. 150]

214b. Summa sticarum anguillarum.** s. De Trope, De Culeham, xx.^ sticas. De Ascelino, duodecim sti(c)a xvi. sticas.'? ord, Swinef De viii. l, septem sticas. De Alexandro Blunde 214c. De operibus Faricii abbatis." Faricius illam Nec est obliuioni tradendum quod memoratus abbas turribus, et duabus cum partem ecclesie que nauis ecclesie appellatur, o, dormicapitul cum rium capella sancte Marie Magdalene, locuto rum cum claust , capella torium cum refectorio, cameram abbatis cum fecerat que edificia omnia coquina, temporibus suis construi fecit. Ad fecit, uenire sium Walen abbas predictus, trabes et tigna de regione hoc ad a plaustr enim cum magno sumptu et graui labore. Sex septem uel Sex boues. habebat, et ad unumquodque illorum xii. sberiam ebdomadarum iter erat eundi et redeundi, nam iuxta Salope transire oportuit.

(iv) MS B, fo. 155" [ii. 151] fo. 155

in 216a. "Dedit etiam duo magna dossaria, que pendent in choro de alterum precipuis festiuitatibus, unum decem. uirginibus,”

historia Job."

(v) MS B, fo. 158" 236a. Tunc abbas Vincentius tabulam sancti Apelwoldi, ex auro et fo. 158" argento fabrefactam, penitus eruderauit;? e cuius precio trecentas [ii. 164] marcas et eo amplius collectas, abbas dedit regi in confirmatione sue libertatis, ne, si forte tempore succedente et malitia hominum

[ii. 163]

^^ this passage also * followed by space caused by figure being written over erasure bottom of appears in brown ink in one of the hands providing guidance for the rubricator, at * de decem in version at bottom of column. In the main text it 1s written over an erasure column

47 Harrowdown Hill, Berks., near Longworth; EPNS, Berkshire, ii. 393-4-

See 48 A stick consisted of twenty-five eels; Zupko, Weights and Measures, pp. 389-90. hand as the also above, Introduction, p. Ixxxii; below, p. 396, a list in MS C in the same History; also CMA ii. 308, in a later hand.

49 Swinford, Berks., is not named in Domesday Book, but probably formed part of

Abingdon’s manor of Cumnor; see VCH, Berkshire, iv. 400.

ADDITIONS

IN MS

339

the two wicks of Goosey, twenty-eight weys. From the wick of Charney, sixteen weys. And from Harrowdown, ten weys." 214b. Total of sticks of eels.** From Culham, twenty sticks. From Ascelin, twelve sticks. From Thrupp, seven sticks. From Alexander Blundel, eight. From Swin-

ford, sixteen sticks. From Whistley, twenty-four sticks. From

Harrowdown, eight sticks.

214c. Concerning the works of Abbot Faritius.?! And it should not be consigned to oblivion that the above-mentioned Abbot Faritius had built in his times that part of the church which is called the nave of the church, with two towers, and a chapel for St Mary Magdalene, and the parlour with the chapter house, and the dormitory with the refectory, and the abbot's chamber with a chapel, and the cloister with the kitchen. For all the buildings which that abbot made, he had beams and timber brought from the region of the Welsh, at great expense and with severe toil. He had six wagons for this and for each of them twelve oxen. The outward and return journey lasted six or seven weeks, as it was necessary to cross near Shrewsbury.

(iv) MS B, fo. 155" 216a. He also gave two large hangings, which hang in the choir on the

main feast days, one depicting the ten virgins,” the other depicting the story of Job.

(v) MS B, fo. 158" 236a. Then Abbot Vincent thoroughly stripped St /Ethelwold's retable, fashioned from gold and silver.? 300 marks and more were received for the price of this, and the abbot gave this money to the king in confirmation of his liberty, in case, by chance with the passing of time and the growing wickedness of men, knights or men °° DB i. s9', mentions a mill at 5s. and 250 eels, and a fishery at 300 eels at Whistley. >! See Introduction, p. cii.

3? See Matt. 25: 1-13. 55 On this, see also above, pp. xxxix, 230, and Vol. i, c. Bzo7 (CMA i. 344); English Lawsuits, no. 246. De abbatibus specifies that on the retable the twelve apostles were sculpted from pure gold and silver; CMA ii. 278.

APPENDIX

340

crescente, milites uel homines propter adiutorium quasi suum ticium.

hundredi et mercatus libertatem proprium sibi uendicarent empti-

(vi) MS B, fo. 160° [ii. 171]

fo. 160°

251a. ^De ornamentis Vincenti abbatis." ** quam In diebus aduentus sui ad abbatiam, dedit casulam purpuream, Deinde Robertus sacrista, sicut adhuc patet, auro obtexuit obrizo. domibus maiorem turrem ecclesie construi fecit, curiam forinsecis o, gernari uariis et necessariis, uidelicet aula hospitum cum camera, magnis bracino, pistrino,’ dupplici stabulo, elemosinaria cum tribus turribus decenter ornauit. Campanas quoque duas dedit, que priuatis diebus ad horas pulsantur.

(vii) MS B, fo. 161° [ii. 179]

fo. 161"

260a. Stephanus‘ rex Anglie episcopo Salesb’, et iusticiis, et uicecomitibus, et baronibus, et ministris, et omnibus fidelibus suis Anglie,

salutem. Sciatis me concessisse et confirmasse donationem illam

quam Willelmus rex Anglie auunculus meus fecit ecclesie sancte Marie de Abbendonia et monachis ibidem Deo seruientibus de ecclesia Suttone, cum terris, et decimis, et aliis rebus et consuetudinibus eidem pertinentibus ecclesie. Quare precipio quod predicta ecclesia et monachi ecclesiam Sudtone, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, bene et in pace et libere et quiete teneant, sicut illam melius tenuerunt tempore predecessorum meorum regum Anglie, sicut testantur eorum carte. Testibus W. Mart’ et Ricardo de Luci. Apud Wareng'.

260b. Stefanus? rex Anglie episcopo Linc’, et iusticiis, et uicecomi-

tibus, et baronibus, et ministris, et omnibus fidelibus suis, salutem.??

[ii. 180] Sciatis me concessisse et confirmasse ecclesie sancte Marie de Abbendonia et monachis ibidem Deo seruientibus tenere et habere

in perpetua elemosina ecclesiam de Neweham, cuni una hida terre, et cum tota decima eiusdem manerii, et cum una piscaria cum omnibus sibi pertinentibus, et cum prato et cum pastura, sicut Willelmus de b a4—a * De ecclesia de Suttune at bottom of column in dryinterlin. in margin ^ De ecclesia de New’ at point, in one of the hands providing guidance for the rubricator top ofcolumn in dry-point, in one of the hands providing guidance for the rubricator

4 See Introduction, p. ciii.

ADDITIONS IN MS B

341

might claim for themselves the liberty of the hundred and market as if their own purchase, on account of a payment.

(vi) MS B, fo. 160° 251a. Concerning the ornaments of Abbot Vincent.>* At the time of his coming to the abbacy, he gave a purple chasuble, which Robert the sacrist covered with pure gold, as can still be seen. Then he had built the larger tower of the church, and fittingly adorned the court with various and apt out buildings, that is the hall of the guests with a chamber, a granary, a brew-house, a bake-house, a double stable, an almonry with three great towers. He also gave two bells, which are struck at the hours on weekdays.

(vii) MS B, fo. 161" 260a. Stephen king of England to the bishop of Salisbury, and his justices, and sheriffs, and barons, and officials, and all his faithful men

of England, greeting.? Know that I have granted and confirmed that gift which William king of England, my uncle, made to the church of the Blessed Mary of Abingdon and to the monks serving God there, of the church of Sutton, with the lands and tithes and other possessions and customs pertaining to that church. "Therefore I order that the aforesaid church and monks may hold the church of Sutton with all its appurtenances well and in peace and freely and undisturbed, as best they held it in the time of my predecessors as king of England, as their charters witness. Witnesses: William Martel and Richard de Lucy. At Wallingford. 260b. Stephen king of England to the bishop of Lincoln, and his justices, and sheriffs, and barons, and officials, and all his faithful men, greeting? Know that I have granted and confirmed to the church of St Mary of Abingdon and to the monks serving God there to hold and have in perpetual alms the church of Nuneham, with one hide of land and with the whole tithe of that manor, and with one fishery with everything pertaining to it, and with meadow and with pasture, as William de Courcy the steward gave and 5 RRAN iii, no. 12, dating to 1139 X 1154. For William II's grant of the church of Sutton, see above, p. 36. ^6 RRAN iii, no. 11, dating to one of the recorded sieges of Wallingford, 1139, 1146, and 1152-3. See also above, pp. 78-80, for William de Courcy’s grant of the church of Nuneham to Abingdon, and his son's confirmation charter.

APPENDIX I

342

mus de Curci Curci dapifer illa eis dedit et concessit, et sicut Willel sicut carta regis filius eius illa eis reddidit et carta sua confirmauit, et monachi omnes et a ecclesi ta predic quod Henrici testatur. Et precipio sicut melius et , teneant quiete et illas tenuras bene et in pace et libere "Testibus entes. pertin sue e liberius tenent alias elemosinas ecclesi rti. Gillebe filio no Baldwi Willelmus Mart’, et comite Albrico, et Apud Wareng’, in obsidione.

(viii) MS B, fo. 161" [ii. 182] fo. 161"

fidelibus 264a. Stephanus rex Anglie Willelmo Mart? et omnibus

i suis, Francis et Anglis, salutem. Sciatis quia reddidi et concess

ga Deo et abbatie et monacis de Abbendonia terram suam de Wissele res omnes et sue, et de Winkefeld; et terra illa, et omnes alie terre quod sue, sunt in mea tutela et proteccione. Quare uolo et precipio am quicqu sint bene et in pace, ita ne quisquam eis forisfaciat, nec e, inde capiat, quia uolo quod omnes res sue sint ita bene custodit sicut mee dominice, in omnibus rebus. Teste Adam de Beln'. Apud Oxen’.

[ii. 183]

264b. Stephanus rex Anglie iusticiis, et uicecomitibus, et baronibus, et omnibus ministris et fidelibus suis Anglie et portuum maris,

salutem.?? Precipio quod totum corredium et omnes res abbatis et

monachorum sancte Marie de Abbendonia, quas homines sui affidauerint suas esse proprias sint, quiete de theloneo et passagio* et omni consuetudine, ne super hoc iniuste disturbentur," super decem libras forisfacture. Testibus Willelmo de Ipra et Ricardo de Luci.

264c. Stephanus rex Anglie Ingulfo abbati Abbendonie, salutem.? Mando uobis et precipio quod faciatis wardam uestram ad castellum meum de Windesor, ita bene et plenarie sicut unquam melius et plenius ibidem fecistis, et non alibi. ‘Teste Willelmo de Ipra. Apud Oxen’. ^ pasnagio MS

^ distribuentur MS

57 RRAN iii, no. 7, dating to 1136x 1154.

55 RRAN iii, no. 8, dating to 1139X 1154.

ADDITIONS

IN MS B

343

granted those things to them, and as William de Courcy his son gave back these things to them and confirmed by his charter, and as the charter of King Henry witnesses. And I order that the aforesaid church and monks hold all those tenures well and in peace and freely and undisturbed, as best and most freely they hold the other alms pertaining to their church. Witnesses: William Martel, and Earl Aubrey, and Baldwin son of Gilbert. At Wallingford, during the siege. (viii) MS B, fo. 161"

264a. Stephen king of England to William Martel and all his faithful men, French and English, greeting." Know that I have given back and granted to God and the abbey and the monks of Abingdon their land of Whistley and of Winkfield. And that land and all their other lands and all their possessions are in my guardianship and protection. Therefore I wish and order that they be well and in peace thus that no one harm them nor take anything therefrom, since I wish that all their possessions be as well guarded as my demesnes, in all possessions. Witness: Adam de Beaunay. At Oxford. 264b. Stephen king of England to his justices, and sheriffs, and barons, and all his officials and faithful men of England and the seaports, greeting.?? I order that the entire provisions and all the goods of the abbot and monks of St Mary of Abingdon, which his men will have pledged their faith to be their own, be quit of toll and transportdue and all custom, and that they are not to be unjustly disturbed contrary to this, on £10 of forfeiture. Witnesses: William de Ypres and Richard de Lucy. 264c. Stephen king of England to Abbot Ingulf of Abingdon, greeting.?? I instruct and order you that you do your guard-service at my castle of Windsor, as well and fully as ever you best and most fully did it there, and not elsewhere. Witness: William de Ypres. At Oxford. 59 RRAN iii, no. 6, dating to

1139 X 1154. The abbot was presumably being pressed by

the king's opponents to provide castle-guard elsewhere, for example at Wallingford, to the detriment of the guarding of Windsor.

APPENDIX

344

(ix) MS B, fo. 169°" [ii. 213] fo. 169°

287a. De quadam pastura in Vffentona.? hordarium Item tempore Ingulfi abbatis orta est contentio inter inter pastura m quada Wintoniensem et ipsum abbatem, super causa Que ese.°’ Sumerl r Offentonam et Wlfrichestun, que uocatu m est sopita, tamdiu^ est uentilata, donec memorata pastura per duellu tudinem consue dum secun et per uictoriam pugilis abbatis huic domui regni est adiudicata.

287b. De ornamentis Ingulfi abbatis. oHec sunt ornamenta que contulit abbas Ingulfus ecclesie Abbend palsima; nobilis ca dalmati nie uidelicet: quatuor cappe meliores; quam in lium, ad magnum altare, cum leonibus; et quinta cappa, *dossers' Gallice que oblatione contulit. Dedit etiam duas cortinas

uocantur? unam

[ii. 214]

uidelicet de Incarnatione

Christi, alteram de

Apocalipsi, que etiam in precipuis festiuitatibus pendent in choro. us, Preter hec bona et alia quam plurima que nos latere non dubitam m maiore r similite m camera , fecit infirmariam cum duobus capellis que prioris dicitur.* Accidit etiam tempore illius abbatis, ingruente necessitate, pauperes Christi in partibus istis famis seuissima clade pericl*tari. Qua de re, memoratus abbas pietate motus ac dolore cordis uehementi intrinsecus tactus, cepit erogare quicquid potuit preter ea que monachorum suorum uictui forent neccessaria. Quid multa? Deficiente abbatis substantia inualescente, etiam de die in diem famis pestilentia ad hanc abbatiam pauperum multitudo istius prouincie confluebat infinita. Quod cum uidisset predictus abbas, totus, ut

affluebat misericordie

uisceribus,

ue(he)m(en)ter

condolere

cepit

super contricione Ioseph." Dumque deliberasset quid cautius super

huiuscemodi infortunio agere posset, de consensu et pari uoluntate fratrum suorum, tecam sancti Vincentii penitus eruderauit, et in usus pauperum largiter infudit. @ tam interlin. at start of this word

English Lawsuits, no. 381. 'Sumerlese' means ‘summer pasture’; see EPNS, Berkshire, ii. 381. 61 The hoarder was a monastic treasurer at Winchester; see DMLBS, fasc. iv, s.v. hordarius. 6 ie. dossals; see Anglo-Norman Dictionary, fasc. ii, s.v. dosser, and above, p. lii. 63 See Introduction, p. ciii.

ADDITIONS

345

(ix) MS B, fo. 169" 287a. Concerning a certain pasture in Uffington.©° Likewise, in Abbot Ingulf’s time there arose a dispute between the hoarder of Winchester and the abbot over a certain pasture between

discussed at length, until that pasture was settled by judicial duel, and by the victory of the abbot’s champion was adjudged to this house according to the custom of the realm. 287b. Concerning the ornaments of Abbot Ingulf. These are the ornaments which Abbot Ingulf conferred on the church of Abingdon, that is: four copes of higher quality; a most superior dalmatic; an altar cloth, with lions, for the great altar; and a fifth cope, which he conferred in an offering. He also gave two hangings which

in French are called *dossers',? one depicting the Incarnation of Christ, the other depicting the Apocalypse, which indeed hang in the choir on the principal feast days. Besides these good deeds and very many others which we do not doubt are hidden from us, he made the infirmary with two chapels, and likewise the greater chamber which is

called the prior's.9 There also occurred in that abbot's time a most savage disaster of starvation which threatened the poor of Christ in those areas, as scarcity bore down on them. Concerning this matter, Abbot Ingulf was moved by pity and in his heart was touched with intense grief, and he began to bestow on the poor whatever he could, besides what was necessary for the food of his monks. What's more, with the abbot's resources failing, and also the plague of starvation growing stronger from day to day, an infinite crowd of the poor of this province converged on the abbey. When that aforesaid abbot saw this, as he was abounding with ‘the bowels of mercy’, like Joseph, all of

him began to feel intense compassion for the affliction.” And while he was deliberating what he could do particularly prudently concerning such misfortune, by the consent and corresponding will of his brethren he thoroughly stripped the reliquary of St Vincent and generously employed it for the use of the poor. 5* The allusion is to Gen. 43: 30, ‘Festinauitque, quia commota fuerant uiscera eius super fratre suo’ [‘And Joseph made haste; for his bowels did yearn upon his brother]. The phrase ‘uiscera misericordie’ appears in Luke 1: 78, Col. 3: 12; note also Vol. i,c. B16

(CMA i. 19), and Wulfstan of Winchester, The Life of St thelwold, ed. M. Lapidge and M. Winterbottom (OMT, 1991), p. 50.

346

fo. 169" [ii. 215]

APPENDIX

Stephano, Contigit etiam hiis temporibus, regnante piissimo rege Sancta Helena, ut quidam miles istius abbatie, nomine Ricardus de am.9? Qui peccatis suis exigentibus, regiam grauiter incurreret offens Ingulfum, m cum ex precepto regis exeredari debuisset per abbate ei super abbas perpropere properauit, rogans attencius quatinus um. auxili et sius huiuscemodi negotio consilium preberet propen auro ex tecas cim duode Cuius peticioni abbas maturius satisfatiens, cans aurum puro et argento coopertas iterum eruderauit, utilius diiudi in fisco astica ecclesi te liberta et et argentum pro redemptione militis s penitu terre dem | eius ium seruit regio^ ad horam exaggerare, quam ns Reuoca re. sustine diutius niosam amittere, et iacturam ignomi r tecas iterum ad memoriam memoratus abbas Ingulfus qualite reconeis in rum sancto as reliqui mmodo quoda eruderasset, et quasi ire cooper o argent iterum eas uolens , tudine pulcri set ditas sua spolias auri nouem ginta quadra et argenti marcas ntas quinge pariter et auro, ad id faciendum coadunauit. Verum quo thesauro sic coadunato, accesserunt quidam proditores de secreto eius consilio ad regem, alter ta. eum’ accusantes super huiuscemodi pecunia, quasi illiciter adquisi addixit sibi usus os Quo audito, rex nuncios suos misit, et in propri non thesaurum quem uir Dei ad honorem sanctarum reliquiarum, sine magno sudore studiosius adquisierat.

(x) MS B, fo. 171" [ii. 221]

fo. 171"

[ii. 222]

297a. Henricus rex Anglie et dux Normannie et comes Andegauie, iusticiis, uicecomitibus, ministris, et omnibus bailliuis suis tocius Anglie et portuum^ maris, salutem.® Precipio quod monachi de Abbendona sint quieti de theloneo, de passagio, de pontagio, de lestagio, et de omnibus consuetudinibus per omnes terras meas et portus maris, de omnibus rebus quas homines sui poterunt affidare esse suas proprias, sicut carta Henrici regis aui mei testatur. Et prohibeo ne quis eos uel homines eorum inde disturbet, super decem libras forisfacture. Testibus Arnulfo Lex' episcopo, Willelmo de Kelneto, Willelmo de Hasting. Aput Rotomatum. 297b. Henricus" Dei gratia rex Anglie et dux Normannie et Aquitanie et comes Andegauie iusticiis suis in quorum bailliis abbas" de ^ corr., possibly from alterius. The sense is " over erasure, mith regio in margin unclear, and the word alter, remaining from alterius, perhaps should be omitted; such has been ^ Quod abbas Abbend' mittat * portium MS the basis of my translation senescallum suum uel aliquem alium ad assisas et placita in margin in dry-point, in one of the * habbas MS hands providing guidance for the rubricator

ADDITIONS

347

It also happened in that period, when the most pious King Stephen was reigning, that a certain knight of this abbey, Richard of St Helen by name, incurred severe royal animosity, as his sins demanded? When he ought by the king's order to have been disinherited through Abbot Ingulf, he hurried in haste to beg earnestly that the abbot very favourably counsel and aid him in this business. The abbot speedily complied with his request and thoroughly stripped twelve more reliquaries covered with pure gold and silver, judging it more profitable to pile up in the royal treasury for the moment gold and silver for the redemption of a knight and for ecclesiastical liberty, than. to lose totally the service of that land and to sustain an ignominious loss for a longer time. Remembering again how he had stripped the reliquaries and, as it were, had despoiled of their beauty the relics of the saints stored therein, Abbot Ingulf wished to cover them again in the same manner with silver and gold, and gathered five hundred marks of silver and forty-nine of gold for doing this. But when this treasure had been gathered thus, some betrayers of his secret counsel went to the king, accusing him as if he had acquired this money improperly. When the king heard this he sent his messengers and assigned to himself for his own uses the treasure which the man of God had acquired for the holy relics very zealously and not without considerable exertion.

(x) MS B, fo. 171" 297a. Henry king of England and duke of Normandy and count of Anjou to his justices, sheriffs, officials, and all his bailiffs of the whole

of England and the sea-ports, greeting. I order that the monks of Abingdon be quit of toll, of transport-due, of bridge-due, of lastage, and of all customs throughout all my lands and sea-ports, concerning all goods which their men can pledge their faith to be their own, as the charter of King Henry my grandfather witnesses. And I forbid that anyone disturb them or their men concerning this, on £10 of forfeiture. Witnesses: Arnulf bishop of Lisieux, William de Chesney, William of Hastings. At Rouen.

297b. Henry by the grace of God king of England and duke of Normandy and Aquitaine and count of Anjou to his justices in whose 85 See Introduction, pp. liv, Ixv. 56 This writ has already appeared in both manuscripts; see above, p. 300.

APPENDIX

348

Abbendonia habet terras, salutem.* Permitto quod abbas de Abben-

loco suo ad donia mittat senescallum suum, uel aliquem alium, in recipiatis assisas uestras et ad placita. Et ideo precipio quod Teste senescallum suum, uel alium, quem ad uos miserit loco suo. . Wdest’ Apud clerico. Ricardo Britone et comes 297c. Henricus rex Anglie et dux Normannie et Aquitanie .^ Andegauie H. de Oxeneford uicecomiti et ministris suis, salutem est ata Precipio uobis quod, si abbatia de Abbendonia iniuste dissaisi et de ecclesia de Mercheham et pertinentiis suis, et de una hida terre e dimidia in Middeltuna, et de una hida in Appelford, sine dilation eam inde resaisiatis, et in pace tenere faciatis, sicut melius tenuit tempore Henrici regis aui mei. Et nisi feceritis, iusticia mea faciat.

Teste Warino filio Giroldi. Apud Wdest’.”

[ii. 223]

297d. Henricus^ rex Anglie et dux Normannie et Aquitanie et comes

Andegauie bailliuis suis de Wicu, salutem." Precipio uobis quod sine

dilatione et iuste reddatis monachis meis de Abbendonia salem suum, sicut solebant habere tempore regis Henrici aui mei. Et nisi feceritis, uicecomes meus de Wirecestresira faciat, nec inde amodo clamorem audiam pro penuria recti. Teste Iohanne Oxon’. Apud Wdestoc’.

297e. Henricus rex Anglie et dux Normannie et Aquitanie et comes Andegauie Ricardo de Canuill' uicecomiti de Berchescira, salutem." Si abbas de Abbendonia iniuste et sine iuditio dissaisiatus’ est de terra sua de Mercheham, et de Mideltona, et de Appelford, tunc precipio et in fo. 171" quod eum inde sine dilatione et iuste resai |sias, et teneat ita bene pace et iuste, sicut ecclesia de Abbendonia melius eam tenuit tempore Henrici regis aui mei. Et catalla, que in terra illa iniuste ablata sunt, iuste eis reddere facias. Et nisi feceris, iusticia mea faciat fieri. Teste comite Reginaldo. Apud Windesor'.? ? De sale de Wic in margin in dry-point, in one of the hands providing guidance for the

rubricator

^ dissaitus MS

587 The editors of the Acta of Henry II suggest a date of ?July 1174x 1184, with the king’s return to England in July 1174 and the promotion of Richard Brito as archdeacon of Coventry providing the termini. 55 English Lawsuits, no. 528; Lyell, no. 87, omits the witnesses and gives the place of issue as Westminster. It also uses the words ‘our assizes’, ‘assisas nostras’, not ‘your assizes’; see also Richard I’s charter, below, p. 374, which uses the phrase *assisas et placita regis’. The writ can probably be dated to after 1172/3, if the original contained ‘Dei gratia’ in the address, and certainly before 1188 and perhaps before 1181; see English Lawsuits. 6 The editors of the Acta of Henry II suggest a date of 1155 x July 1158.

ADDITIONS IN MS B

349 jurisdictions the abbot of Abingdon has lands, greeting.” I allow that

the abbot of Abingdon may send his steward or someone else in his place to your assizes and to the pleas. And I so order that you receive his seneschal or someone else whom he sends to you in his place. Witness: Richard Brito, the cleric. At Woodstock. 297c. Henry king of England and duke of Normandy and Aquitaine and count of Anjou to Henry of Oxford the sheriff and his officials, greeting.” I order you that, if the abbey of Abingdon has been unjustly disseised of the church of Marcham and its appurtenances, and of one and a half hides of land in Milton and of one hide in Appleford, you are to reseise the abbey of them and make it hold in peace, as best it held in the time of King Henry my grandfather. And if you do not, my justice is to do so. Witness: Warin son of Gerold. At

Woodstock."?

297d. Henry king of England and duke of Normandy and Aquitaine

and count of Anjou to his bailiffs of Droitwich, greeting." I order you that without delay and justly you give back to my monks of Abingdon their salt, as they were accustomed to have in the time of King Henry my grandfather. And if you do not, my sheriff of Worcestershire is to, so that I may henceforth hear no claim concerning this for want of justice. Witness: John of Oxford. At Woodstock.

297e. Henry king of England and duke of Normandy and Aquitaine and count of Anjou to Richard de Camville sheriff of Berkshire, greeting." If the abbot of Abingdon has been unjustly and without judgment disseised of his land of Marcham and of Milton and of Appleford, then I order that you reseise him thereof without delay and justly, and let him hold as well and in peace and justly, as the church of Abingdon best held it in the time of King Henry my grandfather. And ensure that they are given back justly the chattels which were unjustly taken away on that land. And if you do not, my justice is to ensure that it is done. Witness: Earl Reginald. At Windsor. 7" For a probable mention of this and the next writ but one, sce above, p. 240; if so, they date to 1155 X 1157, and such dating fits with the sheriffs addressed. 7! This writ can probably be dated to 1155 x 1157; see also above, p. xvii n. 1. 7? This writ can be dated to September 1155 x September 1157, Richard de Camville's period as sheriff. The editors of the Acta of Henry II suggest Oct./Nov. 1155, as the date

of Henry II's only recorded visit to Windsor in this period. 75 See above, p. 240.

APPENDIX

350

[ii. 224]

nie et comes 297f. Henricus rex Anglie et dux Normannie et Aquita Hamtesii,^ et Andegauie uicecomiti Lundonie, et uicecomiti de permittatis uicecomiti de Gloec', salutem.”* Precipio uobis quod uestris, et monachos de Abbendonia emere uictualia sua in bailiis mque modo deferre ad Abbendoniam per carreium uel quocu monauoluerint, que homines sui poterint affidare esse ad opus feci inde corum. Et non disturbentur propter prohibitionem quam Apud '. pro hoc exercitu meo Wallie. Teste Iohanne de Oxenef Wirhalam.

297g. Henricus" rex Anglie et dux Normannie et Aquitanie et comes Anglie, Andegauie iusticiis, uicecomitibus, et omnibus ministris suis

salutem." Precipio quod omnes res monachorum de Abbendonia,

et quas homines sui affidauerint suas esse proprias ad uictum omni et , passagio et , theloneo de quiete uestitum eorum, sint consuetudine. Et nullus eos iniuste inde disturbet, super decem libras forisfacture. Teste Willelmo filio Iohannis. Apud Wdestoc'.

297h. Henricus rex Anglie et dux Normannie et Aquitanie et comes Andegauie Rialfo de Suession', salutem." Si monachi de Abbendonia sunt dissaisiti^ iniuste et sine iuditio de terra Nigelli de Colebroc, quam clamant, tunc precipio quod iuste et sine dilatione eos^ inde resaisias, sicut inde saiti^ fuerunt tempore regis Henrici aui mei. Et nisi feceris, iusticia uel uicecomes meus faciat fieri. Teste Willelmo

filio Iohannis. Apud Wdestoc’.””

297i. Henricus rex Anglie et dux Normannie et Aquitanie et comes

Andegauie Ricardo Basset, salutem."? Precipio quod monachi mei de

Abbendona teneant in pace et libere et quiete et iuste quatuor hidas terre de Chedeleswrd, sicut eas tenuerunt tempore regis Henrici aui ? [tem carta regis de teloneo in margin in dry-point, in one of the ^ for Hamtescira ? 4 eas MS * corr. from dissaisiati hands providing guidance for the rubricator * saisiti in margin in dry-point, in one of the hands providing guidance for the rubricator 7* Henry II had expeditions to Wales in 1157, 1163, and 1165, Davies, Age of Conquest, pp. 51-3. Eyton, Henry II, pp. 82-3, identifies the place of issue as Wirhall, near Chester, Acta of Henry II takes it as The Wirral. This probably rules out 1163, as in that year the expedition was to south Wales. 1157 might be a possibility, although that might be rather early for John of Oxford to be witnessing; however, see above, p. xvii n. I. 75 "The editors of the Acta of Henry IT suggest a date of 1155 x Aug. 1158; Chatsworth,

no. 354.

76 "The editors of the Acta of Henry II suggest a date of 1155 x Aug. 1158. 77 For land in Colnbrook, see above, p. 142. Riulf was from Cesson-sur-Seiche (Dept.

ADDITIONS IN MS B

351

297f. Henry king of England and duke of Normandy and Aquitaine and count of Anjou to the sheriff of London, and the sheriff of Hampshire, and the sheriff of Gloucestershire, greeting.” I order you that you permit in your jurisdictions the monks of Abingdon to buy their food-stuffs which their men can pledge their faith to be for the monks’ use, and to take them to Abingdon by cart or in whatever way they wish. And they are not to be disturbed on account of the prohibition I made concerning this on behalf of my army for Wales. Witness: John of Oxford. At Wirhall.

297g. Henry king of England and duke of Normandy and Aquitaine and count of Anjou to his justices, sheriffs, and all his officials of

England, greeting.” I order that all the possessions of the monks of Abingdon which their men can pledge their faith to be their own for their food and clothing be quit of toll and transport-due and every custom. And let no one disturb them unjustly concerning this, on £10 of forfeiture. Witness: William son of John. At Woodstock.

297h. Henry king of England and duke of

Normandy and Aquitaine

and count of Anjou to Riulf de Cesson, greeting.”° If the monks of Abingdon have been disseised unjustly and without judgment of the land of Nigel of Colnbrook which they claim, then I order that justly and without delay you reseise them of it, as they were seised thereof in the time of King Henry my grandfather. And if you do not, my justice or sheriff is to ensure that it is done. Witness: William son of

John. At Woodstock.” 2971. Henry king of England and duke of Normandy and of Aquitaine and count of Anjou to Richard Basset, greeting. I order that my monks of Abingdon may hold in peace and freely and undisturbed and justly the four hides of land at Chaddleworth, as they held them in the time of King Henry my grandfather, and Ille-et-Vilaine). Early in Henry II’s reign he held lands at Iver, Bucks., and Aston Rowant, Oxon.; see Testa de Nevill, 1. 116, Boarstall Cartulary, pp. 307, 314, VCH, Buckinghamshire, iii. 287, VCH, Oxfordshire, viii. 20. The lands in Iver were close to Colnbrook. By 1161 Hugh de la Mare was rendering farm for Riulf’s lands, suggesting he was dead by then; PR 7 HII, p. 54. The writ can therefore probably be dated to between 1154 and 1158 when Henry left for the Continent. Riulf witnessed a charter of Peter Boterel for Abingdon, Chatsworth, no. 385. Note also his witnessing of Eynsham, i, no 127, Oseney, vi, no. 1086, in association with Wallingford knights. The 1166 Carta of the honor of Wallingford refers to Stephen son of Riulf and another man jointly owing half a knight; Red Book, i 310. 78 This writ has already appeared in both manuscripts; see above, p. 248.

352

APPENDIX I

ntiis earum; et mei, et eisdem libertatibus cum omnibus pertine um. Quod nisi placit in fii. 225] prohibeo ne quis eos inde iniuste ponat pro penuria rem feceris, iusticia mea faciat fieri, ne inde audiam clamo is. Apud Iohann filio pleni recti uel firme iusticie. Teste Willelmo Cliuam.

ADDITIONS

IN MS

353

with the same liberties, with all their appurtenances. And I forbid that anyone unjustly place them in plea concerning this. If you do not do this, my justice is to ensure that it is done, so that I do not hear complaint concerning this for want of full right or firm justice. Witness: William son of John. At King’s Cliffe.

APPENDIX MS

II: CONTINUATION B FOS. 174'-177"

[ii. 234] De Godefrido episcopo. fo. 174°

[ii. 235]

idus epiWualkelino abbate uiam uniuerse carnis ingresso,! Godefr domus istius us scopus de Sancto Asaph, quem Henricus secund gerens uicem o dimidi constituit procuratorem, nouem annis et atione procur in quam abbatis in omnibus tam in ordine intrinsecus perhibent forinseca. Cuius constitutionis^ littere regis subsequentes testimonium ueritatis, quarum tenor hic est: et comes Henricus rex Anglie et dux Normannie et Aquitanie abbatia de bus tenenti laicis, quam clericis tam Andegauie omnibus, o, cui episcop ido Godefr tis intenda quod o Abbend', salutem. Precipi s omnibu de abbati m tanqua ona, Abbend de commendaui abbatiam seruitia et atem fidelit ei faciatis Et m. abbatia que pertinent ad ipsam Et ita plenarie et integre sicut facere solebatis predecessoribus suis. donec nt iusticie uos estis bailliis quorum in ites nisi feceritis, uicecom faciatis? Teste Iohanne decano Sar’. Apud Wdestoc'?

nouem Godefrido^ ab abbatia amoto, successit ei abbas Rogerus, qui adhuc dum , Rogerus annis et dimidio prefuit huic domui.* Iste uero ab litteras nie fo. 174" uitales carperet au|ras, de fugitiuis domus Abbendo ipso rege impetrauit, hanc formam continentes: Henricus’ Dei gratia rex Anglie et dux Normannie et Aquitanie et comes Andegauie iusticiis, uicecomitibus, et omnibus bailliuis suis Anglie, salutem. Precipio uobis quod iuste et sine dilatione faciatis ^ De Rogero abbate added in margin in dry point, in one of the ^ coistitutionis M.S * fugitiuis ecclesie added in margin in dry hands providing guidance for the rubricator rubricator; presumably originally preceded the for guidance providing hands the of one point in by De, but the edge of the manuscript has been cut off It ! The phrase "ingredi uiam uniuerse carnis! is quite common in mediaeval writings. 6: 13 "finis has Biblical roots, although it is not a quotation from the Bible: note esp. Gen. 2: 2 uniuersae carnis’; Josh. 23: 14 ‘ingredior uiam uniuersae terrae’; 3 Kgs. (1 Kgs.) ‘ingredior uiam uniuersae terrae’. Walkelin died on ro Apr. 1164; Cambridge, University Abingdon Library, Kk. i 22, fo. 3'; Heads of Religious Houses, p. 25. For the income from St during the vacancy, see Introduction, p. lxxv. Godfrey had been consecrated bishop of of Asaph in 1160, was suspended by pope in 1170, and resigned on 18 May 1175; Handbook

British Chronology, p. 295.

APPENDIX MS

II: CONTINUATION 17472179, BTPOS

Concerning Bishop Godfrey. ; When Abbot Walkelin had gone the way of all flesh,! Bishop Godfrey of St Asaph, whom Henry II appointed guardian of this house, ruled in all matters for nine and a half years in place of an abbot, both concerning internal order and external stewardship. Of his appointment, the following letters of the king bear witness of the truth, the terms of which are here: Henry king of England and duke of Normandy and Aquitaine and count of Anjou to all men, both cleric and lay, holding from the abbey of Abingdon, greeting.” I order that you submit to the authority of Bishop Godfrey, to whom I have entrusted the abbey of Abingdon, as to an abbot, concerning everything which pertains to that abbey. And you are to do him fealty and services as fully and completely as you were accustomed to do his predecessors. And if you do not, let the sheriffs in whose jurisdictions you are distrain you until you do so.? Witness: John deacon of Salisbury. At Woodstock. When Godfrey had been removed from the abbacy, there succeeded to him Abbot Roger who ruled this house for nine and a half years.* While indeed this Roger was still ‘drawing the breath of life"? he obtained from the king himself letters concerning the fugitives of the house of Abingdon, containing this text: Henry by the grace of God king of England and duke of Normandy and Aquitaine and count of Anjou to his justices, sheriffs, and all his bailiffs of England, greeting. I order you that justly and without delay ? The editors of Acta of Henry II suggest a date of May 1165 x May 1166, and preferring the start of this period. ? For zusticiare being used to mean “distrain’, see e.g. ‘Glanvill’, Tractatus de legibus, bk. ix. c. 8, ed. Hall, p. 112; Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship, pp. 30-1, 36—40. ^ According to Ralph Diceto in his Ymagines historiarum, in Opera historica, ed. W. Stubbs (2 vols., London, 1876), i. 401, Abingdon was still vacant on 8 Jul. 1175. Roger was elected in the latter part of that year. Annales monastici, i. 51, London, British Library, Cotton Cleopatra A. vu, fo. 12" (Tewkesbury, s. xiii) has ‘Reginaldus’ receive Abingdon in 1175; this is presumably an error for an abbreviation of Roger. > Vergil, Aen. i. 387—8; see also above, p. 332, and Vol. i, c. B44 (CMA i. 56).

356

APPENDIX

s et fugitiuos suos habere Rogero abbati de Abbendonia omnes natiuo s uestris, nisi sint cum catallis suis ubicumque inuenti fuerint in baillii mortem regis Henrici in dominio meo, qui fugerunt de terra sua post forisfacturam aui mei. Et prohibeo ne quis eos iniuste detineat, super meam. Teste Humfrido de Buun. Apud Oxeneford' uersia inter Tempore’ etiam istius abbatis Rogeri orta est contro Abbendonie [ii. 236] Willelmum Turpinum camerarium regis et domum de recto breue super una hida in Dumeltune, quam clamabat per amemor inter tenere de domo Abbendonie; que controuersia, cum ta uentila esset tum Willelmum Turpinum et domum Abbendonie diu tur attesta sicut tandem in curia regis hoc fine et tenore est sopita, carte regis Henrici secundi^ subsequens inscriptio: et Aquitanie et Henricus/ Dei gratia rex Anglie et dux Normannie comitibus, us, abbatib comes Andegauie archiepiscopis, episcopis, fidelibus s omnibu et baronibus, iusticiis, uicecomitibus, ministris, isse concess me Sciatis suis, Francis et Anglis, tocius Anglie, salutem. et meo rio camera o et presenti carta confirmasse Willelmo Turpin onie, Abbend abbas s heredibus suis terram de Fencota, quam Rogeru it communi assensu tocius conuentus ipsius abbatie, coram me concess rio camera dis redden ei^ tenendam pro duobus solidis annuatim iam abbatis ad festum sancti Michalis pro omni seruitio ad eccles zabit. waranti ei illam Abbendonie pertinente, ita quod abbas terram in Et prefatus Willelmus Turpinus totam terram quam clamabat izawarant et onia, Dumbeltuna quietam clamauit ecclesie de Abbend per bit illam de omni parentela sua et contra totam progeniem Helie et uidelic ipse , poterit quem ipse clamabat; et si eam warantizare non te Fencho de suam uel sui, ecclesia de Abbendonia recipiet terram liberam et quietam de Willelmo et suis, sicut cirographum inde inter eos factum et carta abbatis et conuentus testatur. Quare uolo et guidance * (Car)ta de Fencote added in margin in dry point, in one of the hands providing * (Confirm)atio regis de Fencote added in margin ? primi MS for the rubricator in dry point, in one of the hands providing guidance for the rubricator

^ corr. from

eis

to those 5 Royal Writs, no. 122; the writ cannot securely be dated more precisely than concerning periods between 1175 and 1185 when Henry was in England. On such writs see Hyams, fugitives, see above, p. 120 and fn. 283; for natiui, here translated ‘villeins’, Kings, Lords, and Peasants, pp. 228-9. 7 English Lawsuits, no. 481; the case can be dated to the time when John was bishop certainty elect of Norwich, 26 Nov.—14 Dec. 1175. I have not been able to establish with William the identity of ‘the offspring of Helias’, through whom William made his claim. (London, Kingship Angevin Jolliffe, A. E. J. see II; Henry of chamberlain a was Turpin

CONTINUATION

IN MS

B FOS.

nom

357

you make Roger abbot of Abingdon have all his villeins and fugitives with their chattels, wherever they are found in your jurisdictions (unless they are in my demesne), who fled from his lands after the death of King Henry my grandfather. And I forbid that anyone unjustly detain them, on my forfeiture. Witness: Humphrey de

Bohun. At Oxford.^

Also during the time of that Abbot Roger a dispute arose between William Turpin, the king's chamberlain, and the house of Abingdon, over one hide in Dumbleton which William was claiming by writ of right to hold from the house of Abingdon./ When this dispute between that William Turpin and the house of Abingdon had been discussed for a long time, at length it was settled in the king's court by this fine and on these terms, as the following text of King Henry II's

charter witnesses:?

Henry by the grace of God king of England and duke of Normandy and Aquitaine and count of Anjou to his archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justices, sheriffs, officials, and all his faithful men, French and English, of the whole of England, greeting. Know that I have granted and by the present charter confirmed to William Turpin my chamberlain and his heirs the land of Fencott which Roger abbot of Abingdon, by the common assent of the whole convent of that abbey, granted him in my presence, to be held for 2s. to be rendered annually to the chamberlain of the abbot, at the feast of St Michael, for all service pertaining to the church of Abingdon, thus that the abbot will warrant that land to him. And the aforementioned William Turpin quitclaimed all the land he was claiming in Dumbleton to the church of Abingdon, and will warrant it concerning all his relations, and against all the offspring of Helias through whom he made his claim; and if he, that is he or his men, cannot warrant it, the church of Abingdon is to take back its land of Fencott, free and quit of William and his men, as the cirograph made between them concerning this, and the charter of the abbot and convent, witness.’ Therefore I wish 1955), pp. 70, 243, 257-8. For a charter recording Abbot Roger's grant of land in Fencott to William Turpin in return for land in Dumbleton, see English Register of Godstom, p. 327; the land subsequently passed to Godstow, pp. 327-30. For the writ of right, see ‘Glanvill’, Tractatus de legibus, bk. xii, cc. 1-5, ed. Hall, pp. 136—8; also e.g. Hudson, Formation of the Common Lam, p. 127. 8 See also Lyell, no. 115, the heading to which states that this was the land at Fencott mentioned above, p. 108. ? These documents do not appear in the History or the cartularies.

358

[ii. 237]

fo. 175°

APPENDIX

heredes sui firmiter precipio quod idem Willelmus Turpinus et feudo et in predictam terram de Fenchota habeant et teneant soribus succes et hereditate de ecclesia de Abbendonia et de abbate integre quiete, et suis per predictum seruitium bene et in pace, libere s, in pasturi et pratis et plenarie et honorifice, in bosco et plano, in aliis et locis aliis s aquis et piscariis, in ulis et semitis, et in omnibu liberis et tibus rebus ad eam pertinentibus, et cum omnibus liberta et conuenconsuetudinibus suis, sicut coram me concessum fuit Asaph Sancto de tionatum. Testibus J.” electo id est Northw’, Adam o Radulf o, dapifer episcopis, Ricardo de Luci, Willelmo filio Aldelini filio Stephani camerario. Apud Winton'. s | Rogero abbate Abbendonie mortuo, transmisit rex Henricu scilicet Thomam de Hisseburna ad custodiam abbatie, alterum

Rapsacen, non dico Sennacherib intentione. A quo adueniente omnes mox exiit edictum ut describeretur uniuersus locus, et ibant

ut profiterentur singuli de re ad se pertinente. Replebant uillani

angulos curie et compita uille, tractantes et conferentes quid nouo domino requisiti responderent. Et facta questione quid singuli ministrorum perciperent, quid ad singula ministeria pertinerent, hec descriptio prima facta est a presidente abbatie clerico prenotato.

[ii. 238]

Petrus’ portarius duo conredia habet," panem monachi et iios. coronatos' et iio. fercula per diem, et ceruisiam, unam mensuram de promtuario abbatis et aliam de cellario aule.!* ScepingaP eius iiii. of b> consuetudinibus abbatie added at bottom of column in dry point, in one ^ G. MS the hands providing guidance for the rubricator University !© Roger died on 30 Mar. 1185; Heads ofReligious Houses, p. 25, Cambridge, Jerusalem Library, Kk. i 22, fo. 2". Sennacherib, the king of Assyria, sent Rabshakeh to cautiously seems writer the but compressed, very is Latin The 36. Isa. army; with a great to be making clear that he is not attacking Henry II, but only his official. C in a A longer version of events under Thomas of Hurstbourne appears in MS different hand from that of the History, and is printed in CMA ii. 297-9 (= English although Lawsuits, no. 570); it too is followed by sections on the customs of the abbey, interspersed with other documents in a variety of hands. For Thomas, see above, p. lvi; for income during the vacancy, see above, p. lxxv.

ut ! Cf. Luke 2: 1-3, Factum est autem in diebus illis, exiit edictum a Caesare Augusto

describeretur universus orbis. Haec descriptio prima facta est a praeside Syriae Cyrino: et ibant omnes ut profiterentur singuli in suam civitatem. I follow the Authorized Version translation for the verbal parallels, although it is unclear whether the Latin *describeretur' and ‘profiterentur’ really should be taken to mean ‘taxed’ rather than ‘described’ and ‘declare’ respectively. ‘Describere’ and *descriptio', which is used later in the paragraph, may also have reminded readers of the language used of the Domesday survey and Book; e.g. John of Worcester, Chronicle, iii. 44, a work which Abingdon possessed.

CONTINUATION IN MS B FOS. 174'-177*

359

and firmly order that the same William Turpin and his heirs have and hold the aforesaid land of Fencott in fee and inheritance from the church of Abingdon and from the abbot and his successors through the aforesaid service, well and in peace, freely and undisturbed, completely and fully and honourably, in wood and plain, in meadows and pastures, in waters and fisheries, on roads and tracks, and in all other places and other things pertaining to it, and with all their liberties and free customs, as was granted and agreed in my presence. Witnesses: Bishops John, that is the elect of Norwich, and Adam of St Asaph, Richard de Lucy, William son of Aldelin the steward, Ralph son of Stephen the chamberlain. At Winchester. When Abbot Roger of Abingdon had died, King Henry sent Thomas of Hurstbourne for custody of the abbey, another Rabshakeh, not I

say a Sennacherib in intention.'? Following this man's arrival, soon

from him ‘there went out a decree that all the place be taxed, and all

went to be taxed, every one’ concerning what pertained to him.!! The inhabitants filled the extremities of the court and the cross-roads of the town, debating and discussing their answer to their new lord about what they had been asked. And when it had been enquired what each of the officials received, and what pertained to each office, this was the first description made by that cleric who was presiding over the abbey:

Peter the door-keeper has two corrodies,'? the bread of a monk, and two crowned loaves,'* and two dishes of cooked food each day, and beer, one measure from the abbot's store, and the other from the

cellar of the hall.'* His allotment’ four acres in Milton and two acres ? For the servant's corrody or allowance, see Harvey, Living and Dying, p. 182: ‘it always included a daily allowance of bread and ale, although often of the inferior kinds commonly given to lower servants. How much food it included depended on the rank of the servant whom the monks and their corrodians had in mind.’ 35 The sense of *coronatos' with reference to bread is not entirely clear. 4 Peter's allowance is a significant one, suggesting that he did not spend his days sitting in the abbey's gate-house. An agreement in 1202 allowed Andrew de Scaccario the position for life; see Fines sive pedes finium, ed. J. Hunter (2 vols., London, 1835-44), i. 118, N. Denholm-Young, Collected Papers (Cardiff, 1969), pp. 201-2. More generally on Benedictine door-keepers, see J. Kerr, ‘Monastic Hospitality: the English Benedictines ¢.1070—1245’, Ph.D. thesis (St Andrews, 2000), pp. 162-3. Peter also witnessed C.H., no. 1; see further Lyell, nos. 251, 267 (which mentions his wife, Matilda), Chatsworth, nos. 34, 83, 258. *i Pct d and related forms are very unusual. They may relate to the Old English scyp, meaning a patch of cloth, and by analogy a patch of land; see Lambrick, *Administration', p. 170.

APPENDIX

360

Gareford ii. acras de acras in Mideltuna, et ii. acras in Wthona, et in ionem iiiior. defeudo Galfridi de Suningewella. Et habet oblat suus, et in hom*o nariorum et oboli in Natali^ Domini, ipse et . Scipinga habere t Pascha ii. denariorum, et pro puingn’'® quod soleba

abbatis de Witteham viii. acras." Cappellanus

de sancto Nicholao

ii. coronatos,

et i. ferculum,

ceruisiam de cellario abbatis.

stipendio de Dapifer comedet in aula et xx. solidos habebit pro Et habet aula. in t comede suus Willelmo de Cumba. Et famulus denarios ii. et Natali in onem oblati dapifer iiii. denarios et obolum in in Pascha. et ceruisiam de Lardenarius habet panem monachi, et i. ferculum, et alio iii. acras anno, uno ord Appelf in acras aula. Scipinga eius iiiior. , et flotin de Martini sancti festo in ouinas^ de decima, et vi. pelles

s de socio quod coquitur in lardario; et in Natali Domini iii. denario

oblatione et in Pascha ii. denarios. et Cocus abbatis ii. panes paruos, et pro companagio iii. obolos, in obolos ceruisiam in aula. Scipinga eius ii. acras in Mideltuna, et iii. oblatione in Natali, et i. denarium in Pascha.

[ii. 239]

ceruisiam Bo. cocus monachorum ii. paruos panes, et i. ferculum, et iii. Natali in et de aula. Scipinga eius iiii. acras in Wechenesfeld, obolos in oblatione et in Pascha i. denarium. Wuillelmus albus v. ambras de blado.”° Scippe eius ii. acras de decima in Suttuna, et i. arietem uel iiii. denarios in Natali Domini. in Reginaldus Kiwel v. ambras. Scippe eius ‘acram et dimidiam decima de Suttuna in acram i. et um Draituna in cultura rusticor Reginaldi de Curten’, et in Natali i. arietem uel iiii. denarios." Hostiarius v. ambras bladi. Scippe eius ii. acras in Bertuna de decima, et in Natali Domini i. arietem uel iiii. denarios. * corr. from Natale

^ ouine MS

^* acra et dimidia MS

'6 «Puingn'' is most likely an Old French word, ‘puignee’ or ‘poignee’, meaning of handful; see Anglo-Norman Dictionary, fasc. v, s.v. poignee. However, it is unclear what Peter was accustomed to have a handful. quite '7 Tt is just possible that this should be Wytham, the place-name form not being conclusive. ITs '8 The chapel of St Nicholas is at the abbey gate. It does not appear in Eugenius no. 21. confirmations, and was probably very new at the time of this survey; cf. Lyell, an '? Flotin is probably a vernacular form, although it does not appear in the Anglo-Norm have Y flotimen. flotiscum, flotagium, s.v. iv, fasc. DMLBS, see varied; Latin Dictionary. The

CONTINUATION

IN MS B FOS.

174'-177"

361

in Wootton, and in Garford two acres from the fee of Geoffrey of Sunningwell. And he has an offering of 4'^d. at the birth of the Lord,

he and his man, and at Faster 2d., and for the handful!® which he was

questioned to have. Allotment of the abbot, from Wittenham, eight acres. The chaplain of St Nicholas two crowned loaves, and one dish of cooked food, and beer from the cellar of the abbot.'? The steward eats in the hall, and will have 20s. for a stipend from William of Coombe. And his servant eats in the hall. And the steward has 4’Ad. as an offering at Christmas and 2d. at Faster. The larderer has the bread of a monk, and one dish of cooked food, and beer from the hall. His allotment four acres in Appleford one year, and the other year three acres of tithe, and six sheep-skins on the feast of St Martin [11 Nov.], and the skimmings of fat from the socio which is cooked in the larder;"^ and at the birth of the Lord 3d. from the offering and at Easter 2d.

The abbot’s cook two small loaves of bread, and for the accompanying food 1’4d., and beer in the hall. His allotment two acres in Milton, and rd. as an offering at Christmas and 1d. at Easter. Bo. the monks’ cook two small loaves of bread, and one dish of cooked food, and beer from the hall. His allotment four acres in Watchfield, and at Christmas 1’d. as an offering and at Easter 1d.

William the fair five measures of corn.?? His allotment two acres of tithe in Sutton, and one ram or 4d. at the birth of the Lord. Reginald Kiwel five measures. His allotment an acre and a half in Drayton in the peasants' tillage, and one acre in Sutton from the tithe

of Reginald de Courtenay, and at Christmas one ram or 4d?! 'The usher five measures of corn. His allotment two acres in Barton

from the tithe, and at the birth of the Lord one ram or 4d. been unable to establish the meaning of socius | socium. One possibility, deriving from the word in its form in the text, would be for it to mean ‘common-pot’, but in that case coquitur? would have to mean ‘is used for cooking’, rather than the usual ‘is cooked’. Another possibility would be to see it as an unusual spelling of—or perhaps a scribal error for—a word such as ‘salcius’, i.e. salted food. The fat would be skimmed from the surface of the pot in which such food was slowly cooked, as one might now skim (and then most likely throw out) the fat from the top of a pan in which one was gently boiling a ham or bacon joint. ? An ambra or amber was a dry measure, which sometimes can be fixed at four bushels; DMLLBS, fasc. i, s.v. ambra, Zupko, Weights and Measures, pp. 8-9. 21 A charter of Henry II records him giving Sutton to Reginald de Courtenay; Berks., Bucks. and Oxfordshire Arch. Journal, xxv (1919-20), p. 99n. The editors of the Acta of Henry II suggest a date of Dec. 1175 x Apr. 1179.

362

APPENDIX

a de decima A. scutellarius v. ambras. Scippe eius ii. acras in Suttun s. denario iiii. Reginaldi de Curt’, et i. arietem uel iam de aula, et Amus cocus de familia ii. paruos panes, et ceruis duna, et in Cudes in acras iiii. eius companagium de lardario. Sep' in Pascha. um denari unum et one Natali Domini iii. obolos de oblati

m uel iii. Ricardus de infirmario: sep’ ii. acras de Bertona, i. ariete denarios. . Galfridus de infirmario:? iii. solidos de camera abbatis Reinbaldus: xii. denarios.

, in Natali Seruiens refectorii: v. ambras. Sep’ eius ii. acras in Suttuna i. arietem uel iiii. denarios.

orum, Idem seruiens cellarii, et quando faciet medonem monach agium compan et rum monaco habebit panem et ceruisiam de cellario de lardario. de aula, et Seruiens sacriste habebit ii. panes in aula, et ceruisiam companagium de lardario. Idem Adam. fo. 175"

Henricus: v. ambras, i. arietem uel iiii. denarios. Sep’ eius | ii. acras in Wechenesfeld de decima. in Gerin comedet iiii. diebus Natalis, Pasche, et i. die Pentecostes aula, et die Natiuitatis" sancte Marie.

[ii. 240]

Seruiens de bracin? habebit ii. panes in aula et companagium in lardario. Sep’ eius iiii. acras in Wechenesfeld de decima, in Natali Domini iii. obolos in oblatione et i. denarium in Pascha. Duo alii famuli /Erwardus et H. comedent iiii. diebus Natalis, et Pasche, et i. Pentecostes in aula.

Seruiens de gardino W. habebit sep’ in Wtona ii. acras, ^cibum de elemosina. ^^? W. Pucin habet ii. panes et ceruisiam in aula, et companagium in lardario. ^^ in margin in * natiuiuitatis MS, the repetition being caused by a change of line main hand, with corresponding mark in text where should be inserted; helernosina MS gt Richard also witnessed C.H., no. 1; see further Chatsworth, nos. 375, 388. ?3 Geoffrey also witnessed C.H., no. 1; see further Lyell, nos. 292, 293, Chatsworth, nos. 255, 388.

CONTINUATION

IN MS B FOS.

174'-177"

363

A. the scullery officer five measures. His allotment two acres in Sutton from the tithe of Reginald de Courtenay, and one ram or 4d. Amus the cook of the household two small loaves of bread, and beer from the hall, and the accompanying food from the larder. His allotment four acres in Cuddesdon, and at the birth of the Lord 12d. from the offering and 1d. at Faster.

Richard from the infirmary:^ allotment two acres from Barton, one ram or 4d.

Geoffrey from the infirmary:? 3s. from the abbot's chamber. Reinbald: 12d. 'The servant of the refectory: five measures. His allotment two acres in Sutton, at Christmas one ram or 4d. The servant of the cellar the same, and when he makes the monks’ mead, he will have bread and beer from the monks’ cellar and the accompanying food from the larder. The servant of the sacrist will have two loaves of bread in the hall, and beer from the hall, and the accompanying food from the larder. Adam the same.

Henry: five measures, one ram or 4d. His allotment two acres in Watchfield from the tithe.

Gerin eats in the hall on four days at Christmas, at Easter, and one day at Pentecost, and the day of the Nativity of St Mary. The servant of the brew-house” will have two loaves of bread in the hall, and the accompanying food in the larder. His allotment four acres in Watchfield from the tithe, at the birth of the Lord 1'2d. as an offering and 1d. at Easter. Two other servants, /Erward and H., eat in the hall on four days at Christmas, and at Easter, and one at Pentecost. W., the servant of the orchard, will have as an allotment two acres at

Wootton, bread from the alms.” W. Pucin has two loaves of bread and beer in the hall, and the accompanying food in the larder. 24 “Bracin’ is an Old French word; Anglo-Norman Dictionary, fasc. i, s.v. bracin. 25 *«Gardinum may mean orchard or garden, DMLBS, fasc. iv, s.v. gardinum. | translate it as orchard here to distinguish its servant from the ‘seruientes orti’, translated below, p. 365, as ‘servants of the garden’.

APPENDIX

364

stes. W. Sexi comedet iiii. diebus Natalis, Pasche, et 1. Penteco pistrino, et Seruiens de pistrino, Mar’, habet ii. panes coronatos in acras in iiii. eius Sep’ .”° lardario in agium ceruisiam in aula, et compan et in obolos iii. Natali in et a, Keniton in Wttona et dimidiam acram ne. Pasca i. denarium in oblatio in aula Martinus habet v. famulos ad custum suum. Isti comedent s. sicut alii superiu et i: Calefactor furni habet unum panem in pistrino, et v. ambras arietem uel iiii. denarios. Sep’ ii. acras in Culeham. Vanator: vii. ambras, et in Natali i. arietem uel iiii. denarios. in Seruiens de camera, Robertus tallator, habet ii. panes, et ceruisiam Bertona. in acras ii. eius aula, et companagium in lardario. Sep' Robertus coruesarius: ii. panes, et ceruisiam in aula, et companagium in lardario. Sep’ eius iiii. acras in Mercham," et in Natali i. imuenem

porcum. T. filius Salomonis habet sep’ ii. acras in Bertona, et comedet sicut alii, et i. arietem in Natali uel iii. denarios." Paganus: v. ambras et i. arietem uel iii. denarios, et comedet sicut alii. Rogerus filius Pag’, Gal’, et Mart’ comedent sicut alii. Randulfus habet v. ambras et i. arietem uel iiii. denarios, et in oblatione iii. obolos in Natali et i. denarium in Pascha.

[ii. 241]

Adam parimentarius: v. ambras et i. arietem uel iii. denarios in Natali, et secundam falcaturam prati de Brewerin.?? Sep’ eius ii. acras in Gareford. Seruiens de lauendrie: v. ambras, et ii. arietes in Natali, oblationem in Natali, ii. denarios pro iiobus. ministris et i. in Pascha. Sep’ eius iin. acras de decima in Suttuna. Seruientes elemosine vi. comedent in aula sicut alii.

Seruientes orti iii. habebunt singuli v. ambras, et in Natali singuli^ arietem uel iiii. denarios. Sep’ eorum x. acras diuidendas inter eos, scilicet iiii. acras in Gareford, et iiii. in Goseia, et ii. in Suttuna. * corr. from Merham by interlin. of c in brown ink in one of the hands providing guidance for

the rubricator

^ singulos MS

26 Martin the baker also witnessed C.H., nos. 1, 2. 27 On Thomas, see also CMA ii. 330, a list of rents owed to the hostillar or guestmaster.

CONTINUATION

IN MS B FOS.

W. Sexi eats on four days at Christmas, Pentecost.

174-177"

365

at Easter, and one at

The servant of the bakehouse, Mar[tin], has two crowned loaves of bread in the bakehouse, and beer in the hall, and the accompanying food in the larder.”® His allotment four acres in Wootton, and half an acre in Kennington, and at Christmas 112d. and at Faster 1d. as an offering. Martin has five servants at his own expense. They eat in the hall, like the others above. The heater of the oven has one loaf of bread in the bakehouse, and five measures, and one ram or 4d. Allotment two acres in Culham. The winnower: seven measures, and at Christmas one ram or 4d.

The servant of the chamber, Robert the tailor, has two loaves of bread, and beer in the hall, and the accompanying food in the larder. His allotment two acres in Barton. Robert the cordwainer: two loaves of bread, and beer in the hall, and the accompanying food in the larder. His allotment four acres in Marcham, and at Christmas one young pig. T[homas] son of Salomon has as an allotment two acres in Barton,

and eats like the others, and one ram at Christmas or 4d." Pain: five measures, and one ram or 4d., and he eats like the others. Roger son of Pain, Geoffrey, and Martin eat like the others. Randulf has five measures and one ram or 4d., and as an offering 112d. at Christmas and rd. at Easter.

Adam the parmenter: five measures and one ram or 4d. at Christmas, and the second day's mowing service of the meadow of Bruney Mead.?* His allotment two acres in Garford. The servant of the laundry: five measures and two rams at Christmas, an offering at Christmas, 2d. for two subordinates, and 1d. at Easter. His allotment four acres from the tithe in Sutton. The six servants of alms eat in the hall, like the others. The three servants of the garden will each have five measures, and at Christmas each a ram or 4d. Their allotment ten acres to be divided between them, that is four acres in Garford, and four in Goosey, and two in Sutton. 28 For Bruney Mead, see EPNS, Berkshire, ii. 440.

APPENDIX

366

de terra rusticorum Carpentarius Simon habet iiii. acras et dimidium in curia quando dium conre t habebi ^in Draitun* ad eleccionem.^ Et . Natali operatur in curia, et i. porcum in parandis. Sep' eius Reginaldus habebit i. panem in aula pro guteriis de decima in iam dimid et acras iii. uno anno v. acras et alio . Natali Appelford, et i. porcum in Sep’ eius duas Summonitor v. ambras et companagium de lardario. de pannagio ad acras in Bertona. De unoquoque manerio i. denarium Natiuitatem sancte Marie. decima, et iii. Porcarius: v. ambras. Sep' eius ii. acras in Suttuna de i. denarium. obolos in Natali, et in Pascha i. obolum, et summonitor habebit Et de omni porco qui nutritur in curia, fructum de cauda porcarius.

[ii. 242]

fo. 176"

in lardario. Stabularius: panem in aula, et ceruisiam et companagium um in obolor Sep' eius ii. acras in Suttuna de decima, et oblatio iii. Natali et i. denarii in Pascha. de Vacarius habebit panem et ceruisiam in aula. Sep’. eius i. acram dominio de Culeham. Quatuor famuli de lignario comedent in aula sicut alii.*” agium Cuuarius, quando operatur, habebit panem de aula, et compan in denarii i. nem oblatio et de | lardario, et ceruisiam de cellario, Natali et oboli in Pascha. Passarius de Sunninches habet ii. summa frumenti et ii. caseos pro passare abbatem, si uenerit, uel suos uel sua. La weite^ habet conredium in aula, et oblationem i. denarii in Natali

et oboli in Pascha, et pannos de abbate.””

Lauenderia habet conredium in aula quando portat mappas lauandas,

et iterum quando reportat."

Duo molendinarii comedent in aula sicut alii.

Custos posterne conredium in aula, et oblationem" in Natali i. denarii et oboli in Pascha, et pannos de abbate. a-a

interlin.

6 corr. by interlin. from wete

* corr. from obbo

? The phrase ‘ad eleccionem’ is obscure. Professor P. D. A. Harvey (personal fields communication) suggests that it may mean Simon had first choice of strips within very a be would this however, re-allocated; regularly else or cither cultivated communally late instance of such a process of re-allocation. Simon the carpenter and his wife Reinild

CONTINUATION

IN MS B FOS. 174-177"

367

Simon the carpenter has four acres and half of the land of the peasants in Drayton, at his choice.^ And he will have a corrody in the court when he works in the court, and one pig at Christmas. Reginald will have one loaf of bread in the hall, for gutter work. His allotment one year five acres and the other four acres and a half of the tithe of Appleford, and one pig at Christmas. The summoner five measures and the accompanying food from the larder. His allotment two acres in Barton. From each manor 1d. from pannage at the Nativity of St Mary.

The swineherd: five measures. His allotment two acres in Sutton from the tithe, and 12d. at Christmas and '4d. at Easter, and the summoner 1d. And from each pig which is raised in the court, the swineherd will have the benefit of the tail. The stable-man: bread in the hall, and beer, and the accompanying food in the larder. His allotment two acres in Sutton from the tithe, and an offering of 1'^d. at Christmas and 1d. at Easter. 'The cowherd will have bread and beer in the hall. His allotment one acre from the demesne of Culham.

The four servants of the lignar eat in the hall like the others.?? The cooper, when he works, will have bread from the hall, and the accompanying food from the larder, and beer from the cellar, and an offering of rd. at Christmas and 'd. at Easter. The ferry man of Sonning has two pack-horse loads of corn and two cheeses for ferrying the abbot if he comes, or his men or his things.

The watchman has a corrody in the hall, and an offering of 1d. at Christmas and of '4d. at Easter, and clothes from the abbot.*! The laundress has a corrody in the hall when she carries cloths for

washing, and again when she brings them back.?? The two millers eat in the hall, like the others. The guardian of the postern gate a corrody in the hall, and an offering at Christmas of 1d. and of '^d. at Easter, and clothes from the abbot. are recorded in C.H., no. 1 (dating from 1175 x 1185) as having been involved in a dispute with William of Seacourt over a messuage in Abingdon. See also Lyell, no. 351, Chatsworth, nos. 246, 247.

3° For the lignar, see above, p. 250 n. 614. 31 Ta waite’ is an Old French word; Anglo-Norman Dictionary, fasc. iii, s.v. gaite. 32 “Mappe’ means table-cloths, towels, etc.; i.e. what we would call houschold linen.

APPENDIX

368

onem i. oboli in Seruiens de Bertona habet conredium in aula, et oblati Natali et oboli in Pascha. Seruiens de Mercham: idem. Grenetarius habet conredium in aula. Pincerna: conredium.

prebendam ad Prior habebit unum hominem ad conredium in aula et unum equum. : tanCamerarius, sacrista, lignarius, coquinarius, magister operum tumdem. tribus uicibus Duo famuli de lauendaria habebunt 11. conredia in aula

quando monachi balneant. are blank] [The remainder of this line, and the three following lines iinor. Omnes isti famuli quos prenominauimus comedent in aula t habebun et tes, Pentecos die diebus in Natali, et iiiior. in Pascha, et i. Marie. liuresun?? in aula in Natiuitate sancte

conredium predictis diebus. Wuil[ii. 243] Parcarius habebit ii. homines ad lelmus de Tropa: i. hominem. Edulfus, Ainulfus,“ Wualterus de Hannie: singuli istorum i. hominem.

Isti etiam habebunt prebendam equorum et conredium suum quotiens equos adduxerint uel redierint. Wicarii x. habent conredium quando primo portant caseum et quando ultimo redierint."

Omnes isti habebunt lifreisun^ in Natiuitate sancte Marie. xiii. piscatores, quando portabunt anguillas in capite ieiunii, habebunt singuli ii. paruos panes de aula. Auaragii, quando redeunt de uia, habebunt singuli i. paruum panem de aula.

Omnes autem famuli domus habebunt feria iii. ante Cineres singuli

singula frusta^ carnis. Executa itaque procuratione domus Abbendonie a prefato Thoma, ipse Londonias perrexit et de statu domus iustitiario domini regis * corr. from Alnulfus

^ rediderint MS

* second i interlin.

^ frustra MS

CONTINUATION

IN MS B FOS. 174'-177*

369

The servant of Barton a corrody in the hall, and an offering of 2d. at Christmas and 'd. at Faster. The servant of Marcham: the same. The granary-keeper has a corrody in the hall. The butler: a corrody. The prior will have one man at a corrody in the hall and a provender for one horse. The chamberlain, the sacrist, the lignar, the kitchener, the master of works: the same amount. The two servants of the washerwoman will have two corrodies in the hall on the three occasions when the monks take a bath.

[The remainder of this line, and the three following lines are blank]

All these servants whom we have named above eat in the hall on four days at Christmas, and four at Easter, and one day at Pentecost, and will have provisions? in the hall on the Nativity of St Mary. The park-keeper will have two men at corrody on the aforesaid days. William of Thrupp: one man. Edulf, Ainulf, Walter of Hanney: each one man. These men will also have a provender of horses and their corrody as often as they bring horses or go back. The ten dairy-farmers have a corrody when they first bring cheese and when they last go back. All these men will have provisions on the Nativity of St Mary. The thirteen fishermen, when they will bring eels on Ash Wednesday, will have small loaves of bread from the hall. Those owing transport service, when they return from the road, will each have one small loaf of bread from the hall. Moreover

all the servants

of the house

will each have individual

pieces of meat on the Tuesday before Ash Wednesday.

Therefore, when the administration of the house of Abingdon had been carried out by the afore-mentioned Thomas, he went to London 33 ‘J ivresun’ or ‘lifreisun’ is an Old French word; Anglo-Norman Dictionary, fasc. iii, s.v. liveresun.

APPENDIX II

370

AbbendoRannulfo de Glanuilla innotuit, quod auena tocius domus hoc solum, nie solis equis monachorum per annum non sufficeret; nec caseum et uerum etiam dixit quod tota Berchesira non sufficeret ad dam conlac monachorum inueniendum.?* Quibus auditis a quibus priore de fratribus nostris, scilicet^ Nicholao priore, et Anchetillo rium Colum, et Willelmo camerario cum aliis monachis, ad scacca est diues onie Abbend domus quod est sum respon tunc presentibus, potest de bono frumento omnibus diebus, et qui habet frumentum us responemere auenam. Super caseo et lacte, sic ab eisdem fratrib ad sum est quod wike a temporibus sancti Adelwoldi sunt preuise ne in memoratum caseum et lac inueniendum. Que uero institutio cum coepiscopis [ii. 244] posterum uocaretur in irritum, beatus Adeluuoldus quos prefata per illos omnes it unicau excomm pniter fo. 176" Anglie | sollem Glanuilla de fus Rannul t precepi Tunc lata. adnichi institutio foret nullum ut urne Husseb de Thome ro magist regis iusticiarius domini ator procur dum bus tudini consue onie Abbend domus de antiquis auena, et lacte et^ caseo de maxime et eret, diminu enus esset aliquat timens ne si secus faceret beati Adeluuoldi et coepiscoporum Anglie grauiter incurreret sententiam.

De Alfredo abbate." Amoto itaque Toma a procuratione domus istius, rex Henricus dedit abbatiam Abbendonie Alfredo priori Rouecestrie. [ii. 245] De morte Henrici regis." Itaque mortuo Henrico illustri rege Anglorum, gloriosus comes Pictauie Ricardus filius eius suscepit regni gubernacula. Iste uero rex Ricardus, leonina ut erat ferocitate, tam strenue et tam potenter se

habebat in regni moderamine, ut fama eius de die in diem crescente, non solum reges Christiani sed et pagani, qui de eo loqui audiebant, generaliter eum timebant."

De Hugone abbate. Eodem mense quo illustris rex Ricardus coronatus est, abbas Alfredus

cessit in fatum,? et successit ei Hugo abbas, uir bone memorie, qui, a

interlin.

** Ranulf de Glanville was justiciar in the last decade of Henry II’s reign; see DNB entry by F. W. Maitland. 35 Alfred or Alvred was appointed in 1186; Heads of Religious Houses, p. 25. See Introduction, p. lvi, for the description of his abbacy in De abbatibus.

36 Henry died on 6 Jul. 1189.

CONTINUATION

IN MS B FOS. 174'-177"

371

and informed the lord king’s justiciar, Ranulf de Glanville, concerning the state of the house, saying that the oats of the whole house of Abingdon did not suffice each year for the monks’ horses alone, and not only this but also he said that the whole of Berkshire would not suffice for finding the monks’ cheese and milk.?^ After some of our fellow brethren,—that is Nicholas the prior, and Anchetill prior of Colne, and William the chamberlain, together with other monks then present at the exchequer—- heard these things, the response was made that the house of Abingdon is always rich in good wheat, and he who has wheat can buy oats. On cheese and milk, it was answered by the same brethren that dairy-farms had been provided for finding the above-mentioned cheese and milk from the times of St /Ethelwold. Indeed lest in future this disposition be declared void, the blessed /Ethelwold, with his fellow bishops of England, excommunicated all those through whom that provision be brought to nothing. Then Ranulf de Glanville, the lord king’s justiciar, ordered Thomas of Hurstbourne that while he was guardian he was to diminish nothing at all of the old customs of the house of Abingdon, and especially with regard to cheese and milk and oats, fearing that if he did otherwise, he would gravely incur the sentence of the blessed /Ethelwold and his fellow bishops of England. Concerning Abbot Alfred. So, when Thomas was removed from the administration of that house, King Henry gave the abbey of Abingdon to Alfred, prior of Rochester. Concerning the death of King Henry.*® So, when Henry, the illustrious king of the English was dead, the glorious count of Poitou, Richard, his son, undertook the governance of the kingdom. Indeed this king Richard, like a lion as he was in ferocity, behaved so vigorously and so powerfully in controlling the kingdom that, as his fame grew from day to day, not only Christian kings but also pagans who heard mention of him universally feared him.??

Concerning Abbot Hugh. In the same month in which the illustrious King Richard was crowned, Abbot Alfred yielded to death,'? and to him succeeded ? Cf. J. Gillingham, Richard Coeur de Lion (London, 1994), p. 184, on the legend linking Richard with a lion's heart. 38 Alfred died in Sept. 1189, and Richard was crowned on 3 Sept. De abbatibus says that Hugh was a monk of Abingdon; CMA ii. 293. See also above, Introduction, p. lvi.

372

APPENDIX II

tempore Paschali eodem anno quo curam suscepit pastoralem, Abbendonie domus tes liberta omnes transfretauit et priuilegium prospere rege illustri ab mans comprehendens pariter et confir est: hic tenor gii priuile Cuius Ricardo et^ feliciter impetrauit. um Carta quam domnus Hugo abbas apud dominum regem Ricard obtinuit. ? comes Ricardus Dei gratia rex Anglie, dux Normannie et Aquitanie, us, baronib us, us, comitib [ii. 246] Andegauie archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatib tocius suis us iusticiis, uicecomitibus, et omnibus ministris et fidelib nostra’ Anglie, salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse et presenti carta abbati et onia, confirmasse Deo, et ecclesie beate Marie de Abbend Deo ibidem Hugoni, et omnibus successoribus suis, et monachis sicut , collatas seruientibus omnes terras et possessiones eidem ecclesie carte regum predecessorum nostrorum eis confirmant et aliorum imus donatorum scripta testantur. Et uolumus et firmiter precip i monach et^ quod predictus abbas Hugo et omnes successores sui huninam de Abbendonia habeant et teneant in perpetuam elemos in dredum de Hornimere cum omnibus que ad hundredum pertinent, nullus quod et legittima et liberrima potestate et iusticia sua; uidelic uel uicecomes uel eorum ministri inde se quicquam intromittant, uel abbatis placitent, uel aliquid exigant nec de dominico ipsius ticiam | ius fo. 177° monachorum ubicumque terras habent, sed ipsi libere suam habeant et faciant. Volumus etiam et firmiter precipimus quod abbas et monachi de Abbendonia de predicto hundredo de Hornimere et de omni dominico suo, in quocumque comitatu terras habent, de hidagio et de omni dono uicecomitum" et de omni exactione et seculari seruitio sint inmunes in perpetuum et quieti. Preterea ores sui et monachi [ii. 247] uolumus quod idem abbas Hugo et success habeant et teneant iure perpetuo in predicto hundredo et in tota abbatia et in omnibus pertinentiis eius bene et in pace, libere et quiete, plene et‘ integre et honorifice sacham et socham et tol et them et infongenepeof, et utfongenepeof'! et grithbreche et forstall et hamsochne et fleomenefremthe, in burgo et extra burgum, in bosco et plano, in pratis et molendinis, in aquis et riuis, in uiis et ^ interlin. * interlin.

^ an illustration of Henry II appears at the head of the next column * recte scored out 4 interlin.

39 Lyell, no. 100, Chatsworth, no. 349; note also Lyell, nos. 139, 141, 549. Another copy appears in MS C, but not in the hand of the History, and so I have not included variants

CONTINUATION

IN MS B FOS. 174'-177"

373

Abbot Hugh, a man of blessed memory, who at Easter time in the same year in which he undertook the pastoral care crossed the sea and successfully and happily obtained from the illustrious King Richard a privilege embracing and confirming all the liberties of the house of Abingdon. These are the terms of this privilege: Charter which lord Abbot Hugh obtained in the presence of lord King Richard.? Richard by the grace of God king of England, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, count of Anjou to his archbishops, bishops, abbot, earls, barons, justices, sheriffs, and all officials, and his faithful men of the whole of England, greeting. Know that we have granted and by our present charter confirmed to God, and to the church of the blessed Mary of Abingdon, and to Abbot Hugh, and to all his successors, and to the monks serving God there, all the lands and possessions conferred on that same church, as the charters of our predecessors as king confirm to them, and the documents of other donors witness. And we wish and firmly order that the aforesaid Abbot Hugh and all his successors and the monks of Abingdon have and hold in perpetual alms the hundred of Hormer with everything which pertains to the hundred, in their lawful and most free power and justice; that is, that no sheriff or sheriff’s official interfere in anything therein, or demand anything, neither from the demesne of the abbot himself nor of the monks, wherever they have lands, but they are to have and do their own justice freely. We also wish and firmly order that the abbot and monks of Abingdon be immune in perpetuity and quit of hidage and all gift of sheriffs'? and of all exaction and secular service concerning the aforesaid hundred of Hormer and concerning all their demesne in whatever county they have lands. Besides, we wish that the same Abbot Hugh and his successors and the monks may have and hold by perpetual right in the aforesaid hundred and in the whole abbacy and in all its appurtenances, well and in peace, freely and undisturbed, fully and completely and honourably, sake and soke and toll and team and infangentheof, and utfangentheof ' and grithbrech and foresteal and hamsocn and flemenforthe, in borough and out of borough, in wood and plain, in meadows and mills, in waters and streams, in here. For further copies see Cartz Antique, Rolls 11-20, no. 470; PRO, C.47/, Chancery Miscellanea, 12/8, 82. © «Hidage and ‘sheriff’s gift were customary payments to sheriffs, although not with a universal rate; see Neilson, Customary Rents, pp. 124-9; J. A. Green, “The last century of

danegeld’, EHR xcvi (1981), 241-58, at pp. 255-7.

^! See above, p. xcvii.

374

APPENDIX II

s suis. semitis, in festo et sinc festo, cum omnibus aliis consuetudinibu onia Abbend de Marie beate ecclesie et Deo Confirmamus etiam et^ liberam in tiis, pertinen s omnibu cum ecclesiam. de Colum, Abbende i monach et abbas quod t uidelice perpetuam elemosinam; et in donia plenissimam potestatem habeant in ecclesiam de Colum o. dominic proprio suo in habent sicut suis, omnibus pertinentiis de am ecclesi et ntum, Chinse de am ecclesi eis Confirmamus etiam easdem ad que s omnibu cum am, Niwenh Suttun, ecclesiam de imus ecclesias pertinent, in liberam et perpetuam elemosinam. Conced de siluam onia Abbend de is monach et abbati preterea et confirmamus habeno perpetu eorum a custodi libera in a Cumenore et de Baggele et dam, et omnes capreolos quos ibi inuenire poterunt^ accipiant, foromnes et ; licentia nostra nisi nt accipia non ceruos et ceruas isfacturas sartorum de Cumenore et de Baggelea eis condonamus. Et in concedimus eis habendum et tenendum libere et quiete, bene et imus Conced onia. Abbend de um mercat ce, honorifi [ii. 248] pace, integre et eis preterea totam decimam de uenatione que capta fuerit in foresta nostra de Windleshores. Precipimus etiam quod abbas Hugo et omnes successores sui et monachi quieti sint^ de theloneo, de passagio, de pontagio, de lestagio, et de omnibus consuetudinibus per omnes terras nostras et portus maris de omnibus rebus quas homines sui poterunt^ affidare esse suas proprias. Et concedimus quod habeant warennas, et capiant lepores et uulpes in omni Berchescire et in omnibus terris suis, et prohibemus ne quis in terris suis fuget uel leporem capiat sine eorum licentia. Concedimus preterea quod habeant curiam suam in Oxeneford et quod homines sui de Oxeneford non placitent extra curiam suam, nisi abbas et monachi prius defecerint de recto in curia sua. Permittimus etiam quod abbas mittat senescallum suum uel aliquem alium in loco suo ubique ad assisas et placita regis, et quod ille quem miserit loco suo pro ipso recipiatur. Volumus etiam quod habeant consuetudines in nauibus transeuntibus, scilicet in allecibus accipiendis et mercatis faciendis. | preterea ne aliquis disturbet ullo modo careiam fo. 177" Prohibemus Abbendonia, nec aliquid aliud quod sit dominicum de Marie sancte orum, per terram uel per aquam impediat, sed in monach abbatis uel quietus quicumque rem suam siue aliquid aliud redeat et pace eat pertineat conduxerit.7 Prohibemus etiam ecclesie quod^ ad opus uel fugitiuos ecclesie de Abbendonia, natiuos detineat quod nullus e

^ for poterint ? ^ added in margin interlin. ^ interlin.

* corr. from sunt

4 for poterint ?

CONTINUATION

B FOS.

174—177"

375

roads and tracks, in feast and without feast, with all their other customs. We confirm also to God and the church of the blessed Mary of Abingdon the church of Colne with all appurtenances in free and perpetual alms, that is that the abbot and monks of Abingdon have the fullest power in the church of Colne and in all its appurtenances as they have in their own demesne. We also confirm to them the church of Kensington, and the church of Sutton, and the church of Nuneham, with everything which pertains to these same churches in free and perpetual alms. Besides, we grant and confirm to the abbot and monks of Abingdon the wood of Cumnor and of Bagley to have in their free and perpetual custody, and they may take all the roe deer which they can find there, but they are not to take red deer stags and hinds, except by our permission. And we pardon them all forfeitures concerning assarts from Cumnor and Bagley. And we grant them to have and hold freely and undisturbed, well and in peace, completely and honourably, the market of Abingdon. Besides we grant to them the entire tithe of game which is taken in our forest of Windsor. We also order that Abbot Hugh and all his successors and monks be quit of toll, of transport-due, of bridge-due, of lastage, and of all customs throughout all our lands and sea-ports, concerning all goods which their men can pledge their faith to be their own. And we grant that they have warrens and take hares and foxes in all Berkshire and in all their lands, and we forbid that anyone in their lands hunt or take a hare without their permission. Besides, we grant that they have their court in Oxford, and that their men of Oxford not plead outside their court, unless the abbot and monks previously fail with regard justice in their court. Also we allow that the abbot may send his steward or someone else in his place anywhere to the assizes and pleas of the king, and that he whom he sends in his place is to be received on his behalf. We also wish that they may have customs in passing ships, that is in receiving herrings and making purchases. Besides we forbid that anyone disturb in any way transport of St Mary of Abingdon, or impede anything else which may belong to the lordship of the abbot or monks, by land or by water, but whoever collects their property, or anything else which pertains to

the use of the church, may go and return quit in peace.? We also forbid that anyone detain the villeins or fugitives of the church of ' € Cf. above, p. 116.

376

APPENDIX

His testibus: ubicumque inuenti fuerint, nisi in dominio nostro. e DunelHugon o, piscop archie domino Baldeuuino Cantuariensi ldo BathRegina si, Cestren e Hugon mensi, Huberto Saresbiriensi, Humaz, de mo Willel l, Arunde de [ii. 249] oniensi episcopis; Willelmo comite n, Alescu de nne (J)oha la, Glanuil Albrico de Ver, Rannulfo de Longo de mi Willel manum per Wigano de Cheleburc. Datum regni nostri, Campo cancellarii nostri Eliensis episcopi. Anno primo Gisorz. uicesima nona die Marcii, apud

CONTINUATION

B FOS.

174°-177"

377

Abingdon, wherever they are found, except in our demesne. These witnesses: Lord Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury, Bishops Hugh of Durham, Hubert of Salisbury, Hugh of Chester, Reginald of Bath, William earl of Arundel, William de Humez, Aubrey de Ver, Ranulf de Glanville, John de Alencon, Wigan de Cherbourg. Given by the hand of William de Longchamp, our chancellor, the bishop of Ely. In the first year of our reign on the twenty-ninth day of March, [1190] at Gisors.

APPENDIX

III: ADMINISTRATIVE LISTS IN MS C

INTRODUCTION

Anglo-Saxon This appendix prints those sections of MS C, except the are in the and ipt manuscr the in History the charter bounds, which follow v, and 187'—194 fos. quire, single a in appear They History. same hand as the but note, I quire. are followed by the Anglo-Saxon charter bounds in another have I lists, rative administ are do not edit, entries in other hands. As these where the left unextended place names, personal names, and other words g to accordin words or s numeral as numbers left have I n. endings are uncertai the manuscript form. The entries are as follows: and 1. A list of hidages for Berkshire, headed *Concerning the hundreds king's the of writing the as , Berkshire in n Abingdo of church hides of the hidages treasury contains them, arranged by each hundred'. Whilst the should it Book, Domesday in coincide with those for the time of King Edward those than rather figures these for evidence also be noted that there is some for or lands, Berkshire to reference with used be to ng for 1086 continui payment having to be made for the use of the reduced 1086 figure. King 2. An abbreviated form of Domesday, with hidages for the time of This lands. held Abingdon which in counties the all for 1086, and Edward of list is headed ‘Also, in the other book of the king's treasury in the time an contained is order, his by King William who acquired England, written abbreviation of hides and a description, as follows.’ The greater detail than in the list at fo. 187° may suggest that fos. 187—189. drew directly upon Domesday Book. On the other hand, the Abingdon text states to which hundred lands belonged, even in the case of Oxfordshire for which Domesday Book does not provide hundreds. It seems most probable that Great Domesday itself is the *book in the king's treasury' to which the heading refers, and that the Oxfordshire hundred names were added. The list also includes two gifts of land in Oxfordshire, both made during the abbacy of

Faritius. 3. A list which gives hidages of estates and names of tenants within those estates, together with hidages of their holdings. This list is headed “Those who hold lands of this church of Abingdon'. Most but not all the hidages correspond to those for the ‘the time of King Edward’ in Domesday. It is probably from the 1120s, 1130s, or early 1140s. It most likely slightly predates list no. 6. For convenience of comparison I have footnoted those men

ADMINISTRATIVE

LISTS

379

who appear in this list, but not in no. 6. The footnotes to list no. 6 allow comparison of the holdings of men who appear in both lists.

4. A version of the 1166 Abingdon Carta somewhat different from that preserved in the Exchequer records. Notably, it specifies the fractions of knights’ fees owed by those whom the Red Book version simply lists as together owing one and a half knights.

5. Another list of Berkshire hidages, some relating to the figure for the time of King Edward, some to 1086, and some not based on Domesday, either because the place is not named in Domesday—as in the case of Abingdon—or because it relates to a post-Domesday gift. The list must date from after the acquisition of Chaddleworth, above, p. 246. The hidages should also be compared with those given in the list of tenants printed as no. 3 in this Appendix. The rubricator failed to add initials on fo. 191°, and was presumably also meant to give an explanatory heading. 6. A list of tenants and the hidages, but only very occasionally the names, of their holdings. It is probably from the 1120s, 1130s, or early 1140s. It most likely slightly post-dates no. 3. For convenience of comparison I provide cross-references to list no. 3. 7. Lists of dues owed to various monastic offices or ‘obediences’. For further comment, and evidence supporting the above summaries, see above, Introduction, p. xxiii.

TEXT

[Fo. 187° has three entries, none in the main hand; the first hand is probably late twelfth century, the other two late medieval.] 1. De hundredis et de hidis ecclesie Abbendonensis in Berchescire sicut scriptura thesauri regis continet per hundreta singula dispositis. Hornimere In Hornimere hundreto. Cumenore: pro quinquaginta hidis. Bertone: pro Ix. hidis.

In Roeberge hundreto. Ciuilea: pro xxvii. hidis. Waliford: pro 1. hidis. De terra huius manerii Waliford tenet Rainbaldus Lechamstede x. hidas. Et Willelmus iiiior. hidas in Westuna. Et Bernerus ii. hidas in Boxore. Has tenuerunt Brichtwinus et Aluricus et quidam prepositus de abbatia; nec potuerunt recedere. Bedene: pro x. hidis. In Benneham ii. hide.

fo. 187"

380

APPENDIX

III

Mercham ord: pro x. In Mercheham hundreto. Merceham pro xx. hidis. Frielef x. hidis. pro rd: Garefo hidis. In (T)obbenei i. hida. Lege: pro i. hida. hidis. vii. pro : Linford Hannelei: pro x. hidis. Gosei: pro xvii. hidis. Ibidem: iii. hide. Draicote: pro x. hidis. Suttune xxviii. In Suttune hundreto. Appelford: pro v. hidis. Middeltun: pro

hidis.! In Suttune i. hida. Witteham: pro x. hidis.

Riplesmere sunt In Riplesmere hundreto. Winekefeld: pro x. hidis. De hac terra iliior. hide in foresta. In Cerledone hundreto. Wiscelea: pro x. hidis. Nachedesdore In Nachedesdorne hundreto. pro v. hidis.

Ferneburge: pro x. hidis. Milledone:

Chenetesberie In Cheneteberie hundreto. Lawartone: pro vi. hidis et dimidia. Scriueham In Scriueham hundreto. Wacenesfeld: pro xx. hidis.

Hilleslaue In Hilleslaue hundreto. Offenton: pro xl. hidis. Speresholt: pro x. hidis.’ Gamenesfeld In Gamenesfeld hundreto. Wrdam: pro xxx. hidis. Cernie: pro ii. uirgatis. Item: dimidia hida. Scarengeford: pro xii. hidis. Pesei: pro ii. hidis. In Wanetinz In Wanetinz hundreto. Lachinz: pro x. hidis. Gainz: pro x. hidis. Item: ii. hide. Bochelande: pro v. hidis.

2. Item in alio libro thesauri regis tempore Willelmi regis, qui Angliam suo adquisiuit imperio, scripto abreuiatio hidarum et descriptio taliter continetur. Abbatia de Abbendona tenet in Hornimere hundreto Cumenora. Tempore regis Eadwardi se defendit pro 1. hidis, modo uero pro ' DB i, fo. 59°, has Milton before Appleford. ? DB i, fo. 59°, refers to these ten hides as Fawler; see above, p. 52 n. 124.

ADMINISTRATIVE

LISTS

381

xxx. hidis. Ibi est ecclesia. De l. hidis predictis tenet Anskil v. hidas. Norman tenuit tempore regis Eadwardi pro i. manerio, Seuechwrda uocatur, et non potuit ire quo uoluit; et pro v. hidis geldauit cum superioribus. In Wihteham tenet Hubertus de abbate v. hidas de terra uillanorum et geldauerunt^ cum predictis hidis. In Cumenora tenet Osbernus ii. hidas et dimidiam ex supradictis, et pro tanto geldauerunt cum aliis. Duo alodiarii tenuerunt de abbate. Rainaldus tenet i. hidam in Cumenore, et geldauit cum aliis predictis. Bertuna Ipsa abbatia tenet Bertone. Tempore regis Eadwardi se defendit pro Ix. hidis, modo pro xl. hidis. De his Ix. hidis tenet Rainaldus de abbate in uadimonio i. manerium, Sipene. Eadnod Stalre tenuit tempore regis Eadwardi, et non fuit tunc in abbatia. Sed Hugo comes dedit abbati. Tunc se defendit pro v. hidis, modo pro i. hida. Isdem tenet ibidem de abbate iii. hidas. Alfwardus presbiter et Leofwinus aurifaber tenuerunt de abbate, nec poterant recedere. Tunc et modo se defendit pro iii. hidis. Hugo cocus tenet de abbate in Bertone i. hidam et dimidiam, et in Sandford ii. hidas. Lewinus et Normannus tenuerunt, sed recedere non potuerunt. Ex supradictis Ix. hidis tenent Anskil et Gillebertus in Baiwrda x. hidas de abbate. Wluricus tenuit, et recedere non potuit. He x. hide pro viii. se |defendit. De eodem manerio et de eadem terra tenet Warinus iiii. hidas in Sogoorde, et Bernerus v. hidas in Soningewelle et in Cheniton, et Alfwinus i. hidam in Chenitona. Sex Anglici tenuerunt, et ab ecclesia recedere non potuerunt, et cum aliis hidis geldauerunt.

Roeberge Ipsa abbatia tenet in In Roeberge hundreto Ciuelei.^ Tempore regis Eadwardi se defendit pro xxviii. hidis, modo pro vii. et dimidia. De hac terra tenet Willelmus de abbate v. hidas, et Godefridus i. hidam et dimidiam.

Waliford Ipsa abbatia tenet Waliford. Tempore regis Eadwardi se defendit pro l. hidis, modo pro xxxvii.‘ De hac terra tenet Herbertus camerarius x. hidas in Lechamstede,’ et Willelmus iiii. hidas in Westona, et Bernerus

ii. in Bocsora.

Has tenuerunt

Brichwinus

et Aluricus

^ the disorderly form of this entry reflects the arrangement ^ ending supplied from DB ge * corr. by erasure from xxxviii. in DB, although DB does not repeat the mord in * DB i, fo. 58", attributes these ten hides to Rainbald.

fo. 188"

382

APPENDIX

III

re. Et Walterus de quidam prepositus de abbate, nec potuerunt recede et non potuit ire Riuera tenet de abbate Bedenam. Norman tenuit, viii., tamen fuit quo uoluit. ''unc se defendit pro x. hidis, modo pro ut dic*nt. De pro xv. hidis se(d) rex Eadwardus condonauit xi.* hidas, in Benneham us ipsa terra tenet quidam miles ii. hidas. Isdem Walter pro tanto se et tenet ii. hidas. Edgit tenuit tempore Eadwardi regis, defendit tunc et modo. Mercham e EadIpsa abbatia tenet in Mercham hundreto Mercham. Tempor Anskil tenet terra wardi se defendit pro xx. hidis, modo pro x. De hac i. hidam. Alfwinus tenuit de abbate.

Frigeleford modo se Ipsa abbatia tenet Frigeleford. Tempore Eadwardi et hidas, et iiij. us Rainald defendit pro x. hidis. De hac terra tenet nt de tenueru taini e Quinqu Rainbaldus i. hidam, et Salui i. hidam. de tenet dus Rainbal nt. abbate, nec potuerunt recedere quo uolueru nt. tenueru s Aluricu et abbate i. hidam in Tobeneia. Norman us Tempore regis Eadwardi et modo se defendit pro i. hida. Willelm Tunc i. Eadward regis tenet de abbate Leie. Norman tenuit tempore et modo se defendit pro una hida. Gareford Ipsa abbatia tenet Gareford. ‘Tempore regis Eadwardi se defendit pro

eo x. hidis, modo pro vi. Abbas habet viii. hidas, et Bernerus tenet de

ii. hidas. Hanlea Ipsa abbatia tenet Hanleam. Tempore regis Eadwardi et modo se defendit pro x. hidis. De hac terra tenet Wlwi iii. hidas que fuerunt de dominico uictu monachorum tempore regis Eadwardi. Et Nicholaus tenet i. hidam de abbate, quam tenuit Edwinus presbiter, et non potuit ab eo recedere. Gosei Ipsa abbatia tenet Gosei. Tempore regis Eadwardi se defendit pro xvii. hidis, modo pro xi. hidis. De hac terra tenet Hermerus vii. hidas, et sunt de dominico uictu monachorum. Linford Walterus Giffar tenet de abbate Linford. Tempore regis Eadwardi tenuerunt filii Eliert de abbate, nec poterant alias ire absque licentia. ^ DB i, fo. 58”: ‘pro xi."

ADMINISTRATIVE

LISTS

IN MS C

383

Et tamen commendauerunt se Walterio sine abbatis precepto. Tunc et modo se defendit pro vii. hidis. Rainaldus tenet de abbate iii. hidas in eadem uilla. Limbaldus monachus tenuit de abbatia. Et pro iii. hidis se defendit tunc et modo. Draicote Ipsa abbatia tenet Draicote. Tempore regis Eadwardi et modo se defendit pro x. hidis. De hac terra tenet Gislebertus i. hidam, et quidam Anglicus dimidiam hidam.

Suttun’ Ipsa abbatia tenet in Suttun hundreto Middeltune. Tempore regis Eadwardi se defendit pro xxviii. hidis, modo pro xxiii. De eadem terra tenet Atselinus ii. hidas et unam uirgatam de abbate. Et Rainaldus iii. hidas. Appelford Ipsa abbatia tenet Appelford. Tempore regis Eadwardi et modo se defendit pro v. hidis. De hac terra tenet Robertus i. hidam. De 1i. hida Suttune In Suttuna tenet Alwi presbiter i. hidam de abbate. Pater eius tenuit, et tunc et modo pro tanto se defendit.

Witteham Ipsa abbatia tenet Witteham. Tempore regis Eadwardi se defendit pro x. hidis, modo pro v. hidis. Riplesmere hund’ | Ipsa abbatia tenet in Riplemere hundreto Winechefeld. Tempore regis Eadwardi se defendit pro x. hidis, modo pro in.^ hidis et dimidia. Et unus hom*o tenet dimidiam hidam absque uoluntate abbatis et iniuste facit. De terra huius manerii sunt in foresta regis iii. hide. Cerledone Ipsa abbatia tenet in Cerledone hundredo Wiscelea. Tempore regis Eadwardi se defendit pro x. hidis, modo pro vii. hidis. Nachetedorne Ipsa abbatia tenet in Nachethedorne hundredo Ferneburga. ‘Tempore regis Eadwardi se defendit pro x. hidis, modo pro iii. hidis et dimidia. Henricus tenet de abbate Cilletone. Blacheman presbiter ^ corr. by erasure from ii.

fo. 188"

APPENDIX

384

III

uoluit. Tunc et tenuit de Haroldo comite in alodium, et potuit ire quo modo se defendit pro v. hidis.

Cheneteberie hundredo* ona de abbate. letselinus tenet in Cheneteberie hundredo Lawert se defendit Blacheman tenuit in feudo. Tempore regis Eadwardi pro vi. hidis et dimidia, modo pro iiii. hidis et dimidia. Scriueham ‘Tempore Ipsa abbatia tenet in Scriueham hundredo Wecenesfeld. De hac hidis. x. pro modo hidis, xx. regis Eadwardi se defendit pro et abbate, de am uirgat i. et hidas terra tenet Gislebertus iii. Wimundus 1. hidam. Hilleslaue e regis Ipsa abbatia tenet in Hilleslaue hundredo Offentuna. Tempor terra hac De hidis. xiii. Eadwardi se defendit pro xl. hidis, modo pro tenet Gislebertus vi. hidas de abbate. Anskil tenet Speresholt de abbate. Edric tenuit in alodium de rege x. Eadwardo, et potuit ire quo uoluit. Tunc et modo se defendit pro

hidis. Gamenesfeld Ipsa abbatia tenet in Gamenesfeld hundredo Wordam. Tempore regis Eadwardi se defendit pro xxx. hidis, modo pro viii. hidis. Cernei Ipsa abbatia tenet Cernei. Tempore regis Eadwardi et modo se defendit pro ii. uirgatis terre. Warinus tenet de abbatia dimidiam hidam. Wlwinus tenuit tempore regis Eadwardi de abbate. Tunc et modo se defendit pro dimidia hida. Sceringeford Ipsa abbatia tenet Sceringaford. Tempore regis Eadwardi se defendit pro xii. hidis, modo pro ii. hidis et i. uirgata. De hoc manerio tenet Gislebertus ii. hidas de abbate, et Wimundus i. hidam. Gislebertus tenet de abbate Pesei. Aluredus tenuit de abbate tempore regis Eadwardi. Tunc et modo pro ii. hidis se defendit. Wanetinz hund’ Ipsa abbatia tenet in Wanetinz hundredo Laking. Tempore regis Eadwardi pro x. hidis se defendit, et modo pro vi. hidis et i. uirgata. ^ hundredro MS

ADMINISTRATIVE

LISTS

IN MS

385

De hac terra tenet Gislebertus i. hidam de abbate, et i. ecclesiam cum dimidia hida.

Gaing Ipsa abbatia tenet Gaing. ‘Tempore regis Eadwardi se defendit pro x. hidis, modo pro ii. hidis et i. uirgata. Rainaldus tenet de abbate ii. hidas. Norman tenuit tempore regis Eadwardi de abbate. Tunc et modo pro ii. hidis se defendit. Bochelanda Ipsa abbatia tenet Bochelande. Elmarus tenuit tempore regis Eadwardi. Tunc et modo se defendit pro v. hidis. Summa d. hid’ et xii. hid’ et dim’. Et de his sunt v. hide in elemosina ad Wordam.

[gap of 4 lines] De terris in Oxeneford comitatu huius ecclesie In Oxenefordscira abbatia de Abbendona tenet Leuecanore. Ibi sunt xvii. hide. De his sunt in dominio iiii. hide et dimidia. Cudesduna Eadem abbatia tenet Cudesdonam. Ibi sunt xviii. hide. De his sunt in

dominio iii. hide, et requirit Bolendone hund'. Sandford Henri tenet de abbatia Sanford.’ Ibi sunt x. hide. De his sunt iiii. hide in dominio. In eadem uilla tenent Robertus et Rogerus i. hidam de abbate. Siwardus tenuit et ab ecclesia recendere non potuit. Similiter istud manerium requirit Bolendone hundr’. Bereford | Filius Wadardi tenet de Rogero, et ipse Rogerus de abbate, v. hidas in Bereford, sed et hoc manerium requirit Bolendone hund’. Gersendune Gillebertus tenet de abbate vii. hidas et dimidiam in Gersendune. Ibi est i. hida de inland que nunquam geldauit. In eadem uilla tenet Sueting i. hidam et dimidiam de abbate. Et hoc manerium requirit Bolendone hund'. * DB i, fo. 156", calls the tenant ‘Wenricus’; see above, p. 322. There is nothing in the form of the letter ‘W’ in the manuscript of Domesday which may have led to the substitution of an ‘H’. It may be that the scribe's confusion arises in part from the fact that a tenant called Henry held land in a different Sandford, Dry Sandford, Berks., see above, p. 203, below, p. 387.

fo. 189°

APPENDIX

386

III

Tademertona. sunt vi. hide in Ipsa abbatia tenet xx. hidas in Tademertona. De his abbate. Hoc de hidas v. dominio. De hac terra tenet i. miles manerium requirit hund’ de Bloxan.

Ernicote Ernicote 11. Robertus de Oili et Rogerus de Iuri tenent de abbate in hidas de feudo ecclesie. Fencota i. hida® d'Iureio. Eadem ecclesia tenet i. hidam in Faincota de feudo Atheline ipsius m decima totam et m Niweha de Eadem abbatia tenet ecclesiam et ere, Sotiesw ur uocabat tunc Anglice que manerii, cum i. piscatione

terram que eidem adiacet." Brochestan Eadem abbatia

tenet

ii. hidas

in Brochestan

feudo

Milonis

Crispini, et Willelmus Clemens tenet ipsas in gablo de abbate. [long gap to bottom of column] De terris huius ecclesie in Waremicscira

[top of new column] In Werewicscira tenet abbatia de Abbendona

hidas in Hylle, quas emit abbas Adelelmus

in Meretun

hund' ii.

de feudo Turkilli, et

Warinus tenet de abbate. Et i. hidam in Cestretuna.

[gap of 7 lines] De terris in comitatu Gloecestrec’ In Gloecestrescira tenet ecclesia de Abbendona Dumeltun. Ibi sunt vii. hide et dimidia.

in Grestestan hund"

[long gap to bottom of column] fo. 189"

3. Qui sint qui tenent terras huius ecclesie Abbend’. In Bertona sunt xl. hide geldantes. Ex his tenet Willelmus de Seuekewrda vi. hidas in Baiwrda. Et in eadem tenet Robertus de Sandford iiii. hidas. Hugo filius Berneri tenet in Sunningewelle ii. hidas et in Cenituna iii. hidas. In eadem Kenituna tenet Atzo cocus i. 6 The remaining Oxfordshire entries in the list do not appear in Domesday Book, but relate to post-1086 gifts; see above, pp. 106, 78, 158. 7 See above, p. 78.

ADMINISTRATIVE

LISTS

387

hidam et Edricus i. aliam. In Suggewrda tenent Robertus et soror eius iii. hidas.* In Sandford tenet Henricus filius Oini i. hidam. Et in eadem Fernoldus tenet i. hidam. In Hansteseie tenet Rogerus Grim

dimidiam hidam.? Summa xxii. hid’ et dim’.

In Sandford tenent uillani viii. hidas. Et in Scerpenhylla vi. hid’ et dimid". Et in Hansteseia ii. hid? et dimid. In dominio dimidia hida. In Hanneia

x. hide. Ex his tenent

rustici vi. hidas. Osbertus

iii.

hidas." Et Warinus i. hidam.

In Linford x. hide. Ex his tenet Radulfus de Langetot vii. hidas.!! Et Turstanus iii. hidas.

In Gareford x. hide. Ex his tenet Hugo ii. hidas. Et rustici tenent vi. hidas et i. uirgatam. Et abbas in dominio i. hidam et dimidiam et i. uirgatam. In Mercham

xx. hide. Ex his tenet Willelmus de Seuechewrda

hidam. Et Rogerus camerarius dimidiam hidam.' Et rustici abbatis viii. hidas et dimidiam. Et cotsetli iii. hidas, v. acras minus. Et abbas in dominio vii. hidas et i. cotsetli.

In Frigelford x. hide. Ex his tenet Turstanus iiii. hidas. Et Iohannes ii. hidas. Et rustici iiii. hidas.

In Tubbeneia i. hida. In Appelford v. hide. Ex his tenet Paganus i. hidam. Et rustici iiii. hidas. In Witteham x. hide et i. uirgata. Ex his tenent rustici v. hidas. Et in dominio v. hide et i. uirgata. In Middeltuna x. hide et dimidia. Ex his in dominio v. hide. Et rustici v. hidas et dimidiam.

In Dreituna xviii. hide. Ex his tenet Radulfus i. hidam et i. uirgatam.'* Et Turstanus i. hidam. Henricus i. hidam. Et rustici xiii.” hidas et iii. uirgatas. ^ corr. from iii. * ? V !! ?

Below, p. 393, does not mention Robert's sister. William but not Roger Grim appears below, p. 393. See below, p. 393 for Osbert of Hanncy. Ralph does not appear in the list below, pp. 392-4. See below, p. 394, for Ralph the chamberlain.

3 'This may be John of Tubney, see above, p. lxiv. This is probably not one of the Ralphs who appear in the list below, pp. 392-4. This is probably Henry son of Oini; see above, p. 202.

ans

APPENDIX

388

III

Gerstuna. Et ii. hidas in Turstanus de Sancta Helena tenet v. hidas in Henreda.^ Et Eadwardus de Sutt’ i. hidam. rd. In Cildetona v. hide de feudo Roberti de Sandfo ’ vi. hidas. rt In Offentuna xl. hide. Ex his tenet Michael de Culumb

m."" sacerdos i. hidam.!* Et Ricardus filius Sefug’ i. hidam et i. uirgata Et rustici viii. hidas. Et in dominio xxiiii. hide.

In Speresholt Hugonis dispensatoris x. hide.'? hidas. In Gosei x. hide. In dominio v. hide. Et rustici v. In Denceswrde vii. hide. Radulfus de Alre tenet.

Et rustici In Ferneberge x. hide. Ex his tenet Radulfus i. hidam.'? tenent ix. hidas.

In Laking x. hide. Hedewlfus tenet i. hidam.

In Gaingia x. hide. óa v. In Cumenora li. hide. Ex his tenet Willelmus de Seuekur t i. bx hidas. Robertus de Wihteham v. hidas. Ricardus Calmun

m." et dimidiam. Walterus i. hidam.”! Simon ii. hidas et dimidia m dimidia dapiferi filius s Robertu Robertus de Lie i. hidam. hidam. Et rustici dimidia.

tenent

xxix.

hidas.

Et in dominio

vi. hide

In Scelengeford xii. hide. Ex his tenent rustici xii. hidas. Et Michael de Columb’ ii. hidas. Et in dominio ii. hide. In Wecenesfeld xx. hide. Ex his sunt in dominio x. hide. Et rustici tenent vii. hidas. Et Willelmus de Pont? Arch’ iii. hidas et 1.

uirgatam. In Wrda xxv. hide. Ex his sunt in dominio xv. hide. Et homines tenent x. hidas.

In Cernei i. hida et i. uirgata." In Pesi ii. In Bochelande v. hide. * corr. from Henrede 16 J. 8 9 D]‘0 tS 1

^ uergata MS

The priest is not named in the list below, pp. 392-4. Richard does not appear in the list below, pp. 392-4. Hugh does not appear in the list below, pp. 392-4. This is probably not one of the Ralphs who appear in the list below, pp. 392-4. See also above, pp. 122, 327, below, pp. 390, 393. This is probably not one of the Walters who appear in the list below, pp. 392-4. Simon does not appear in the list below, pp. 392-4.

ADMINISTRATIVE

LISTS

389

In Lechamstede x. hide. Ex his tenet Fulco frater abbatis ii. hidas et i.

uirgatam.”* Et Herebertus filius Hereberti viii. hidas et iii. uirgatas.?*

In Waliford xl. hide. Ex his sunt x. hide in Weston’. Willelmus de Pont’? Arch’ tenet iii. hidas. Et sacerdos i. hidam ad ecclesiam.

Turstanus de Sancta Helena dimidiam hidam. | Et rustici iiii. hidas et i. uirgatam. Et in dominio i. uirgata. In Estona x. hide. Homines tenent.

In Boxora x. hide. Ex his Hugo filius Berneri tenet ii. hidas. Ft homines tenent v. hidas et i. uirgatam. Et in dominio ii. hide et iii. uirgate. In Benneham x. hide. Ex his tenet Ansgerus ii. hidas.? Et homines iii. hidas. Et in dominio iiii. hide. In Ciuelea xxvii. hide. Ex his tenet Iohannes i. hidam et i. uirgatam.”°

Et Eldel" i. hidam.”’ Et ecclesia i. hidam. Et homines xvii. hidas et iii. uirgatas. Et in dominio vii. hide.

In Bradelea v. hide. Engelardus camerarius episcopi Wint’ tenet.?? In Wisselea x. hide. In Winekefeld x. hide. In Leofwaratone vi. hide et dimidia. Robertus de Sandford tenet. In Budene xi. hide. In Abbendune xv. hide. [Followed by 3 further short entries, not in the same hand as the above list. The first two reproduce almost verbatim the Domesday entries for Winkfield and Whistley. The third is in English, in a postmedieval hand.]

4. Presidente huic ecclesie iure abbatis domno Godefrido episcopo, rex Henricus iunior scire uolens quot in Anglia milites de ueteri aut de nouo fefamento essent, precepit uicecomitibus suis omnibus ut hoc idem diligenter inuestigarent et presentie sue intimarent. Quod, 23 Fulk does not appear in the list below, pp. 392-4. ?* There appears to be a slip in the figures in this entry. Herbert son of Herbert does not appear in the list below, pp. 392-4. 25 Ansger does not appear in the list below, pp. 392-4. 26 The only John who appears in the list below, pp. 392-4, is John of Tubney, on whose lands see above, p. lxiv. 77 This man does not appear in the list below, pp. 392-4. 8 Engelard does not appear in the list below, pp. 392-4.

fo. 190°

APPENDIX III

390

inquisitum cum de hac abbatia sicut et de ceteris fieri iussum fuisset, ecclesie est sollicite sicut rex preceperat, et eorum nomina cum sigillo habuit: se taliter um script Quod ssa. transmi um regi sunt per script nensi de ueteri Hec sunt nomina militum tenentium de ecclesia Abbendo

fefamento.

Iordanus de Sanford milites’ Robertus de Seuechewrda”’

iii. ii.

Vincentius militem Rainaldus de Sancto Walerio

1. L

Willelmus de Lega Raerius de Alra

fo. 190”

ii. 1.

Hugo filius Berneri

i. et dimidium

Iohannes de Tubenei Iohannes de Sancta Helena Gillebertus de Culumb' Hugo de Bochelanda Herebertus filius Hereberti Willelmus de Bradelega

i iil. ii. b n i^

Beomundus de Ledis

iii^

Henricus de Pisia Rogerus de Chelesburgo Gillebertus filius Iohannis Paganus filius Henri et Rogerus de Hulla

1. dimidium dimidium i

Turstinus filius Simonis Gaufridus filius Willelmi Rogerus filius Hemingi Baldewinus de fa*geflora Robertus de Pontearchis Willelmus de Watelega

dimidium D 1. i. dimidium dimidium quarta pars militis

|Ricardus Calmunt? ! 2 corr. from miles ? Red Book, i. 305, gives just the place name.

30 Red Book, i. 306, gives the figure as half a knight.

?! Red Book, i. 306, mentions two hides which Humphrey de Bohun had taken away; see also above, p. xxv; CMA ii. 304; Lyell, no. 108, Chatsworth, no. 299, a writ of Henry II (dating to 1165x1175) ordering Humphrey to do justice [‘rectum teneas] to the monks of Abingdon concerning two hides at Benham which his grandfather had given them. 32 Red Book, i. 306, mentions that William Giffard had taken away a third part of a knight's fee in Hill. Pain may be the son of Henry son of Oini, on whose holding at Hill see above, p. 203; Pain also witnessed C.H., no. 1, a charter of Abbot Roger (1175-1185). 33 See also above, pp. 122, 327, 388, below, p. 393.

ADMINISTRATIVE

LISTS

391

Ricardus Gernun

i. hid’ et defendit se pro Vi.ta parte militis Robertus filius dapiferi vi. parte militis Gaufridus de Sanford v.ta pars militis Willelmus Grim v.ta pars militis Rainaldus de Goseia v.ta pars militis Petrus de Aldebira. Henricus de Lachingis. vi.ta pars militis. Et hida de Hanneia que est in manu episcopi que se defendit pro v.ta parte militis. eye

Omnes isti pro i. milite se defendunt.*° Summa uero militum: xxxii. milites.

5. (B)ertona (A)bbendona (S)cipene (C)umenora (M)erceham (M)iddeltuna (S)arenegford (L)achinge (O)ffentuna (G)osei (W)aliford (C)iuelea (W)isseleie (W)enechefeld (P esi

xl. xv. v. et i. Kenn l. et iii. Xxx et if XXX. xl. xx. et vii. xl. XX. et Vii. x v. il.

(B)edene

XC.

(L)iwaretona (L)echamstede (B)echeland (C)edelewrda

vi. hid’ et dim’ x. v. iii.

34 Red Book, i. 306, seems to refer to this as the land of Geoffrey de Raverches. For Peter, see also above, p. 324. 35 The arithmetic is here obscure, although the text is clearly saying that the various tenants perform one knight’s service or, more likely, pay scutage for one knight’s fee.

However, the fractions do not add up, and moreover the version in the Red Book, 1. 306, simply lists the names from ‘Ricardus Calmunt’ and says they make ‘one and a half knights’ [service].’

fo. 191"

392

APPENDIX

III

(Dn (C)umenora (Dn (B)ertona (Dn (S)cipene (I)n (M)erceham (Dn (M)iddeltuna (Dn (O)ffentona (Dn (L)achinge (In (S)caringeford (Dn (W)rda (I)n (W)aliford (Dn (C)iueleia (Dn (W)isseleia (Dn (C)edelewrda

vi. hid’ et dim’ dim’ hid’ ii. hid’ ix. hid’

x. hid’ et i. virg’ xx. et iii. hid? x. hid’ xii. hid’ xv. hid’ vii. hid’ vii. hid’ vii. hid’ ii. hid?

(Syumma: c. hid’ et i. uirg’. (Dn (C)umenora (Dn (B)ertona (Dn (A)bbendona (Dn (S)cipene (Dn (M)erceham (Dn (M)iddeltona (Dn (O)ffentuna (I)n (S)ceringeford (Dn (L)achinge (Dn (W)rda (Dn (W)aliford (Dn (C)iuelea (Dn (W)isseleia (Dn (C)edelewrda

xxx. hid? et dim" xviii. xXii. xxvii. hid’ et iii. uirg’ xxix. hid’ et i. uirg' xiii. hid’ xv. hid’ xviii. hid’ xxi. hid’ et i. uirg' xxiii. hid? et dim" xiii. hid’ xiiij. hid’ ii. hid?

(Syumma: cc. hid’ et xliii. hid’. 6. (T)urstinus xv. hidas et dimidiam. (Rotbertus de Santford xv. hidas et dimidiam."

(Willelmus de Seuechewrda xii. hidas.?

36 See above, p. 387, for a Thurstan holding 3 hides in Lyford, 4 hides in Frilford, 1 hide in Drayton; above, p. 388, for Thurstan of St Helen holding 5 hides in Garsington, 2 hides in Hendred, and, p. 389, half a hide in Welford, making a total of fifteen and a half hides. 37 See above, pp. 386-8, for Robert holding 4 hides in Barton, 5 hides in Chilton, 6.5 hides in Leverton, making a total of fifteen and a half hides. 33 See above, pp. 386-8, for William holding 6 hides in Bayworth, 5 hides in Cumnor, 1 hide in Marcham, making a total of twelve hides.

ADMINISTRATIVE LISTS IN MS C

393

(M)ichael de Culumb’ xi. hidas et i. uirgatam.??

(R)obertus de Leie i. hidam .*° (H)ugo filius Bernerii xi. hidas.*!

(W)alterus de Riuere xi. hidas et in Benham ii. hidas. (S)persolt x. hidas. (L)echamsted’ x. hidas.

(W)alterus Giffar vii. hidas. (R)adulfus de Alra vii. hidas.” (R)obertus de Wihtham v. hidas.*? (Byradelea v. hidas.

(Willelmus de Bechelanda v. hidas.** (Willelmus de Pontearcis iiii.

hidas.* (Johannes de Tubenea iiii. hidas.* (P)ichot de Pesi iii. hidas.*” (O)sbernus de Hanni iii. hidas.** (Hyenricus filius Idini iii. hidas.^?

(R)obertus de Suggevró' ii. hidas.*° (R)icard de Calmunt i. hidam et dimidiam.?!

(H)ydwlfus i. hidam.?? (R)einaldus de Gosi i. hidam.?? (W)arinus de Dencheswrda i. hidam.** (Fyernoldus.5? (W)illelmus Grim i. hidam.?* (R)otbertus filius dapiferi i. hidam et dimidiam.?? ?? See above, p. 388, for Michael holding 6 hides in Uffington and 2 hides in Shellingford. © See above, p. 388, for Robert holding 1 hide in Cumnor. *' See above, pp. 386, 389, for Hugh holding 2 hides in Sunningwell, 3 hides in Kennington, and 2 hides in Boxford. That Berner was still alive in 1121, above, p. 236, helps to date the present list. *^ See above, p. 388, for Ralph holding 7 hides in Denchworth. 5* See above, p. 388, for Robert holding 5 hides in Cumnor. * Buckland, but no tenant, is mentioned in the list above, p. 388. * See above, pp. 388-9, for William holding 3 hides in Watchfield, 4 hides in Welford. William may have died in the mid-late 1140s (Green, Government, p. 267), helping to date the present list.

^9 See above, pp. lxiv, 389. *” This could be Picot the son-in-law of Gilbert Latimer, above, p. 48. In 1086 a Gilbert held Pusey from the abbot; DB i, fo. 59". Pusey, but no tenant, is mentioned in the list above, p. 388. +8 See above, p. 387, for ‘Osbert’ holding 3 hides in Hanney. ® See above, p. 387, for Henry son of Oini holding 1 hide in Sandford; he is also probably the Henry listed as holding 1 hide in Drayton, above, p. 387. °° See above, p. 387, for Robert and his sister holding 2 hides in Suggeworth. >! See above, p. 388, for Richard holding 1.5 hides in Cumnor, possibly at Wytham; also above, p. 123, for his family. , *?^ See above, p. 388, for Hedewlfus holding 1 hide in Lockinge. 55 Goosey, but no tenant, is mentioned in the list above, p. 388.

5* See above, p. 387, for a Warin holding 1 hide in Hanney. °° See above, p. 387, for Fernoldus holding 1 hide in Sandford.

56 See above, p. 387, for Roger Grim holding half a hide in Hinksey. A William Grim appears in the Abingdon Carta of 1166, above, p. 391, Red Book, i. 306. He is probably the successor of Roger, and if so this list post-dates that printed above, pp. 386-9.

°7 See above, p. 388, for Robert holding half a hide in Cumnor. He may be the person

APPENDIX

394

III

a (R)obertus de Aldebiri i. hidam et dimidiam.?? (E)adward de Sutton i. hidam.??

' (Pyaganus de Appelford i. hidam.” (Radulfus camerarius i. hidam.*

(Aytzo cocus i. hidam.”

(Syumma: c. et lxiii. hid’ et i. uirg’. {ii. 321] fo. 191"

7. De consuetudine lignandi. , prout Domnus abbas Faritius hanc instituit consuetudinem lignandi ur, melius sibi uisum, tum ut facilius per officina* curie ignis haberet idem tum ut rustici uillarum id leuius paterentur. Soliti enim fuerant cande dare suas decimas per omnem abbatiam ad opus ecclesie reedifi faciendum. Ad ligna quoque ecclesie ministranda nummos inuenie ut bant. Vnde eis abbas compatiens sic eorum grauamen, temperauit dabant antea quos nummis de partim s, predicti suis decimis partim de lignorum consuetudinem inueniendorum constituerat, preter decimas de Cumenore et Bertune, quas operi ecclesie dimisit. Itaque ita determinatum est: De Cumenore xxx. solidos. De Bertune xxx. solidos.

De Merceham xl. ex decima, et de consuetudine, quam solebant pro lignis emendis reddere, xx. solidos. De Middeltun et Appelford et Witteham xl. solidos.

De Laking et Ferneberga xxv. solidos de decima, et de consuetudine lignandi xx. solidos. De Scaringeford et Wecenesfeld xv. solidos de consuetudine lignandi. De Cerni et Wrda xx. solidos de decima, et de consuetudine lignandi xx. solidos. De Offentuna xxx. solidos de decima, et xx. de consuetudine lignandi. ^ rectius officinas

involved in the dispute over half a hide in Cumnor during Stephen's reign; if so, it would seem that his father died in Ingulf's time, that is 1130—58, again suggesting a possible date for this list. 58 Robert does not appear in the list above, pp. 386-9. For a Peter of Aldebiri, see above, pp. 324, 391. 5? See above, p. 388, for Edward holding 1 hide.

69 See above, p. 387, for Pain holding 1 hide in Appleford.

Cf. above, p. 387, for a Roger the chamberlain. See above, p. 386, for Atzo holding 1 hide in Kennington; for Atzo see also CMA ii. 306.

ADMINISTRATIVE

LISTS

395

De Culeham inter decimam et consuetudinem lignandi xxx. solidos. De Cudesduna xxx. solidos de decima, et de consuetudine lignandi xx. solidos.

[ii. 322]

De Leuechenore l. solidos de consuetudine lignandi. Summa: xxii. libre De coquina monachorum. De Abbendona xvi. libras. Ad festum sancti Michaelis iiii. libras. Ad Purificationem iiii. libras. Ad Hochedei iiii. libras. Et ad Aduincula

De Sipene ix. libras et iv. solidos de curia. De molendinis in curia iiii. libras.

De molendino super Eocha xxxvi. solidos. De molendino Iohannis de Sancta Helena x. solidos. De Wisele et Winekefeld x. libras et c. scutellas in Natali Domini, et c. in Pascha, et c. in Natiuitate sancte Marie. Ad sagimen iste x. libre.

De^ Rehenere xx. solidos de gablo et v. solidos pro decima sua. De Berwine xx. solidos de gablo et xxx. denarios pro decima sua. De Osmundo xx. solidos et xxx. denarios pro decima sua. De hida in /Eppelford xx. solidos. De pischaria eiusdem uille x. solidos.

[ii. 323]

De Cudesdun' c. solidos ad cenam. De decima

rusticorum

de Sanford

xxiiii.^ solidos ad. diuersa con-

dimenta. De pischaria de Culeham iii. solidos. De Niweham Wlfwine Porman xii. solidos.

De pischaria de Witteham xvii. solidos. De Ciuele xxxi. solidos. De molendino de Wecenesfeld xxv. De Oxeneford iii. libras et x. solidos. De Hugone de Sunnigewelle xxiiii.^ denarios. De Bertona xlv. solidos et xi. denarios, et tria milia oua, et centum et xxxvi. gallinas. Et vi. ambras leguminis. Similiter de Cumenora, Merceham, Cernei, Offentuna, Middeltuna, Scarengenford, Laking, Witteham. De Cudesduna medietatem, uidelicet xxii. solidos et x. denarios et obolum. Et sic ceterarum rerum quas supra nominauimus medietatem. ^ an entry beginning De is erased before this entry * jiii. znterlin. in blue ink above xx.

^ jii

APPENDIX

396

III

summagias ter De supradictis uero maneriis debet habere coquinarius equis eorum cum s in anno ad uoluntatem suam, scilicet tres homine u longe sumpt o propri suo fo. 192" de unoquoque^ manerio | qui pergant de it placuer aria coquin aut prope ubi illis preceptum fuerit. Si autem re. inueni int potuer m magis accipere nummos, dent ei prout gratia In capite ieiunii redduntur iste anguille: JFlfricus de Witelea xxx. sticas. Alfricus de Herewaldinduna viii. 'Turkillus de Culeham xx. JErnulfus xii. Leofricus Cuceafoc x. Adelwinus Quirc de Cumenora xvi. Et abbati viii. De Tropo vii. De Wisselea xvi. vi. GodAd coquinam abbatis. De Swinford Saricus xiii. Haskillus ricus de Eockaford 1i. uiginti Summa denariorum ad coquinam monachorum pertinentium quater libre et l. solidi. Summa ouorum uiginti nouem milia et cccc. et 1. Summa gallinarum cccxlui. [ii. 324] Summa pisarum uel fabarum lou. ambre. Summa de sumagiis quater xx. et v. et dimidium. Si denarios pro sumagiis acceperit, summa illorum denariorum est." Summa anguillarum ad coquinam monachorum centum xix. stiche. Summa ad coquinam abbatis xxxi. stiche.

Coquinarius etiam monachorum habere debet de cellario x. panes cotidie quales ipsi habent in refectorio, et ceruisiam ad salsamentum faciendum, de pipere aut cimino. Quando uero mollas escas uoluerit facere, de ceruisia monachorum sufficienter debet habere. In aduentu uero Domini quotiens fratres non comedunt sagimentum, xiii. panes debet habere tres uidelicet ad pulmentum. Similiter a Septuagesima ad Pascha et omni tempore ferie vi. et quatuor temporum, et si uoluerit, accipiat farinam in pistrino pro panibus suis. [Second column of fo. 192" is blank, except for the bottom four lines, which contain an entry in a different hand concerning the refectorer; printed CMA 1i. 324] ^ unoquodque MS

^ figure erased

ADMINISTRATIVE De De De De

LISTS IN MS C

redditu altaris. ecclesia de Mercham v. libras. ecclesia de Offentuna xx. solidos. ecclesia de Cumenora x. solidos.

De capellis de Tubbenei et Lega v. solidos. De De De De De De De

ecclesia ecclesia ecclesia ecclesia ecclesia Redelea decima

sancti Martini de Oxenef? xxv. solidos. sancti Aldadi xx. solidos. de Niweham xxx. solidos. de Witteham. de Wicham xl. libras cere. cereum. de Hanneia xxii.

De decima Westlakinge xx. solidos. De De De De De De De De De

decima de Middeltuna xx. solidos. decima de Winterburna. decima Radulfi de Morles unum marcum. decima Willelmi Grim iii. solidos. Wicha xxii. solidos. terra quam Radulfus Brito ten’ in Oxen' xx. solidos. Mora dimidia hida viii. solidos. Boreshulla xii. solidos. terra Walman unum marcum.

De Kigestuna xxxii. denarios. De terra Rogeri Haliman et /Eilpini in Walingaf" ii. solidos.

De terra Roberti Vinet iii. solidos.9? De De De De De De

terra terra terra terra terra terra

Willelmi Pincun xii. denarios. /Ediue xii.^ denarios. Piliard xi. denarios. /Elfrici 111. denarios. Scalegrai. Willelmi Blut vi. denarios.

De quodam prato. De cellarario ceram de lii. sextariis mellis. De Cudesduna i. marcum. De terra apud Wint’.

corr. from xx.

$5 A Robert the vintner witnessed C.H., no. 2.

397 fo. 192"

[ii. 325]

APPENDIX

398 [ii. 326]

III

De redditu camere. De Weliford xxxvii. libras. Coquinario xxxi. solidos. missing |. De Ciuele xvi. libras, et ex his reddet camerarius [figure De Chedeleswrda iii. libras. De Bedeford’ xxv. solidos. De Fencota xx. solidos. 'Terre in Hensteseia xxv. solidos. De molendino de Langeford cum una uirgata. De Colebroc v. solidos. De Abbendona iiii. solidos et iii. denarios. lii. solidos De maneriis abbatie, que^ faciunt ix. menses et dimidium, et iii. denarios. In Middeltuna dimidium marcum. Decimam de Betrintuna. Decimam de Hordwella. Et omnes unctos porcorum, scilicet illorum ius maneriorum que^ reddunt firmam monachorum, debet camerar accipere ad sotulares monachorum unguendos. , Et ad omnes pelles conficiendos, siue sint cattorum siue agnorum monacoquina in sal et accipiet camerarius bladum de Bertuna, chorum, et chretam de Lakinge. Et debet habere etiam unam carretam feni de Culeham ad lectulos monachorum faciendos per singulos annos. Et fenum unius insule ad usum balneorum, quando balneant monachi. Et prebendam et fenum duorum equorum et conredium unius hominis in aula abbatis. uadit ad feiram de Winchelcumba, homines de Dumbeltuna debent adducere quicquid ibi mercatum fuerit. Et si uadit ad feiram de Wintonia, tenura de Weliford debet adducere quicquid ibi mercatum fuerit, licet manerium sit traditum ad firmam.

[ii. 327] Et si camerarius

Francolanus etiam de Hanneia debet ire ad submonitionem camerarii cum eo ad negocia ecclesie facienda. Et si camerarius mercatus fuerit alicubi choria boum tanneta et sale opus habuerit, accipere debet de coquina monachorum quantum opus fuerit. |

[fo. 193" is in a different hand, and has entries concerning the rents due to the almoner (CMA ii. 327—8); a bull of Alexander III (Lyell, ^ qui MS

ADMINISTRATIVE

LISTS IN MS C

399

no. 21); the rents due to the precentor, the infirmarer, and the fabric of the house (CMA ii. 328-9). Then fos. 193'—194' in a further hand again has rents due to the hostillar (CMA ii. 329-30). The remainder of the first column of fo. 194° is blank, and the second column and fo. 194" are in later medieval hands (CMA ii. 330-4).]

INDEX

OF QUOTATIONS ALLUSIONS

Gen. 35: 29 Gen. 43: 30 Isa. 36 Ps. 120 (121): 7

Luke 1: 78 2: 1-3 Heb, 12: 6 Ta COre DIO Col. 3: 12 Vergil, Aen. i. 387-8

Juvenal, Sat. xiv. 139 Bede, Historia ecclesiastica, v. 18

AND

INDEX

To avoid providing many entries for undifferentiated personal names, a brief, generally formulaic, indication of each individual’s place in the History has been included. The word ‘witness’ following a personal name indicates that the individual appears in the History only as a witness to a document or transaction.

A. the cleric, witness 264—5 A. the scullery officer 362—3 Abbefeld (Oxon.) xxxii, 110-11, 160-1 Abingdon (Berks.): Abbey, see Abingdon Abbey Christ’s Hospital xviiin. hospital of St John ciii

lands at 324-5, 326-7, 389, 391, 392 market xxxiv, xxxix, lxvii, lxviii, Ixxxi-Ixxxii, xcii, xcviii, 230—1, 262—3, 266—7, 300-1, 308-11,

340-1 priests’ chapter at 178-9 rents from Ixxxvii, 252-3, 395, 398 St Nicholas, chaplain of 360—1 town xxviii, Ixxxi, 102-3, 106-7, 116—17, 118-19, 266—7, 272-3,

274-5

—

messuages in 272-3 men of 310-11 Abingdon Abbey

abbots, see Adelelm, abbot; /Ethelwold; Alfred, abbot; Ealdred, abbot; Faritius; Hugh, abbot; Ingulf; Ordric; Roger, abbot; Siward, abbot; Vincent, abbot; Walkelin, abbot; Wulfgar

altars Holy Trinity xlv

St Mary 46—7, 78-9, 92-3, 142-3, 180-1, 212-13, 236-7, 244-5,

282-9, 308-9, 328-9 SS Peter and Paul cii, 40-1 bells ciii, 340—1 Book of Commemorations xix buildings: abbot's chamber lxxxiv, cii, ciii, 146—7, 338-9, almonry 340-1, bake-house 340-1, brew-house 340-1, cellars cii, ciii, chapter house xlv, Ixxi, cii, 32-3, 338-9, (burial in 248-9, 330—1), cloister

xlv, cii, 338-9, dormitory xlv, cii, 338-9, granary 340-1, guest house 340-1, kitchen cii, 338-9, infirmary ciii, 344-5, parlour 338-9, prior's chamber 344-5, refectory 338-9, stable 340-1, treasury liv building work xl-xli, xliv, xlvii—xlviii, liii, lvi, Ixxix, ci-ciii, 30-7, 66—7,

74-7, 208-9, 332—3, 338-9, 399 cartularies xxvii-xxviii chapels: of St /Ethelwold ciii of St Michael ciii of St Swithun ciii chapter xlv, xlviii, liii, 180—1, 218—19,

236-7, 298-9 document chest xviii, xx, 50-1, 172-3 excavation (1922) ci foundation xxii judicial privileges xxii, xcvi-xcvii, 20-1, 28-9, 114—15, 130-1, 228-9,

254—5, 262—3, 298-9, 372-3; see also Hormer Martyrology xlvii mills 395; see also Benson; Boymill; Cuddesdon; Garford; Langford; Marcham; Watchfield; Wittenham monks, see /Elfric, monk; Benedict, monk; Godric, monk; Godwine, monk; Main'; Modbert; Pondius; Robert, monk; Sacol; St Helen, William of; Walter, monk obedientiaries xxxiii, xxxiv, xxxv, xl, xlvii, xlviii, li, lii, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi n., 80-1, 214-15, 252-3, 296—7 almonry Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, 296—7; almoner xlvii, Ixxxv, 80—1, 398 cellar lviii, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, 252—3,

296—7, 358-63, 366—7; cellarer xlvii, xlviii, Ixxxii, Ixxxv, 80-1,

INDEX

402

Abingdon Abbey, obedientiaries (cont.) 174-5, 216-17, 397; (see also Ralph, cellarer; William, cellarer); servant of 362-3 chamber lvi, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, 216-17,

252—3, 296—7, 398; chamberlain

liii, 368-9; see also Ralph, chamberlain; Roger, chamberlain; Walter, chamberlain; William, chamberlain of Abingdon hostillar 399 infirmary Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, 218-19, 246-7, 296-7, 318-19, 336-7; infirmarer 399; Geoffrey from the 362-3; Richard from the 362-3 kitchen Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, 216—17, 250-3,

296-7, 318-19, 338-9, 395-6;

abbot's 396; monks' liii; kitchener liii, Ixxxvi, 368-9, 398 lignary xlviii, Ixxxv; lignar xlviii, 368—9, 394 (four servants of

366-7) maundy Ixxxvi, 296-7 precentor Ixxxvn., 399; see also

William, cantor of Abingdon refectory Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, cii, 214-15, 216-17, 224-5, 252-3, 296—7, 336-7; servant of 362-3 sacristy xviii, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, 246-7, 286-7, 296-7, 397; sacrist xlviii, lviii, Ixxxvi, 68-9, 80-1, 246-7, 284-5, 286-7, 288-9, 296-7, 362-3, 368-9; see also Richard, sacrist; Robert, sacrist; Simon Crassus officials, see Abingdon Abbey, servants prior xlv, 368-9; see also /Flfric, prior, Nicholas, prior; Walter, prior; Warenger relics at xxxii, xxxiii, xlvii, lviii, civ, cvi, 66—71, 220-5, 282-3, 290-1,

346-7 scribes cvi servants: of alms 364—5, of brew-house 362-3, butler 368-9, cook, abbot’s 360-1, cooper 366-7, cowherd 366-7, fishermen 368-9, of garden 364-5, granary-keeper 368-9, guardian of the postern gate 366-7, heater of the oven 364-5, larderer 360-1, laundress 366—7, of laundry 364-5, master of works 368-9, millers 366—7, park-

keeper 368-9, stable-man 366-7, summoner 366-7, swineherd 366-7, usher 360-1, washerwoman 368-9, watchman 366-7, winnower 364-5 see also: A. the scullery officer; Adam the parmenter; Adam, servant; /Erward; Ainulf, Amus; Andrew de Scaccario; Atzo; Barton; Bo.; Edulf; Geoffrey, servant; Gerin; H.; Hanney, Walter of; Martin, servant of the abbey; Martin, servant of the bakehouse; Pain, servant; Randulf; Reginald Kiwel; Reginald, servant; Reinbald; Robert the cordwainer;

Robert the tailor; Roger, son of Pain; Saric the cook; Simon the carpenter; Thomas, son of Salomon; W. Pucin; W., servant of

the orchard; W. Sexi; William, cook; William the fair tithes belonging to xix, xxxi, xxxiii, xxxv, xliv, xlviii, li, lviii, Ixxii, Ixxiv, Ixxx, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, xcv, cii,

cvi, 35-9, 45-9, 78-81, 87-9, 92—3, 138-9, 207-13, 224-5,

244-7, 280-5, 294-5, 303-9, 361-3

tolls and customs duties Ixxiv, xcvii quittance from xxxii, Ixxxii, 2-5,

116—19, 130-1, 300-3, 342-3,

346-7, 350-1, 374-5 vacancies: 1097-1 100, xlv, xcii, 60-3 1117-1120, xxxiii, li, Ixxv, xci, 224-9 1164—5, lv 1185, xxvi, xl, lv, xxv, Ixxxiv, Ixxxvi,

358-71 warrens 302-3 Achilleus, St, relics 222-3 Ackhamstead (Oxon.) lxix, 140-1, 156-7, 162-3, 292-3 Adam de Beaunay, witness 342-3 Adam of Catmore, sheriff of Berkshire

Ixxv, 250-1, 280—1, 310-11, 320-1 Adam the parmenter, servant of abbey

364—5 Adam de Port, royal justice 170-1

Adam, servant of the abbey 362-3 Adelelm, abbot of Abingdon xxx, xxxi, xxxv, xl-xlii, xliv, lix, Ixx, Ixxvii, Ixxxiii, xcv, ci, cii, 18-19, 22-3,

403

INDEX

26-7, 32-5, 48-9, 78-9, 134-5, 172-3, 184-93, 330-1, 386 account of abbacy in History 2-17 death 16-17 list of knights sometimes attributed to xxvi, lxiii, 322—7 Adelelm of Burgate, holder of land given to Colne 88-9 Adelelm, lord of Kingston Bagpuize 42-3,

176-9 "Ediva (Eadgifu), tenant of Abingdon 397 /Filwin, man of Wallingford 288-9, 397 /Elfgar, land-holder at Abbefeld 110-11, : 160-1 /Elfric, archbishop of Canterbury 50-1 fElfric, archdeacon, witness 164—5 /Elfric, land-holder 397 /Flfric, monk of Abingdon 190-1, 202-3 /Elfric, prior of Abingdon lvii, 176—7 /Elfric, TRE land-holder 379, 381, 382 /Elfric, witness 200—1 FElfsige, reeve of Sutton Courtenay xci,

14-15 /Elfward the priest, TRE land-holder 381 /Elfwig, priest of Sutton 4-5, 36-41, 383 Siward, nephew of 40-1 fElfwine, Domesday tenant of Abingdon 381 /Elfwine, TRE land-holder 382 /Elmar the tall, holder of land given to Colne 86—7 /Elmar, TRE land-holder 385 /Ernulf, render of eels 396 /Erward, servant of the abbey 362-3 /Ethelred the Unready, king of England 68-9 /Ethelwold, St, abbot of Abingdon xxii, xxxix, xli, xliv, xlvi, xlviii, xlix n., l, cii, cvi, 32-3, 66—7, 222-3,

296—7, 328-9, 334-9, 370-1 relics civ Agatha, St, relics 222-3 Agnes, St, relics 222-3 Aicadrus, St, abbot of Jumiéges c Ainulf, servant of the abbey 368-9 Albert, house-holder at Windsor 164-5 Aldate, St 254-5

Aldham (Suff.) 86-7 Aldhelm, St xlvi, li, cvi, 66-7 relics civ, 66-7, 222-3 Aldwin, London land-holder 112-13 Alexander, bishop of Lincoln xcii, 232-3,

278-9

Alexander Blundel, render of eels 338-9 Alexander III, pope xxxix, Ixxiii, xcix,

398 Alexius, Byzantine emperor 68-9 Alfred, abbot of Abingdon lvi, 370—1 formerly prior of Rochester 370-1 death 370-1 Alfred the sheriff, witness 88-9 Alfred, TRE land-holder 384 Amand, St, relics 222-3 Ambrose, St: Concerning Duties cvii relics 222-3 Amus, cook of the household 362—3 Anastasia, St, relics 224—5 Andersey (Berks.) xlviii, Ixv, ciii, 72—5 Andrew de Scaccario, gate-keeper at Abingdon 358-9 Andrew, St cvi, 72-3 relics 220-1 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle li Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury xlvii, xlix, Ixvii, 70—1 Ansfrida, see Anskill Ansger, cleric of Lewknor 292-3 Ansger, tenant of Abingdon 389 Ansketel, Hugh the dispenser's reeve of Sparsholt 224—5 Ansketel, knight of Abingdon Ixxvii, Ixxxix, 198-203, 322-3 Robert, son of 198-201 Ansketel, squire of 118-19 Ansketel uicecomes, witness 236-7 Anskill, knight of Abingdon xliv, lxii, Ixiv, Ixvii, Ixxi, 20-3, 52-3, 182-7,

322-3, 381, 382, 384 Ansfrida, wife of xliii, lxii, Ixvii, 52-3, 180-1 Richard, her son with Henry I, xliii, 180-1 William of Seacourt, son of xliii, 1, lxii, 52—5, 152—3, 180-1, 226—7, 236—7, 386-8, 392 Robert, probably son of lx, lxiii, 320-1, 390; William, son of lxiii, 320-1, 367 n. Anthony, monk of Winchester 164—5 Anthony, St 68-9 relics 222-3 Apollinaris, St cvi Appleford (Berks.) lxxii, 28-9, 190-1,

234—5, 240-1, 266—7, 274-5,

INDEX

404 Appleford (Berks.) (cont.)

318-19, 348-9, 360-1, 380, 383, 387, 394, 395 fishery at 395 Pain of 318—19, 387, 394 Robert, son of 318-19 Appleton (Berks.) lxi Ardley (Oxon.) 99n. Aret the falconer 116—17, 120-1, 122-3, 140-1, 158-9, 186-7 Arezzo (Italy) xlvi, 64—5 Arfast, man of Henry d'Aubigny, witness 146—7 Arncott (Oxon.) 34—5, 194-5, 266—7 Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux, witness 302—3,

346-7

Ascelin, render of eels 338-9 Athelney, monastery of livn. Athens (Greece) 90—1 Atselin, Domesday tenant of Abingdon

383 brother of 118-19 Atzo the cook 386, 394 Augustine, St City of God cvi Treatise on the Gospel of John cvi commemoration of 106-7 relics 222-3 Augustine, witness 200—I Auxerre (Dépt. Yonne) 280-1 Aylesbury (Bucks.) 102-3 Bacsceat, wood (Berks.) 8-9, 192-3 Bagley (Berks.) 302-3, 374-5 Wood xci, 14-15, 166-7, 302-5, 374-5 Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury, witness 376-7 Baldwin the cleric, witness 236—7 Baldwin de Colombiéres, knight of Abingdon 323n., 324—5 Gilbert de lx, 211 n., 324—5, 384 Gilbert de, knight of Abingdon in 1166, 390 Michael de 388, 393 Baldwin, son of Gilbert, witness 342—3 Barbara, St, relics 224—5 Barford St Michael (Oxon.) 266—7, 385 Bartholomew, St, relics 220-1 Barton (Berks.) lix n., Ixxxi, Ixxxiii,

202—3, 266—7, 274—5, 292-3, 360—7, 379, 381, 386, 391, 392,

394, 395, 398

fishery Ixxxii

servant of 368-9 tithe cii Basset family xxxiii Pain 124-5

Ralph xxix, li, Ixviii, lxix, Ixxvii, Ixxxvi, xcviii, 78-9, 94-5,

96-7, 98-9,

1IO-II, 154—5, 170-1, 188-9,

226-7, 232-3, 246-53, 266-7

Gilbert, probably brother of 110-11, 212-13; Robert, son of 212-13 Thurstan, son of 204—5, 250-1; Richard, son of lxv, xciii, 248—51,

350-1 Richard, witness 232-3 William, abbot of Holme

xxix

Bath, bishops of, see Godfrey, bishop of Bath; Reginald, bishop; Robert,

bishop of Bath Bathild, St cvi relics 222-3 Battle Abbey c

Bayeux (Dépt. Calvados) xlii bishops of, see Odo, bishop; Philip John de, chaplain of Henry I, 88-9, 112-13, 114-15, 230-1 Ranulf de, witness 28-9 Bayworth (Berks.) Ixii, 52—5, 89n., 180-1, 322-3, 386 Beauchamp Roding (Essex) 86—7 Beckley (Oxon.) xcix, 30-1, 134—5 Bede, feast of 67 n. Ecclesiastical History 66—7 Homilies cvi Bedfordshire Ixxi, 398 Beedon (Berks.) lx, xcviii, xcix, 30—1,

134-5, 188-9, 266—7, 324—5, 379, 382, 389, 391 Bomund of 320-1; see also Bohemond of Ledis Belchamp Walter (Essex) 86—7 church 88-9 Beliardis, wife of Sturnell, donor to Abingdon 286-9 son of 288-9 Benedict, monk of Abingdon lvii, 88-9 Benedict, servant of earl of Chester 105—7 Benedict, St:

Rule of 268-9, 274—5 relics 222-3 Benedict, witness 200—1 Benham (prob. Hoe Benham) (Berks.) xxix n., xxxix, xcvili, 156-61, 212-13,

266-7, 379,

382, 389

405

INDEX tithe 212-13 Hugh, son of Wigar of 212-13 wife 212-13 Benson (Oxon.) Ixxxvi mill xxixn., 316—17 Bentley, Great (Essex) 86—7 church 88-9 Berard, cardinal deacon of the Roman church, witness 270—1

Berenger, witness 82—3 Berkshire, abbey's Domesday holdings in Ixxiv county court 4—5, 36—7, 96—7, 132-3, ' 194-5, 226—7, 240-1, 308-15 downs lxxv, Ixxxvi geld 226—7 sheriff of 314—15; see also Adam of Catmore; Buckland, Hugh of;

Richard de Camville Bermondsey Priory lv Bernard, cardinal priest of the title of S.

Clemente, witness 270—1, 276—7 Bernard the cleric, witness 74—5 Berner, knight of Abingdon lxi, 26—9, 44—5, 88-9, 202-3, 226—7, 228-9,

236-7, 292-3, 322-3, 379, 381, 382 Hugh, son of xxv, lx, lxi, 236—7, 280-1,

292—3, 386, 387, 389, 391, 393 Bertin, St, relics 222-3 Bermine, tenant of Abingdon 395 Bessels Leigh (Berks.) Ix, xcviii, 168-9, 186—7, 199 n., 322-3, 380, 382 chapel 397 William of Ix, 316-21, 390 see also Bohemond of Ledis

Betterton (Berks.) 398 Bicester (Oxon.) 212-13 Biggleswade hundred (Beds.) 148-9 Birinus, St, relics civn., 222-3 Blaccheman, holder of land given to Colne 86-7 Blaccheman, priest and 7RE land-holder

383, 384 Blagrove (Berks.) 202-3, 292-3, 322-3 Bletsoe (Beds.) 148 n. Bloxham hundred (Oxon.) 386 Bo. the monks’ cook 360-1 Boars Hill (Berks.) Ixxix, 282-3, 397

Boddington (Glos.) 49n. Boddington (Northants.) 49 n. Bohemond of Ledis/ Leges, knight of Abingdon lx, 320 n., 390 Bolney (Oxon.) 206 n.

Boniface, St, relics 222-3 Boso, scriptor of Eugenius III, 278-9 Botley (Berks.) Ixii, 20-1 miller of 22-3 watercourse 20—1 fElfric of xixn., 216-17 /Filwin, son of 216-17 Boxford (Berks.) lxi, 178-9, 210-11,

274-5, 322—3, 381, 389 church 178-9, 210—11 Boymill (Oxon.) xviii, Ixxxii, 154—7 Bradendena (unident.) 212—13 tithe 212-13 Bradley (Berks.) 188-91, 324-5, 389, 393 Brailes (Warws.) 202-3 Brampton (Hunts.) 136-7 Brian fitzCount, lord of Wallingford

158-9, 162-3 Matilda, wife of 158-9 162-3 Brictwin, TRE land-holder 379, 381 Brighthampton (Oxon.) 154 n. Brigid, St, relics 224—5 Brill (Berks.) 4—5, 132-3, 138-9 Broad Dean, North Stoke (Oxon.) 212 n. Bruney Mead (Berks.) 364—5 Buckinghamshire lxxi, 144—5, 154—5 Buckland (Berks.) lxxi, 266—7, 324—5,

385, 388, 391 Hugh of, sheriff of Berkshire etc. and tenant of Abingdon xxix, xlviii, Ixx, Ixxi, xciv, xcviii, 62—3, 74—5, 76—7, 82—3, 88-9, 96—7, 112-13, 116—17,

120-33, 136-9, 144—5, 148-9, 154—5, 158-9, 166-9, 172-3, 188-9, 192-3, 208-9, 324-5, 334-5, 380 William, son of 116-17, 226-7, 393 Hugh of, knight of Abingdon in 1166 390 Bulehea (unident.), tithe of 206-7 Bullingdon hundred (Oxon.) 385 Bullock’s Eye (Berks.) 208-9 Bullock's Eye, Wulfwig 63 n., 192—3, 382 Bures (Essex) 90—1 tithe go—1 Richard of go—1 Burton, abbot of, see Nigel, abbot Bury St Edmunds, abbey of lix n., Ixxxi Buscot (Berks.) 99n. Byzantium cvi

Caen, Abbey of St Étienne 48-9 abbey of La Trinité xliin. Cainhoe (Beds.) 148-9

INDEX

406

Cambridge 124-5 Canterbury (Kent) archbishopric of xlix, Ixvii archbishops of, see /Elfric, archbishop; Anselm; Baldwin, archbishop; Lanfranc; Oda; Ralph, archbishop; Theobald, archbishop lands of Christchurch lxxv St Augustine's lviii Cartae baronum. xvii n., xxv, xxvi, lviii, lxi, Ixii, Ixiii, Ixv, Ixxii, 389-91 *Cassian', On the Psalter cvi Castle Camps (Cambs.), church of 88-9 Castle Hedingham (Essex) 86—7 mills 86—7 Cecilia, St, relics 222-3 Cencius, cardinal priest of the title of S. Lorenzo in Lucina, witness 276—7 Cenwulf, king of Mercians xciin. Cerney, South (Glos.) 266—7, 274—5 Chad, St cvi relics 222-3 Chaddleworth (Berks.) xxiv n., xxix, lxv, Ixxvii, Ixxxvi, xciii, 248-53, 266—7,

350-1, 379, 391, 392, 398 Chalgrave (Beds.) 204n. Chalgrove (Oxon.) 204n., 316n. Charlton hundred (Berks.) 380, 383 Charlton-on-Otmoor (Oxon.) 106n. Charney Basset (Berks.) Ixxxiii, 192-3,

252-3, 266-7, 274-5, 380, 384, 388, 394, 395 dairy renders 338-9 Chertsey, abbey of liii, lvii abbot of, see Hugh, abbot of Chertsey Chester, bishopric lvi, 274—5 bishop of, see Hugh, bishop of Chester Chester, earls of Hugh, earl of Ixviii, Ixxix, 24—5, 26—7, 98 n., 160—1, 381 Ermentrude, wife of 24—5, 26—7, 102-3 Richard, son of, earl xviii, 100-3, 104—5, 106—7, 160-1 Otuer, illegitimate son of 112—13, 152-3 Engenulf and William, nephews of

24-5 Ranulf Meschin 88-9, 114-15 Chesterton (Warws.) xviii, xxvii, Ixxxix, 10-13, 26—7, 198-203, 266-7, 274-5, 322-3 tithe 200-1, 216-17

Chieveley (Berks.) Ixxxvi, 44-5, 122-3, 176-7, 189n., 190-1, 216-17,

266-7, 274-5, 294-5, 326 n., 379, 381, 389, 391, 392, 395, 398

church 44-5, 176-7 priest of 176—7 Chilton (Berks.) 206—7, 266—7, 294—5,

322-3, 380, 383, 388 tithe 206-7, 294-5 Christ, relics of 220-1 Christopher, St, relics 222-3 Chrysostom, St John cvi

Concerning the Redemption of the Fall

cvil On the Letters of Paul cvi relics 68-9, 222-3 Chute (Wilts.) 138-9 Cinthius, cardinal deacon of SS. Sergio e Bacco, witness 270-1 Circourt (Berks.) 8n., 325 n. Clement the deacon, witness 320-1 cnu*t, king of England liii, 4n., 223 n. Colemann, Oxford land-holder 218-19 Colnbrook (Bucks.) xxixn., 142-3, 162-3,

268-9, 351 n., 398

Egelward of Ixxxvi, 142-3, 156—7, 162—3, 216-17 Nigel of 350—1 Colne (Essex) xviii n., xxi, xxii, xxvii, lxi, 84-91 church of St Andrew 86—7 priory Ixxvii, Ixxxii, 84-91, 266—7,

274-5, 374-5

Anchetill, prior of 370—1 cartulary xxvii, xxviii tithe 9o-r Colum Cille, St, relics 222-3 Columbanus, St, relics 222-3 Conrad, bishop of Sabina, witness 270—1 Constantinople 68-9 Corentin, St, relics 222-3 Cornbury (Oxon.) 80-1, 84-5, 110-11, 120-1, 136-7, 154-5, 166-7 Cosmas, St, relics 222-3 Cotes (Northants.) 148 n. Cothes, Ralph, prior of, witness 148-9 Robert of, witness 148—9 Cowmead (Oxon.) 8o-1 Cranborne Priory lxix n. Croc the huntsman 36-7, 122-3, 138-9 Cuddesdon (Oxon.) 252-3, 266—7, 272-5,

362-3, 385, 395, 397 church 214-15

407

INDEX mill 172-3 reeveship of 252-3 Culham (Oxon.) xxn., lxi, xcii, xcv, xcviii, 14 n., 28-9, 78-9, 170-3,

266—7, 272-5, 314-15, 364—7, 395, 398

fishery 395 privileges xcvi, xcix render of eels 338-9 Thorkell of 396 Cumnor (Berks.) lxi, Ixxxiii, 8-9, 98n., 166—7, 210—11, 266—7, 272—5,

302—3, 322—3, 338 n., 374-5, 379, : 380, 381, 388, 391, 392, 394, 395

church Ixxx, 397 tithe cii Wood xci, 14-15, 166—7, 302—5,

374-5 Adelwin Quirc of 396 Curzun family 45 n. Giralmus de xcv, 282-5 Cuthbert, St, relics 222-3 Cyprian, Letters cvii Cyricus, St lin. relics 222-3 Damian, St, relics 222-3 Danes rumoured invasion in time of William I Ixvi, 16-17 time of the xlix, 48-9 David, brother of Matilda wife of Henry I, witness 154-5, 166-7 De abbatibus xxi-xxiii, xxxviii, xl-xlii, xliv-lviii, Ixv, Ixx, Ixxx, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, ci-civ, cvi Demiblanc, holder of land given to Colne 88-9 Denchworth (Berks.) 8-9, 266—7, 325 n., 388 Warin of 393 Denis, St, relics 222-3 Denton (Oxon.) 322-3 Deormann, Oxford land-holder 216—17 Deormann the priest, possibly the same as Deormann, Oxford land-holder 218—19 dispensers: Simon, the king's xx, xliii, lxi, Lxiii, Ixxii, Ixxiii, 54—5, 234—9 daughter lxxiii, 238-9; Walter, son of Hingam, husband of lxxii, xxiii,

238-9

Thurstan, son of lxxii, Ixxiii, 238-45, 306—7, 308-9, 390; Amauri, Thurstan, Walter, sons of Ixxiii; Hugh, son of lxxii Thurstan, the king's lxii, lxxi, Ixxiii, 52-3, 182-3, 186-7 Hugh, son of xliii n., lxii, Ixvii, Ixxi, Ixxili, 52-3, 132-3, 182—7, 224-5, 388; Helewise, wife of xliiin., Ixxiii, 224-5 Robert father of lxxi n., Ixxiii

Thurstan, grandfather of Ixxiti Dodepoliso, wood (Essex) 86—7 Domesday Book xxi, xxiii, xxiv, xxvi, xli n., lix, Ixi-Ixv, Ixxiv, Ixxv, Ixxvii, Ixxxi-Ixxxiv, 170—1, 378-9 Dover (Kent) 54-5 Dovercourt (Essex) 86—7 mill, granges, and church 86-7 Draycott Moor (Berks.) 192-3, 246—7,

324-5, 380, 383, 397 Drayton (Berks.) Ixxxvi, 15 n., 198-9,

202-3, 266-7, 272-3, 274-5, 284-5, 297 n., 360-1, 366-7, 387

Droard, witness 28-9 Drogo des Andelys, donor to Abingdon Ixix, 98-105, 110n., 160-1 daughter of 100-1 Roger son of Ralph, son-in-law of 100-3 Drogo, tenant of Abingdon 210-11 Drogo the huntsman, witness 122-3,

154-5, 166-7 Drogo de Moncei, witness 158-9 Droitwich (Worc.) 130-1 bailiffs of 348-9 Duhel de Brielval, witness 158-9 Dumbleton (Glos.) xxxii, xliii, Ixvi, Ixxxviii, Ixxxix, xciv, 50-3, 148-55,

162—3, 266—7, 268-9, 274-5, 356—7 men of 398 tithe cvi, 216—17 Dunstan, St 328-9 Durham, bishops of, see Hugh, bishop of Durham; Ranulf Flambard Eadburh, St, relics 224—5 Eadgifu see /Ediva Eadmer, Canterbury writer xlix, li Historia nouorum xxviii Eadnoth the staller 24—5, 381 Eadric, man of Drogo des Andelys 100-1 Eadric, tenant of Abingdon 387

INDEX

408 Eadric, TRE land-holder 384 Eadwig, king of England 4n., 198n. Eadwig, a reeve 60-1 Eadwine, holder of land given to Colne 86-7

Eadwine the mint worker, land of 218-19 brother of 218-19 Eadwine, priest of Cholsey, geld collector 226-7 Samuel, son of 226-7

Eadwine the priest, TRE land-holder 382 Eadwulf, abbot of Malmesbury xlix Ealdred, abbot of Abingdon 2-3, 6n. Ealdred, man of abbey of Abingdon 212-13 Ealdwine the miller, holder of land given to Colne 86-7 Eaton (Berks.) 210-11 tithe 210-11 Osmund, man of 210-11 Edgar, king of England 70-1, 198n. Edmund, St, king and martyr, relics

222-3 Edulf, servant of the abbey 368-9 Edward the Confessor, king of England xxii, Ixvii, 2-3, 4-5, 20-1, 130-1, 230-1, 232-3, 260-1, 384 time of xxiii, xxiv, 20—I, 24—5, 36-7, 60-1, 68-9, 168-9, 378-9, 380-6 Edward, St, king and martyr xli relics 222-3 Edwardstone (Suff.) 92-3 church xxviin., 92-5, 226-7 Egelward of Sutton, see Colnbrook Eldel’, tenant of Abingdon 389 Ely, abbot of, see Theodwine bishop of, see Hervey; William de Longchamp Engelard, chamberlain of the bishop of Winchester 389 Engerard, witness 24—5 Ermenold, burgess of Oxford xciii, 204-7, 258-9, 272-3 wife 206-7 William, son of 206-7 Essex Ixxi, 84-9 Estona, land in 389 Eudo the steward, witness 4-5, 20-1, 84-5, 110-11, 130-1, 136-7, 138-9, 140-1, 156-7, 166—7, 186-7 Eugenius III, pope xviii n., xxix, xxxiv,

xxxvii, Ixxiii, Ixxix, Ixxxvi, xcii,

264—79

Eusebius, St, relics 222-3 Eustace, count of Boulogne 90—1 Eustace de Breteuil, witness 138-9 Eustace, St, relics 222-3 Everard the archdeacon, witness 94-5 Evesham Abbey liv, 279n., 298-9 abbot of, see Robert, abbot Eynsham Abbey 1542. Fabian, St, relics 222-3

Faith, St 70-1 Faritius, abbot of Abingdon xviii n., xix, xx n., xxi n., Xxii n., Xxili-xxv, xxviiin.,XXX-XXXV, XXXVII-XXXIX, xlvi-li, lvi-lxii, Ixv-lvii, lxix, Ixxi-lxxii, Ixxvii, Ixxx, Ixxxii-I1xxxiii, Ixxxv-lIxxxvil, Ixxxix-xcii, xciv, xcvii-xcvili, c—cii, civ, cvi, 42-5 52-3, 226-7,

234—5, 258-9, 292-3, 332-9, 378 cellarer of Malmesbury xlv, xlvi physician xlvi, li, Ixix, 64—5, 140-1, 142-3 account of abbacy in History 65-225 as possible archbishop of Canterbury xlix-li, Ixvii, 70-1 death 224-5 possible cult | Life of St Aldhelm xlvi, li Farnborough (Berks.) Ixxxiii, 196-9, 266-7, 274-5,

310-11,

380, 383,

388, 394

Fawler (Berks.), see Sparsholt Fécamp, abbot of, see Roger, abbot of Fécamp Fencott (Oxon.) lxxxvi, 106-9, 162-3,

216—17, 266—7, 356—9, 386, 398 Fernham (Berks.) xxxii, 124—5 Fernold, tenant of Abingdon 387, 393 Firmin, St, relics 222-3 FitzHarris, Abingdon 203 n. Framptons (Berks.) 47n. Frilford (Berks.) lxiii, lxiv, Ixv, 56-7, 192 n., 322-3, 380, 382, 387 Froger the sheriff 172-3 Fulchered, abbot of Shrewsbury xlix Fulk, brother of the abbot 389 Gamel, miller 172—3 Ganfield hundred (Berks.) 380, 384

409

INDEX Garford (Berks.) lxi, Ixxii, 322-3, 360-1,

364-5, 380, 382, 387 mill and dairy farm 234—5 Garsington (Oxon.) xliv, lxv, lxxii, xc,

48-9, 132-3, 190-3, 236-7, 258-9, 266-7, 322-5, 385, 388 Walter of 324-5 Gaugeric, St, relics 222-3 Genevieve, St, relics 224—5 Geoffrey, chancellor of Henry I, witness

232—3, 254-5 Geoffrey, chaplain of Richard earl of Chester, witness 102—3 Geoffrey of Clinton, witness xxi n., 96—7,

232-3 Geoffrey the constable, witness 28-9 Geoffrey de Dives, witness 88-9 Geoffrey de Mandeville, earl of Essex,

witness 260-1 Geoffrey de Mandeville (prob. of Marshwood) 108-9, 126—7, 170-1 Geoffrey the mason, house-holder 202—3 Geoffrey de Mauquenchy, donor to Abingdon lxix, 180-3 Ermentrude, wife of 180—3 Gerard, son of Ixix, 182-3

Robert, son of 182-3 William, son of 182-3 Geoffrey, nephew of 182-3 William, nephew of 182-3 Geoffrey Pecche, witness 80-1, 102-3 Geoffrey the physician, witness 150-1 Geoffrey, prior of Winchester 164—5 Geoffrey Ridel, royal justice 150-1, 166-7, 170-1 Geoffrey de Ruelent, witness 88-9 Geoffrey of Sandford, tenant of Abingdon

326-7 Geoffrey, servant of the abbey 364—5 Geoffrey, son of Hamo, witness 44-5, 88-9 Geoffrey, son of Herbert, royal justice

170-1 Geoffrey, son of Matilda, Oxford landholder 296—7

Geoffrey, son of Odelina, donor to Colne 90-1; see also Robert, son of Odelina Geoffrey, son of Pain, witness 94—5, 108-9, 124—5, 152-3 Geoffrey, son of Roger the priest, witness

50-1

Geoffrey, son of William, knight of Abingdon 390 Geoffrey, steward of William de Courcy

78-9 Geoffrey Trenchebisa, clerk of Abbot Ingulf 264-5 George, St, relics 222-3 Gerard, cardinal priest of the title of S. Stefano in Monte Celio, witness 276-7 Gerard, reeve of Uffington, witness

210-11 Gerard Rufus, occupant of house given to Abingdon 288-9 Gerin, servant of the abbey 362-3 Germanus, St, relics 222-3 Gilbert de l'Aigle, witness 112-13 Gilbert de Bretteville, tenant of Abingdon 36-7, 211 n., 225 n., 384 Robert de 210-11, 224-5 Gilbert the chaplain, witness 88—9 Gilbert, chaplain of Henry d'Aubigny 146—7 Gilbert, cleric of Oxford 256—7 Gilbert Crispin, abbot of Westminster 82-3 Gilbert, Domesday tenant(s) of Abingdon

lxii, 324—5, 381, 383, 384, 385 Gilbert de Gant, donor to Abingdon 18-19 Gilbert Latimer, knight of Abingdon xliv, Ixv, xc, 48-9, 258-9, 385 daughters of xc, 48-9 Agnes, daughter of 258-9 William of Botendon, husband of

48-9, 258-9 Adeliza, daughter of 258-9; Robert, husband of 258-9; Hugh, son of 258-9 Picot, son-in-law of 48—9, 393n. Ralph Percehat, son-in-law of 48-9; see also Percehai Gilbert Marshal, knight of Abingdon Ix,

324-5 Gilbert Pipard, steward of Miles Crispin 142-3, 160-1 Gilbert, son of John, knight of Abingdon

390 Gilbert, son of Richard, witness 132-3 Gilbert, steward of Robert, son of Hamo 140—I, 156-7

Giles, St, relics 222-3 Ginge (Berks.) 266-7, 380, 385, 388

INDEX

410 Gisors (Dépt. Eure) 376-7 Glastonbury Abbey Ixxv Gloucester Walter of, constable and sheriff of

Gloucestershire 96—7, 150-1,

154-5, 164-5, 170-1

Miles, son of 116—17, 232-3 William of, master 236—7 see also William, abbot of Gloucester Gloucestershire Ixxiv, lxxv, 150—1, 154—5 sheriff of (identity uncertain) 350—1; see also Gloucester, Walter of; Roger de Pitres Goda, holder of land given to Colne 86-7 Godard de Boiavilla, witness 24-5 Godfrey, abbot of Malmesbury xliin. Godfrey, bishop of Bath livn. Godfrey, bishop of St Asaph lv, Ixviiin.,

250n., 354-5, 389

Godfrey, Domesday tenant of Abingdon 381 Godfrey the priest, witness 82-3 Godric of Celvesgrave, tenant of Abingdon 204-5 Egilwin, son of 204-5 Godric of Eockaford, render of eels 396 Godric the interpreter, witness 26—7 Godric, monk of Abingdon 4-5, 24-5 Godric, writ addressee 128-9 Godstow Abbey liin., lvn., 155 n. Godwine, land-holder near Oxford 258-9 Godwine, monk of Abingdon lvii, 88-9 Goosey (Berks.) Ixxxiv, 8n., 266—7,

274-5, 364—5, 380, 382, 388, 391 dairy renders 338-9 Peter of 326-7 Reginald of 391, 393 Gratiana, St, relics 224-5 Gregory, cardinal deacon of S. Angelo, witness 278-9 Gregory, cardinal priest of the title of Callisto, witness 270-1, 276-7 Gregory, St: Commentary on the Psalter cvii Homilies cvii Homilies on Ezekiel cvii relics 222-3 Greston hundred (Glos.) 150-1, 386 Grimbald the physician 74-7, 94-5, 104-5, 112-13, 118-19, 120-1, 128-9, 136-7, 148-9, 184-5 Grimmund, abbot of Winchcombe,

witness

152-5

Grove (Oxon.) 63n. tithe Ixxxvi, 244-5 Osmund of 284-5 Gueres de Palences, knight of Abingdon

322-3 Guthlac, St, relics 222-3 Guy, cardinal deacon and chancellor of the Holy Roman church, witness

270-1 Guy, cardinal deacon of S. Maria in Portico, witness 278-9 Guy, cardinal priest of the title of S. Grisogono, witness 270-1 Guy, cardinal priest of the title of S. Lorenzo in Damaso, witness

270-1 Guy de Clermont, witness

158-9

H., servant of the abbey 362-3 Hadrian IV, pope 256n. Halawin, witness 200-1 Hamo of Lamara, witness 88-9 Hamo, steward of Henry I, witness 88-9, 98-9, 140-1, 148-9, 156-7, 166—7,

186-7 Hampshire, sheriff of (identity uncertain) 350-1 Hamstead Marshal (Berks.) 279 n. Hanney (Berks.) lxiii, lxiv, Ixxi, Ixxxiv, xciv, 56-7, 63 n., 190-3, 208-9, 272-3, 279n., 326-7, 380, 382,

387, 391 franklin of 398 tithe 208-9, 280-1, 397 Osbern of 192-3, 208-9, 387, 393 Osbert of 387, 393 Walter of, servant of the abbey 368-9 Hanwell (Oxon.) 274-5 Harding the priest, house-holder in Oxford 174-5 Hardwell (Berks.) 324-5 tithe 398 Roger of, man of abbey of Abingdon 226-7 Hardwick (Oxon.) 99n. Harold, king of England 384 Harrowdown Hill (Oxon.), renders from

338-9 fElfric of 396 Hascoit Musard, Domesday tenant of

Abingdon r98n., 246 n. Haskill, render of eels 396 Hastings (Sussex), battle of lix, 6—7

INDEX Hedewlfus/ Hydwlfus, tenant of Abingdon

388, 393 Hegesippus (Historia Iosephi de bello ludaico) cvii

Heldebrand, brother of Raimbald, witness 24-5 Helenstow (Berks.) lxv, 202-3 Helias, man connected with Dumbleton

356-7 Helias the cleric, witness 320-1 Hendred, East (Berks.) lxv, 46—9, 294-5,

322-3, 388

Hennor mill (Berks.) Ixxi, xciv, 14—15,

96—7, 160—1, 216—17, 266—7;

Historia Ecclesie Abbendonensis: The History of the Church of Abingdon 9780198207429 [PDF] - VDOC.TIPS (2024)

References